COMPARATIVE SYNTAX OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN BANTU LANGUAGES: DERIVED VERBS AND TRANSITIVITY IN THE BANTU LANGUAGES
Jacobus A du Plessis Dept of African Languages Stellenbosch University Stellenbosch 7600 South Africa
Key words: Bantu verbal affixes, causative alternation, locative, Tshivenda, Sesotho, IsiXhosa, Xitsonga
Abstract
There are thirteen derivational affixes in these languages of which only the reflexive is a prefix of a verb. Many of these affixes have no syntactic influence on the
structure of clauses but they are only semantic changing affixes. Only those affixes which have some influence on the syntactic structure of sentences have been given some attention.
The syntactic structures in which these derived verbs appear are related to the structures which are developing within the Minimalist program. Within these
structures a new syntactic category has been added for each verbal affix. Thus, for instance with the applicative affix [-el-] a syntactic category “app” has been added as head of a category “applicative phrase” (APP). With each verbal affix such a
category appears with various other syntactic categories as complement, or such complements may appear in other positions within the structure as for instance in the passive construction. All these constructions have also been semantically
interpreted.
Secial attention is also focused on causative alternation or causation where a category “cause” has been postulated as a possible solution to this alternation. The locative alternation as well as the locative category and verb classes with locatives has been examined with regard to transitivity. It has been found that Topicalization from Information structure is deemed to be necessary.
Lastly, the verbal affixes may appear in combination with each other and two such combinations for these affixes have been examined. In each case the two affixes retain their specific categories, structures, complements and semantic interpretation.
Contents
1. Derivational verbal affixes...6
2. Causation...10
2.1 Summary of causation predicates...11
2.2 Structure of causation sentences...12
2.3 Causation in Xitsonga...16
2.4 Causation in Sesotho...25
2.5 Causation in Tshivenda...30
2.6 Causation in IsiXhosa...34
2.7 Causative suffix [-is], [-y-]...41
2.7.1 With intransitive verbs...42
2.7.2 With transitive verbs...47
2.7.3 With ditransitive verbs...50
2.7.4 Causative interrogative...57
3. Locatives ...57
3.1 Locative nouns...57
3.1.1 Locative nouns with suffixes and prefixes...57
3.1.2 Locative class nouns...59
3.1.3 Place names...60
3.2 Locative prepositions...60
3.2.1 Locative preposition from a locative noun...60
3.2.2 Possessive locative phrase...63
3.3 Locative nominal modifiers...63
3.3.1 Demonstratives...64
3.3.2 Absolute pronoun...66
3.3.3 Quantifier...66
3.3.5 Possessive...67
3.4 Distribution of locative phrases...67
3.4.1 Subject...68 3.4.2 Object...68 3.4.3 Complement of a preposition...69 3.4.3.1 Instrument...69 3.4.3.2 Associative...69 3.4.3.3 Possessive...70
3.5 Internal arguments of verbs...70
3.5.1 Copulative verbs...70 3.5.2 Verbs of existence...71 3.5.3 Verbs of motion...71 3.5.4 Verbs of putting...72 3.5.5 Verbs of removing...73 3.5.6 Experiencer verbs...78 3.5.7 Creation verbs...81 3.6 Locative alternation...83 3.6.1 Transitive verbs...83 3.6.1.1 Verbs of putting...83 3.6.1.2 Verbs of removing...86 3.6.2 Intransitive verbs...87 3.6.2.1 Verbs of existence...87 3.6.2.2 Verbs of motion...89 4. Applicative...90
4.1 The applied object is a DP...90
4.2 The applicative with an Infinitive clause...96
5. Reflexive...115
5.1 With transitive verbs...116
5.2 With ditransitive verbs...120
5.3 With the applicative verb...121
5.4 With causative verbs...123
6. Reciprocal...124 7. Passive...128 7.1 Intransitive verbs...128 7.2 Transitive verbs...129 7.3 Ditransitive verbs...131 8. Neuter-passive...132 8.1 Intransitive verbs...132 8.2 Transitive verb...133 8.3 Ditransitive verbs...133
9. Derivational verbs with two verbal suffixes ...134
9.1 Applicative and causative suffixes...134
9.1.1 Causative and applicative...134
9.1.2 Applicative and causative...137
9.2 Reciprocal and causative suffixess...138
9.2.1 Causative and reciprocal...138
9.2.2 Reciprocal and causative...139
9.3 Applicative and reciprocal suffixes...140
9.3.1 Applicative and reciprocal...140
9.3.2 Reciprocal and applicative...141
9.4 Applicative and passive/neuter affixes...141
9.4.1 Applicative and neuter...142
9.4.3 Neuter and applicative...144
9.4.4 Passive and applicative...145
9.5 Causative and passive/neuter affixes...145
9.5.1 Causative and neuter...145
9.5.2 Causative and passive...145
9.5.3 Neuter and causative...147
9.5.4 Passive and causative...147
9.6 Reciprocal and passive/neuter affixes...147
9.6.1 Reciprocal and neuter...147
9.6.2 Neuter and reciprocal...148
9.6.3 Reciprocal and passive...148
9.6.4 Passive and reciprocal...148
9.7 Two applicative affixes...149
9.8 Two causative affixes...151
Bibliography...151
There are thirteen derivational verbal affixes of which seven affixes have some influence on the syntactic structure of sentences while six suffixes merely add to the meaning of the verb. The seven structure changing affixes are the following and they will be discussed in some detail: applicative, causative, reflexive, reciprocal, neuter, passive and completive. The other six affixes are semantic changing affixes: reversive, associative, extensive, iterative, continuative and intensive.
The issues of the causative and locative alternation will also be given attention as they reflect on transitivity. Lastly the combination of two verbal affixes on a verb will be dealt with.
1. DERIVATIONAL VERBAL AFFIXES 1.1 APPLICATIVE
IsiXhosa: -buy-el-a inkosi Xitsonga: -vuy-el-a hosi Tshivenda: -hum-el-a khosi Sesotho: -kgutl-el-a morena
(-return-appl-fv chief: return for the chief) 1.2 CAUSATIVE
IsiXhosa: [-is-]: -buy-is-a imali
(-return-caus-fv money: -return the money) Fossilized: [-Y-]: [-l-Y--z-]:
-khumbul-a abantwana (-remember-fv children) -khumbuz-a abantwana
(-remember-caus-fv children: -remind the children) [-Y-]: [-k-Y--s-]:
-godu-k-a (-go.home-k-fv) -godu-s-a abantwana
-go.home-caus-fv children: -bring home the children) Xitsonga: [-is-]: -tsak-is-a vana
(-be.happy-caus-fv children: make happy the children) [-t-]: -rival-a vana
(-forget-fv children) -riva-t-a vana
(forget-caus-fv children: cause to forget the children) Tshivenda: [-is]: -hum-is-a vhana
(-return-caus-fv children: let the children return) [-y-]: -ṱangan-y-a vhathu
Fossilized: [-Y-]: [-l-Y--dz-]
-takal-a (-be.happy-fv) -taka-dz-a vhana
(-be happy-caus-fv children: make the children happy) [-Y-]: [-w-Y--s-]:
-vu-w-a (be.awake-fv) -vu-s-a vhana
(be.awake-caus-fv children: wake the children) Sesotho: [-is-]: -thab-is-a bana
(-be.happy-caus-fv children: make the children happy) [-y-]: -ken-y-a bana
(-enter-caus-fv children: let the children enter) Fossilized: [-Y-]: [-l-Y--ts-]:
-makal-a (be surprised-fv) -maka-ts-a bana
(-be.surprised-caus-fv children: surprise the children) [-Y-]: [-h-Y--s-]:
-oroh-a (return.home fv) -oro-s-a dikgomo
(-return.home-caus-fv cattle: -take home the cattle) 1.3 REFLEXIVE
IsiXhosa: [-zi-]
Abantwana ba-ya-zi-bon-a abantwana
(Childen AgrS-pres-refl-see-fv children: the children see themselves) Xitsonga: [-ti-]
Vana v-a-ti-von-a vana
(Children AgrS-pres-refl-see-fv children: the children see themselves) Tshivenda: [-ḓi-]
Vhana vha-a-ḓi-vhon-a vhana
(Children AgrS-pres-refl-see-fv children: the children see themselves) Sesotho: [-iN-]
Bana ba-a-i-pon-a bana
(Children AgrS-pres-refl-see-fv children: the children see themselves) 1.4 RECIPROCAL
IsiXhosa: Abantwana ba-ya-bon-an-a abantwana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-recipr-fv children: the children see each other)
Xitsonga: Vana v-a-von-an-a vana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-recipr-fv children: the children see each other)
Tshivenda: Vhana vha-a-vhon-an-a vbana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-recipr-fv children: the children see each other)
Sesotho: Bana ba-a-bon-an-a bana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-recipr-fv children: the children see each other)
1.5 NEUTER
IsiXhosa: [-ek-]:
Abantwana ba-ya-thand-ek-a abantwana
(Children AgrS-pres-love-neut-fv children: the children are loveable) [-akal-]:
Abantwana ba-ya-v-akal-a abantwana
(Children AgrS-pres-hear-neut-fv children: the children are heard) Xitsonga: [-ek-]:
Vana v-a-lav-ek-a vana
(Children AgrS-pres-love-neut-fv children: the children are loveable) [-akal-]:
Vana v-a-tw-akal-a vana
(Children AgrS-pres-hear-neut-fv children: the children are heard) Tshivenda: [-e-]:
Vhana vha-a-fun-e-a vhana
(Children AgrS-pres-love-neut-fv children: the children are loveable) [-al-]:
Vhana vha-a-pf-al-a vhana
(Children AgrS-pres-hear-neut-fv children: the children are heard) Sesotho: [-eh-]:
Bana ba-a-rat-eh-a bana
(Children AgrS-pres-love-neut-fv children: the children are loveable) [-ahal-]:
Bana ba-a-utlw-ahal-a bana
(Children AgrS-pres-hear-neut-fv children: the children are heard) 1.6 PASSIVE
IsiXhosa: Abantwana ba-ya-bon-w-a abantwana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-pass-fv children: the children are seen) Xitsonga: Vana v-a-von-iw-a vana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-pass-fv children: the children are seen) Tshivenda: Vhana vha-a-vhon-w-a vhana
Sesotho: Bana ba-a-bon-w-a bana
(Children AgrS-pres-see-pass-fv children: the children are seen) 1.7 REVERSIVE
Tshivenda: [-ulu-]
-pfuṋ-ulu-l-a pfuṋo
(-tie-revers-tr-fv knot: untie the knot) Sesotho: [-olo-]
-men-ol-l-a dikobo
(-roll.up-revers-tr-fv blankets: unroll the blankets) Xitsonga: [-ulu-]
-boh-ulu-l-a fundzu
(-tie-revers-tr-fv knot: untie the knot) 1.8 ASSOCIATIVE
Sesotho: [-ahan-]
Mapolanka a-a-rok-ahan-a mapolanka
(Planks AgrS-pres-join-assoc-fv planks: the planks are joined together)
1.9 EXTENSIVE Sesotho: [-ak-]
-hlab-ak-a dikgomo
(-slaughter-ext-fv cattle: slaughter the cattle indiscriminately) 1.10 COMPLETIVE
See Passive and Neuter: Tshivenda: [-ekan-]
Khali i-a-pwash-ekan-a khali
(Pot AgrS-pres-break-compl-fv broken: the pot is broken into many pieces)
Sesotho: [-akan-]
Pitsa e-a-rob-akan-a pitsa
(Pot AgrS-pres-break-compl-fv pot: the pot is broken into many pieces)
1.11 ITERATIVE Xitsonga: [-et-]
-phandluk-et-a khumbi
1.12 CONTINUATIVE Xitsonga: [-el-]
-lakats-el-a malekere
(-lick-cont-fv sweets: lick repeatedly sweets) [-etel-]
-gandl-etel-a misava
(-compress-cont-fv soil: compress repeatedly the soil) 1.13 INTENSIVE
IsiXhosa: [-el-el-]
-boph-el-el-a intambo
(-fasten-el-el-fv rope: fasten rope very well) [-is-is-]:
-jong-is-is-a imoto
(-look-is-is-fv car: look very well at the car) Xitsonga: [-el-el-]
-landz-el-el-a hosi
(-follow-el-el-fv chief: follow the chief very well) [-is-is-}:
-von-is-is-a hosi
(-see-is-is-fv chief: see the chief very well) Tshivenda: [-es-]:
-ḽ-es-a zwiḽiwa
(-eat-es-fv food: eat much food) [-el-el-]:
-vhidz-el-el-a vhana
(-call-el-el-fv children: call loudly the children) [-is-is-]:
-vhon-is-is-a nnḓu
(-see-is-is-fv house: see very well the house) Sesotho: [-el-el-]:
-tlam-el-l-a maqeba
(-bind-el-el-fv wounds: bind the wounds very well) [-is-is-]:
-tseb-is-is-a morena
(-know-is-is-fv chief: know the chief very well) 2. CAUSATION
There is an extensive bibliography dealing with various aspects of causation (see the bibliography for a list of such publications).
For the purpose of this overview on causation in the four languages of Tshivenda, Xitsonga, Sesotho and isiXhosa a number of causative alternations in various verb
classes have been identified. The following is a summary of these findings in which the causation alternation appears in the following circumstances:
a. Transitive and Intransitive Ideophones
b. Ideophones and verbs with transitive and intransitive suffixes c. Verbs with transitive and intransitive suffixes
d. Transitive and intransitive verbs. 2.1 Summary of causation predicates
Ideophone Ideoph. + verb Verb + suffix Verb
PUT Tsonga Xhosa Tsonga k/l/s Xhosa k/z Tshonga k/l, k/x, k/s, k/t, l/t Xhosa CHANGE OF STATE Xhosa Tsonga k/, k/x, k/s, k/l/t Sotho h/l Xhosa k/l, k/z Tsonga k/l, k/x, k/s, k/l/x, k/t, l/t Sotho h/l, h/s Venda w/l Xhosa k/l, k/s Tsonga Venda Xhosa Sotho REMOVE Venda w/l Xhosa k/l Tsonga k/l, k/t, l/t Sotho h/l, h/s Venda w/l PSYCH Tsonga k/l, k/s, l/t Sotho h/l, h/s Venda w/s BODY Tsonga k/l, l/t Sotho h/l Venda w/s
MOTION Xhosa Tsonga k/s/x Sotho h/l, h/s
Xhosa k/l, k/s Tsonga k/x, k/x,t, l/t Venda w/s Tsonga Venda ASPECT Tsonga l/t
SOUND EMIS. Xhosa
CONSUMPT. Tsonga l/t
EXISTENCE Tsonga l/t
COMMUNIC. Tsonga l/t
APPEARANCE Sotho
2.2 Structure of causation sentences With Ideophones:
IsiXhosa: Intr.: [Intsimbi] i-th-e petye
(Iron AgrS-thi-perf bend: the iron is bent) Trans.: [Indoda] i-th-e petye [intsimbi]
(Man AgrS-thi-perf bend iron: the man bent the iron)
Ideophones are introduced into the structure of sentences by means of the verb thi (say). This verb is the carrier of inflectional and derivational morphemes. This thi may however never appear with a derivational suffix denoting the causative, i.e. [-is-] in *[-th-is-]. This is because the transitive alternation above already implies a causative meaning. The DP intsimbi above is in both cases the patient and a new causer (indoda) has been added. Otherwise these two sentences have almost the same structure: Intransitive: CP SPEC C C TP DP T [intsimbi] T vP
[agr, perf, the petye]
[i-th-e petye] DP V [intsimbi] vV VP [thi petye] V CAUSP [thi petye][-CAUS] DP [intsimbi]
Transitive: CP SPEC C C TP DP T [indoda] T vP
[agr, perf, thi petye]
[i-th-e petye] DP V [intsimbi] DP V [indoda] vV VP [thi petye] V CAUSP
[thi petye] CAUS DP
[intsimbi] Provision has been made for a cause phrase to allow intsimbi to appear in both structures in the same position. The cause element has not been specified because it is not present within these causative alternations with ideophones. The structures with causation where the verb behaves similarly to the ideophones above, will also have this causal phrase:
Transitive: [Indoda] i-gob-a [intsimbi] Intransitive: [Intsimbi] i-gob-ile
CP
SPEC C
C TP
DP T
[indoda] T vP
[agr, pres, gob]
[i-gob-a] DP V [intsimbi] DP V [indoda] vV VP [-gob-] V CAUSP [-gob-] CAUS DP [intsimbi] Causation with transitive/intransitive suffixes
IsiXhosa: a. [Iphepha] li-daphu-k-ile
(Paper AgrS-tear-k-perf: the paper is torn) b. [Indoda] i-daphu-l-e [iphepha]
a. CP
SPEC C
C TP
DP T
[iphepha] T vP
[agr, perf, dabu-k-]
[li-dabu-k-ile] DP V [iphepha] vV VP [-dabu-k-] V CAUSP [-dabu] [-CAUS] DP [-k-] [iphepha]
b. CP
SPEC C
C TP
DP T
[indoda] T vP
[agr, pref, dabu-l-]
[i-dabu-l-e] DP V [iphepha] DP V [indoda] vV VP [-dabu-l-] V CAUSP [-dabu-] CAUS DP [-l-] [iphepha] In the (a) sentence above an intransitive suffix [-k-] appears while in (b) a causative suffix [-l-] is found.
2.3 Causation in Xitsonga Transitive/Intransitive Ideophones Verbs of putting
Ideophone: fe
Intr.: Timbita ti-te fe ekhixinini
(Pots agr-perf.ri scatter in-kitchen: the pots lie scattered in the kitchen) Trans.: Ndzi-te fe timbita ekhixinini
Ideophones and derived verbs with suffixes [-k-/-l-] Verbs of change of state
Ideophone: [tlhibu], verbs [-tlhibu-l-/-tlhibu-k-] Trans. Ideoph.: Wanuna u-t-e tlhibu [ntambhu]
(Man AgrS-ri-perf break rope: the man broke the rope) Trans. verb: Wanuna u-tlhibu-l-e [ntambhu]
(Man AgrS-break-tr-perf rope: the man broke the rope) Intr. Ideoph.: [Ntambhu] yi-t-e tlhibu
(Rope AgrS-ri-perf break: the rope is broken) Intr. verb: [Ntambhu] yi-tlhibu-k-ile
(Rope AgrS-break-intr-perf: the rope is broken) Ideophone: [hahlu], verbs [-hahlu-l- / -hahlu-k-]
Trans. Ideoph.: Tatana u-t-e hahlu [lwangu]
(Father AgrS-ri-perf demolish roof: father demolished the roof) Trans. verb: Tatana u-hahlu-l-e [lwangu]
(Father AgrS-demolish-tr-perf roof: father demolished the roof) Intr. Ideoph.: [Lwangu] ri-t-e hahlu
(Roof AgrS-ri-perf demolish: the roof is demolished) Intr. verb: (Lwangu] ri-hahlu-k-ile
(Roof AgrS-demolish-intr-perf: the roof is demolished) Verbs with the suffixes [-k-/-l-]
Verbs of change of state Verbs [-handzu-l- / -handzu-k-]
Trans.: N'wana u-handzu-l-e [phepha]
(Child AgrS-tear-tr-perf paper: the child tore the paper) Intr.: [Phepha] ri-handzu-k-ile
(Paper AgrS-tear-intr-perf: the paper is torn) Verbs of removing
Verbs [-hlomu-l- / -hlomu-k-]
Trans.: Tatana u-hlomu-l-e mutwa enengeni
(Father AgrS-pull.out-tr-perf thorn loc-foot: father pulled out a thorn from the foot)
Intr.: [Mutwa] wu-hlomu-k-ile enengeni
(Thorn AgrS-pull.out-intr-perf loc-foot: a thorn is pulled from the foot)
Psych verbs
Verbs [-hlundzu-l- / -hlundzu-k-]
Trans.: Wansati u-hlundzu-l-e [vanhu]
(Woman AgrS-anxious-tr-perf people: the woman caused anxiety to the people)
Intr.: [Vanhu] va-hlundzu-k-ile
(People AgrS-anxious-intr-perf: the people are anxious) Verbs relating to the body
Verbs [-pitsu-l- / -pitsu-k-]
Trans.: Swakudya swi-pitsu-l-e [vana]
(Food AgrS-be.nauseous-tr-perf children: the food caused nausea to the children)
Intr.: [Vana] va-pitsu-k-ile
(Children AgrS-be.nauseous-intr-perf: the children are nauseous) Verbs of putting
Verbs [-pewu-l- /
-pewu-k-Trans.: Manana u-pewu-l-e [bokisi] etafuleni
(Mother AgrS-lift-tr-perf box loc-table: Mother lifted the box onto the table)
Intr.: [Bokisi] ri-pewu-k-ile etafuleni
(Box AgrS-lift-intr-perf loc-table: the box is lifted onto the table) Ideophones and derived verbs with suffixes [-k- / -x-]
Verbs of change of state
Ideophone [mbundzu], verbs [-mbundzu-x- / -mbundzu-k-] Trans. Ideoph.: Wanuna u-t-e mbundzu [yindlu]
(Man AgrS-ri-perf demolish house: the man demolished the house)
Trans. verb: Wanuna u-mbundzu-x-ile [yindlu]
(Man AgrS-demolish-tr-perf house: the man demolished the house)
Intr. Ideoph.: [Yindlu] yi-t-e mbundzu
(House AgrS-ri-perf demolish: the house is demolished) Intr. verb: [Yindlu] yi-mbundzu-k-ile
(House AgrS-demolish-intr-perf: the house is demolished) Verbs with the suffixes [-k- / -x-]
Verbs of change of state Verbs [-pfu-x- / -pfu-k-]
Trans.: Wansati u-pfu-x-ile [vana]
(Woman AgrS-wake-tr-perf: the woman woke the children) Intr.: [Vana] va-pfu-k-ile
(Children AgrS-wake-intr-perf: the children are awake) Verbs of putting
Verbs [-longolo-x- / -longolo-k-]
Trans.: Wanuna u-longolo-x-ile [tihomu]
(Man AgrS-proceed (in single file)–tr-perf cattle: the man caused the cattle to proceed in single file)
Intr.: [Tihomu] ti-longolo-k-ile
(Cattle AgrS-proceed (in single file)-intr-perf: the cattle proceed in single file)
Verbs of motion
Verbs [-hirimu-x- / -hirimu-k-]
Trans.: Vana va-hirimu-x-ile mihandzu
(Children AgrS-fall.down-trans-perf fruit:The children caused the fruit to fall down)
Intr.: [Mihandzu] yi-hirimu-k-ile
(Fruit AgrS-fall.down-intr-perf: the fruit fell down) Verbs with the suffixes [-k-/-l-/-x-]
Verbs of change of state
Transitive verbs: [-kukumu-x- / -kukumu-l-] Intransitive verb: [-kukumu-k-]
Trans. verbs: Wansati u-kukumu-l-a / u-kukumu-x-a mbila
(Woman AgrS-rise/swell-tr-fv dough: the woman causes the dough to rise)
Intr. verb: Mbila y-a-kukumu-k-a
(Dough AgrS-pres-rise-intr-fv: the dough is rising) Verbs with the suffixes [-k-/-x-/-t-]
Verbs of motion
Transitive verbs: [-tsuvu-x- / -tsuvu-t-] Intransitive verb: [-tsuvu-k-]
Trans. verbs: Hosi yi-tsuvu-x-a / yi-tsuvu-t-a vanhu enaleni
(Chief AgrS-flee-tr-fv people loc-enemy: the chief causes the people to flee from the enemy
Intr. verb: Vanhu va-tsuvu-k-a enaleni
(People AgrS-flee-intr-fv loc-enemy: the people flee from the enemy)
Ideophone and derived verbs with suffixes [-k- / -s- / -x-] Verbs of motion
Ideophone: [vumbulu]
Transitive verbs: [-vumbulu-s- / -vumbulu-x-] Intransitive verb: [-vumbulu-k-]
Trans. ideoph.: Wanuna u-te vumbulu ribye ehansi
(Man AgrS-ri-perf roll stone down: the man rolled the stone down) Trans. verbs: Wanuna u-vumbulu-s-e /u-vumbulu-x-e ribye ehansi
(Man AgrS-roll-tr-perf stone down: the man rolled the stone down) Intr. ideoph.: Ribye ri-te vumbulu ehansi
(Stone AgrS-ri-perf roll down: the stone rolled down) Intr. verb: Ribye ri-vumbulu-k-ile ehansi
(Stone AgrS-roll-intr-perf down: the stone rolled down) Ideophones and derived verbs with suffixes [-k- / -s-]
Verbs of change of state
Ideophone [pfotlo], verbs [-pfotlo-s- / -pfotlo-k-] Trans. Ideoph.: Wanuna u-t-e pfotlo [xitshatshana]
(Man AgrS-ri-perf smash basket: the man smashed the basket) Trans. verb: Wanuna u-pfotlo-s-ile [xitshatshana]
(Man AgrS-smash-tr-perf basket: the man smashed the basket) Intr. ideoph.: [Xitshatshana] xi-t-e pfotlo
Intr. verb: [Xitshatshana] xi-pfotlo-k-ile
(Basket AgrS-smash-intr-perf: the basket is smashed) Ideophone [hodlo[, verbs [-hodlo-s- / -hodlo-k-]
Trans. ideoph.: Wanuna u-t-e hodlo [xitlati]
(Man AgrS-ri-perf demolish barn: the man demolished the barn) Trans. verb: Wanuna u-hodlo-s-ile [xitlati]
(Man AgrS-demolish-tr-perf barn: the man demolished the barn) Intr. ideoph.: [Xitlati] xi-t-e hodlo
(Barn AgrS-ri-perf demolish: the barn is demolished) Intr. verb: [Xitlati] xi-hodlo-k-ile
(Barn AgrS-demolish-intr-perf: the barn is demolished) Verbs with the suffixes [-k- / -s-]
Verbs of putting
Verbs [-hangala-s- / -hangala-k-]
Trans.: Hosi yi-hangala-s-ile [vanhu]
(Chief AgrS-scatter-tr-perf people: the chief scattered the people) Intr.: Vanhu va-hangala-k-ile
(People AgrS-scatter-intr-perf: the people are scattered) Psych verbs
Verbs [-pfindlu-s- / -pfindlu-k-]
Trans.: N'anga yi-pfindlu-s-ile [mimoya ya vanhu]
(Doctor AgrS-trouble-tr-perf souls of people: the doctor troubled the souls of the people)
Intr.: [Mimoya ya vanhu] yi-pfindlu-k-ile
(Souls of people AgrS-trouble-intr-perf: the souls of the people are troubled)
Verbs of change of state Verbs [-bundlu-s- / -bundlu-k-]
Trans.: Vana va-bundlu-s-ile [mihandzu]
(Children AgrS-crush.open-tr-perf fruit: the children crushed the fruit open)
Intr.: [Mihandzu] yi-bundlu-k-ile
Verbs with the suffixes [-k- / -t-] Verbs of change of state
Verbs [-tshambulu-t- / -tshambulu-k-]
Trans. verbs: Wanuna u-tshambulu-t-ile miri
(Man AgrS-stretch.out-tr-perf body: the man stretched out/exercised his body)
Intr. verb: Miri wu-tshambulu-k-ile
(Body AgrS-stretch.out-intr-perf: the body is stretched out/exercised)
Verbs of removing Verbs [-hala-t- / -hala-k-]
Trans. verbs: Wansati u-hala-t-ile mati eka bakiti
(Woman AgrS-spill-tr-perf water loc bucket: the woman spilt water from the bucket)
Intr. verb: Mati ya-hala-k-ile eka bakiti
(Water AgrS-spill-intr-perf loc bucket: Water is split from the bucket)
Verbs of putting
Verbs [-mine-t- / -mine-k-]
Trans.verb: Wanuna u-mine-t-ile ntlhamu
(Man AgrS-set-tr-perf trap: the man set a trap) Intr. verb: Ntlamu wu-mine-k-ile
(Trap AgrS-set-intr-perf: the trap is set) Ideophone and verbs with the suffixes [-k- / -l- / -t-] Change of state verbs
Trans/Intr ideophone: khatlu (be broken off, break off) Trans. verbs: -khatlu-l-, -khatlu-t- (break off) Intrans. verb: -khatlu-k- (be broken off) Ideophones and verbs with suffixes [-k- / -l- / -s-] Verbs of putting
Trans/Intr ideophone: tlaku (raise, be raised)
Trans. verbs: -tlaku-l-, -tlaku-s- (raise, lift up) Intrans. verb: -tlaku-k- (be raised, higher up)
Verbs with the suffixes [-l- / -t-] Verbs of change of state
-tsongaha-l- (be small in size) -tsongaha-t- (make small, humble) -titiva-l- (be unconscious)
-titiva-t- (make unconscious) -karha-l- (be tired)
-karha-t- (make tired) -miye-l- (be silent) -miye-t- (silence) -dyuha-l- (be old) -dyuha-t- (grow old) Verbs of motion -tshine-l- (come near)
-tshine-t- (cause to come near) -rhele-l- (descend)
-rhele-t- (cause to descend) Psych verbs
-nave-l- (desire)
-nave-t- (make to desire) -swiha-l- (be disgusted) -swiha-t- (disgust) -riva-l- (forget)
-riva-t- (cause to forget) Verbs of putting -nembele-l- (hang)
-nembele-t- (make to hang) Verbs of removing
-tsavu-l- (be taken out) -tsavu-t- (take out) -pfuma-l- (be lacking) -pfuma-t- (lack) Aspectual verbs
-he-l- (be finished) -he-t- (finish)
Verbs relating to the body -la-l- (sleep)
-la-t- (put to sleep) Verbs of consumption -fihlu-l- (have breakfast) -fihlu-t- (give breakfast) Exist verbs
-hlwe-l- (be delayed) -hlwe-t- (delay)
-funenge-l- (be covered) -funenge-t- (cover)
Verbs of communication -pfume-l- (say yes)
-pfume-t- (cause to say yes) Transitive/Intransitive verbs Verbs of change of state Ndzi-ahlama numu (I-open mouth) Nomu w-a-ahlama (Mouth it-is-opening) Ndzi-lumekile ndzilo (I-lighted fire) Ndzilo wu-lumekile (Fire it-is-lighted) Ndzi-nuha nyama (I-smell meat) Nyama y-a-nuha (Meat it-smells) Verbs of motion
Vana va-ndzulu-t-a ekamarini (Children they-spin in-room) Ndzi-ndzulu-t-a vana ekamarini (I-cause-to-spin children in-room)
2.4 Causation in Sesotho Verbs of appearance Ideophone [shwi]
Trans. Id.: Sera se-itse shwi dikgomo
(Enemy AgrS-re.perf disappear cattle: the enemy caused the cattle to disappear)
Intr. Id.: Dikgomo di-itse shwi
(Cattle AgrS-re.perf disappear: the cattle disappeared) Ideophones and derived verbs with suffixes [-h- / -l-]
Verbs of change of state
Ideophone [kamo], verbs [-kamo-l- / -kamo-h-] Trans. Id.: Monna o-itse kamo galase
(Man AgrS-re.perf break glass: the man broke the glass) Trans. verb: Monna o-kamo-tse galase
(Man AgrS-break-l.perf glass: the man broke the glass) Intr. Id.: Galase e-itse kamo
(Glass AgrS-re.perf break: the glass is broken) Intr. verb: Galase e-kamo-h-ile
(Glass AgrS-break-intr-perf: the glass is broken) Ideophone [shoqo], verbs [-shoqo-l- / -shoqo-h-]
Trans. Id.: Ntate o-itse shoqo lerapo
(Father AgrS-re.perf break strap: father broke the strap) Trans. verb: Ntate o-shoqo-tse lerapo
(Father AgrS-break-l.perf strap: father broke the strap) Intr. Id.: Lerapo le-itse shoqo
(Strap AgrS-re. perf break: the strap is broken) Intr. verb: Lerapo le-shoqo-h-ile
(Strap AgrS-break-intr-perf: the strap is broken) Verbs with the suffixes [-h- / -l-]
Verbs of change of state Verbs [-patso-l- / -patso-h-]
Trans.: Monna o-patso-tse lepolanka
(Man AgrS-split-l.perf plank: the man split the plank open) Intr.: Lepolanka le-patso-h-ile
(Plank AgrS-split-intr-perf: the plank is split open) Verbs [-tabo-l- / -tabo-h-]
Trans.: Mosadi o-tabo-tse mose
(Woman AgrS-tear-l.perf dress: the woman tore the dress) Intr.: Mose o-tabo-h-ile
(Dress AgrS-tear-intr-perf: the dress is torn) Verbs of removing
Verbs [-hlako-l- / -hlako-h-]
Trans.: Mosadi o-hlako-tse ditshila tafoleng
(Woman AgrS-wipe-l.perf rubbish loc-table: the woman wiped the rubbish from the table)
Intr.: Ditshila di-hlako-h-ile tafoleng
(Rubbish AgrS-wipe-intr-perf loc-table: the rubbish is wiped from the table)
Verbs [-motsu-l- / -motsu-h-]
Trans.: Bana ba-motsu-tse ditlama tshimong
(Children AgrS-pull.out-tr.-perf plants loc-garden: the children pulled the plants from the garden)
Intr.: Ditlama di-motsu-h-ile tshimong
(Plants AgrS-pull.out-intr-perf loc-garden: the plants are pulled out from the garden)
Psych verbs
Verbs [-hlomo-l- / -hlomo-h-]
Trans.: Monna o-hlomo-tse mosadi
(Man AgrS-sad-l.-perf woman: the man made the woman sad) Intr.: Mosadi o-hlomo-h-ile
(Woman AgrS-sad-intr-perf: the woman is sad) Motion verbs
Trans.: Ngwana o-phetho-tse lejwe
(Child AgrS-roll/turn.over-l.perf stone: the child rolled/turned over the stone)
Intr.: Lejwe le-phetho-h-ile
(Stone AgrS-roll/turn.over-intr-perf: the stone is rolled/turned over) Reversive verbs with the suffixes [-h- / -l-]
Verbs of removing
Verbs [-tsh-ol-l- / -tsh-olo-h-] (<-tshel-)
Trans.: Mosadi o-tsh-olo-tse metsi botlolong
(Woman AgrS-pour-rev-l.perf water loc-bottle: the woman poured water out of the bottle)
Intr.: Metsi a-tsh-olo-h-ile botlolong
(Water AgrS-pour-rev-intr-perf loc-bottle: water is poured from the bottle)
Verbs [-la-ol-l- / -la-olo-h-]
Trans.: Banna ba-la-olo-tse diphahlo koloing
(Men AgrS-load-rev-l.perf goods loc-car: the men unloaded the goods from the car)
Intr.: Diphahlo di-la-olo-h-ile koloing
(Goods AgrS-load-rev-intr-perf loc-car: the goods are off-loaded from the car)
Verbs of change of state
Verbs [-kob-ol-l- / -kob-olo-h-] (<koba) Trans.: Monna o-kob-olo-tse terata
(Man AgrS-bend-rev-1.perf wire: the man straightened the wire) Intr.: Terata e-kob-olo-h-ile
(Wire AgrS-bend-rev-intr-perf: the wire is straightened) Verbs [-thib-ol-l- / -thib-olo-h-] (<thiba)
Trans.: Ngwana o-thib-olo-tse heke
(Child AgrS-shut-rev-1.perf gate: the child opened the gate) Intr.: Heke e-thib-olo-h-ile
(Gate AgrS-shut-rev-intr-perf: the gate is open) Verbs of motion
Trans.: Ngwana o-pitik-olo-tse lejwe thabeng
(Child AgrS-roll-rev-l.perf stone loc-mountain: the child rolled/turned over the stone from the mountain)
Intr.: Lejwe le-pitik-olo-h-ile thabeng
(Stone AgrS-roll-rev-intr-perf loc-mountain: the stone is rolled/turned over from the mountain)
Verbs relating to the body
Verbs [-tutub-ol-l- / -tutub-olo-h-] (<tutubal) Trans.: Ngwana o-tutub-olo-tse mahlo
(Child AgrS-shut-rev-l.perf eyes: the child opened her eyes) Intr.: Mahlo a-tutub-olo-h-ile
(Eyes AgrS-shut-rev-intr-perf: the eyes are open) Verbs [-ahlam-ol-l- / -ahlam-olo-h-] (<ahlam-)
Trans.: Ngwana o-ahlam-olo-tse molomo
(Child AgrS-open-rev-l.perf mouth: the child opened her mouth wide)
Intr.: Molomo o-ahlam-olo-h-ile
(Mouth AgrS-open-rev-intr-perf: the mouth is wide open) Psych verbs
Verbs [-tlontl-ol-l- / -tlontl-olo-h-]
Trans.: Mosadi o-tlontl-olo-tse monna
(Woman AgrS-honour-rev-l.perf man: the woman dishonoured the man)
Intr.: Monna o-tlontl-olo-h-ile
(Man AgrS-honour-rev-intr-perf: the man is dishonoured) Verbs with the suffixes [-h- / -s-]
Psych verbs
Verbs [-sisimo-s- / -sisimo-h-]
Trans.: Monna o-sisimo-s-itse bana
(Man AgrS-startle-tr-perf children: the man startled the children) Intr.: Bana ba-sisimo-h-ile
(Children AgrS-startle-intr-perf: the children are startled) Verbs [-nyaro-s- / -nyaro-h-]
Trans.: Monna o-nyaro-s-itse bana
(Man AgrS-startle-trans-perf children: the man startled the children)
Intr.: Bana ba-nyaro-h-ile
(Children AgrS-startle-intr-perf: the children are startled) Motion verbs
Verbs [-bilo-s- / -bilo-h-]
Trans.: Mosadi o-bilo-s-itse bana
(Woman AgrS-float-tr-perf children: the woman caused the children to float)
Intr.: Bana ba-bilo-h-ile
(Children AgrS-float-intr-perf: the children are afloat) Verbs [-oro-s- / -oro-h-]
Trans.: Banna ba-oro-s-itse dikgomo
(Men AgrS-return-tr-perf cattle: the men brought the cattle home) Intr.: Dikgomo di-oro-h-ile
(Cattle AgrS-return-intr-perf: the cattle are back) Reversive verbs with the suffixes [-l- / -s- / -h-]
Verbs of removing
Verbs [nyor-ol-l- / -nyor-olo-s- / -nyor-olo-h-]
Trans.: Metsi a-nyor-olo-tse/a-nyor-olo-s-itse lenyora
(Water AgrS-thirsty-rev-l.perf/AgrS-thirsty-trans-perf thirst: Water quenched the thirst)
Intr.: Lenyora le-nyor-olo-h-ile
(Thirst AgrS-thirsty-rev-intr-perf: the thirst is quenched) Verbs of change of state
Verbs [-kgath-ol-l- / -kgath-olo-s- / -kgath-olo-h-]
Trans.: Mosadi o-kgath-olo-tse/o-kgath-olo-s-itse bana
(Woman AgrS-tired-rev-l.perf/AgrS-tired-rev-trans-perf: the woman gave rest to the children)
Intr.: Bana ba-kgath-olo-h-ile
(Children AgrS-tired-rev-intr-perf: the children are rested) Transitive/Intransitive verbs
Ke-tim-ile mollo (I-extinguished fire) Mollo o-tim-ile (Fire it-is-extinguished) Ke-nkga nama (I-smell meat) Nama e-a-nkga (Meat it-smells) Ke-hloka tjhelete (I-lack money) Tjhelete e-a-hloka (Money it-is-lacked) 2.5 Causation in Tshivenda
Transitive suffix [-l-] and Intransitive suffix [-w]: Verbs
Verbs of change of state [-kheru-l-/-kheru-w-] Vhana vh-o-kheru-l-a rokho
(Children agr-perf-tear dress: the children tore the dress) Rokho y-o-kheru-w-a
(Dress agr-perf-tear: The dress is torn) [-fhandu-l-/-fhandu-w-]
Vhanna vh-o-fhandu-l-a khuni
(Men agr-perf-split wood: the men split the wood) Khuni dz-o-fhandu-w-a
(Wood agr-perf-split: the wood is split) [-phamu-l-/-phamu-w-]
Vhanna vh-o-phamu-l-a vothi
(Men agr-perf-break-out/off door: the men broke out the door) Vothi ḽ-o-phamu-w-a
(Door agr-perf-break-out: the door is broken out) [afhu-l-/-afhu-w-]
Musadzi o-afhu-l-a ngilasi
(Woman agr.perf-break glass: the woman broke the glass) Ngilasi y-o-afhu-w-a
(Glass agr-perf-break: the glass is broken) [-ṱhukhu-l-/-ṱhukhu-w-]
Ṅwana o-thukhu-l-a thambo
(Child agr.perf-cut rope: the child cut the rope) Thambo y-o-thuku-w-a
(Rope agr-perf-cut: the rope is cut) Verbs of removing
Ideophone [zwiku]: [-zwiku-l-]-zwiku-w-]
Munna o-zwiku-l-a tombo nḓuni
(Man he.perf-dislodge stone from-house: the man dislodged the stone from the house)
Tombo ḽ-o-zwiku-w-a nḓuni
(Stone agr-perf-dislodge from-house: the stone is dislodged from the house) [-tumu-l-/-tumu-w-]
Muṱhannga o-tumu-l-a davhi murini
(Young.man agr.perf-cut.off branch from-tree: the young man cut off the branch from the tree)
Davhi ḽ-o-tumu-w-a murini
(Branch agr-perf-cut-off from-tree: the branch is cut off from the tree) [-kwatu-l-/-kwatu-w-]
Vhanna vh-o-kwatu-l-a makwati kha muri
(Men agr.perf-strip bark from-tree: the men stripped the bark from the tree) Makwati o-kwatu-w-a kha muri
(Bark agr.perf-strip from-tree: the bark is stripped from the tree) [-ṱhuvhu-l-/-ṱhuvhu-w]
Munna o-ṱhuvhu-l-a maveve kha muvhuḓa
(Man agr.perf-remove hair from-hare: the man removed the hair from the hare) Maveve o-ṱhuvhu-w-a kha muvhuḓa
(Hair agr.perf-remove from-hare: the hair is removed from the hare) [-ṱomo-l-/-ṱomo-w-]
Munna o-ṱomo-l-a tshibigiri kha bulannga
(Man agr.perf-extract nail from-plank: the man took the nail out of the plank) Tshibigiri tsh-o-ṱomo-w-a kha bulannga
(Nail agr.perf-extract from-plank: the nail is taken out of the plank)
Reversive verbs with the suffix ulu-] and the transitive intransitive suffixes [-l-/-w-]
Verbs of removing
Musidzana o-sh-ulu-l-a maḓi nkhoni
(Girl agr.perf-pour-out water from-pot: the girl poured water from the pot) Maḓi o-sh-ulu-w-a nkhoni
(Water agr.perf-pour-out from-pot: water is poured from the pot) [-put-ulu-l-a-/-put-ulu-w-] (<putela (cover, wrap))
Musadzi o-put-ulu-l-a putu kha bammbiri
(Woman agr.perf-unfold parcel from-paper: the woman unfolded the parcel from the paper)
Putu ḽ-o-put-ulu-w-a kha bammbiri
(Parcel agr-perf-unfold from-paper: the parcel is unfolded from the paper [-pfuṋ-ulu-l-/-pfuṋ-ulu-w] (<pfuṋa (tie)
Munna o-pfuṋ-ulu-l-a pfuṋo kha saga
(Man agr.perf-untie knot from-bag: the man untied the knot from the bag) Pfuṋo ḽ-o-pfun-ulu-w-a kha saga
(Knot agr-perf-untie from-bag: the knot is untied from the bag) [-vhofh-olo-l-/-vhofh-olo-w-] (<vhofha (tie)
Munna o-vhofh-olo-l-a bannda vhurukhuni
(Man agr.perf-untie belt from-trousers: the man untied the belt from the trousers) Bannda y-o-vhofh-olo-w-a vhurukhuni
(Belt agr-perf-untie from-trousers: the belt is untied from the trousers) [-pomb-olo-l-/-pomb-olo-w-] (<pomba (wind around)
Muṱhannga o-pomb-olo-l-a gumbe mulenzheni
(Young-man agr.perf-free trap from-leg: the young man freed the trap from the leg) Gumbe ḽ-o-pomb-olo-w-a mulenzheni}(Trap agr-perf-free from-leg: the trap is freed from the leg)
Transitive and Intransitive Ideophones with derived verbs Ideophone with suffixes [-l- / -w-] on verb
Verbs of removing
Ideophone [-tupu], verbs [-tupu-l- / -tupu-w-]: Vh-o-mbo-ḓi [muri uḽa] tupu
(They-perf-at-once tree this uproot) Vh-o-mbo-ḓi-tupu-l-a muri uḽa
(They-perf-at-once-uproot-trans.fv tree this) (They uprooted this tree at once)
Muri uḽa w-o-mbo-ḓi tupu
(Tree this it-perf-at-once uproot) Muri uḽa w-o-mbo-ḓi-tupu-w-a
(Tree this it-perf-at-once-uproot-intr-fv) (This tree is uprooted at once)
Transitive suffix [-s-] and intransitive suffix [-w-] Verbs of motion
Ndi-pfulu-s-a vhathu muḓini
(I-move.away-trans-fv people from.village:I cause the people to move away from the village)
Vhathu vha-pfulu-w-a muḓini
(People agr-move.away-intr-fv from.village: (The people move away from the village) Psych verbs
Ndo-o-tshenu-s-a vhana
(I-perf-startle-trans-fv children: I startled the children) Vhana vh-o-tshenu-w-a
(Children agr-perf-startle-intr-fv: the children are startled) Verbs relating to the body
Vhasadzi vh-o-karu-s-a vhana
(Women agr-perf-awake-trans-fv children: the women woke the children) Vhana vh-o-karu-w-a
(Children agr-perf-awake-intrans-fv: the children are awake) Transitive/Intransitie verbs
Verbs of change of state Nd-o-vula/vala vothi (I-opened/closed door) Vothi ḽ-o-vula/vala (Door it-is-opened/closed) Nd-o-funga luvhone (I-lighted lamp) Luvhone lw-o-funga (Lamp it-is-lighted) Nd-o-dzima mulilo (I-extinguished fire) Mulilo w-o-dzima (Fire it-is-extinguished) Nd-o-fhisa zwiḽiwa (I-heated food) Zwiḽiwa zw-o-fhisa (Food it-is-heated)
Nd-o-ṱahela tshelede (I-lacked money) Tshelede y-o-ṱahela (Money it-is-lacked) Ndi-nukha ṋama (I-smell meat) Ṋama i-a-nukha (Meat it-smells) Ndi-ṱamba zwanḓa (I-wash hands) Zwanḓa zwi-a-ṱamba (Hand they-are-washed) Verbs of motion Gallop
Bere i-gada nḓilani
(Hourse it-gallops in-road) Ndi-gada bere nḓilani
(I-cause-to-gallop/ride horse in-road) 2.6 Causation in IsiXhosa
Ideophones Verbs of putting Ideophone [nyha]:
Trans.: Intombi i-th-e nyha [incwadi] endlwini
(Girl AgrS-thi-perf hide book in-house: the girl hid the book in the house)
Intr.: [Incwadi] i-th-e nyha endlwini
(Book AgrS-thi-perf hide in-house: the book is hidden in the house)
Ideophone [nwee]:
Trans.: Intombi i-th-e nwee [ingubo] engceni
(Girl AgrS-thi-perf spread blanket on-grass: the girl spread the blanket on the grass)
Intr.: [Ingubo] i-th-e nwee engceni
(Blanket AgrS-thi-perf spread on-grass: the blanket is spread on the grass)
Ideophone: [qhwa]:
Trans.: Indoda i-th-e qhwa [intonga]
(Man AgrS-thi-perf break stick: the man broke the stick) Intr.: [Intonga] i-th-e qhwa
(Stick AgrS-thi-perf break: the stick is broken) Ideophone: [petye]:
Trans.: Indoda i-th-e petye [intsimbi]
(Man AgrS-thi-perf bend iron: the man bent the iron) Intr.: [Intsimbi] i-th-e petye
(Iron AgrS-thi-perf bend: the iron is bent) Verbs of motion
Ideophone: [khitha]
Trans.: Indoda i-th-e khitha [laa mntu]
(Man AgrS-thi-perf fell that person: the man felled/caused to fall that person)
Intr.: [Laa mntu] u-th-e khitha
(That person AgrS-thi-perf fell: that person is felled) Verbs of sound emission
Ideophone: [khahla]
Trans.: Umfazi u-th-e khahla [izitshixo] etafileni
(Woman AgrS-thi-perf rattle keys on-table: the woman rattled the keys on the table)
Intr.: [Izitshixo] zi-th-e khahla etafileni
(Keys AgrS-thi-perf rattle on-table: the keys rattled on the table)
Ideophones and derived verbs with the suffixes [-k- / -l-] Verbs of change of state
Ideophone [daphu], verbs [-daphu-l- / -daphu-k-] Trans. ideoph.: Umtwana u-th-e daphu [iphepha]
(Child AgrS-thi-perf tear paper: the child tore the paper) Trans. verb: Umntwana udaphu-l-e [iphepha]
(Child AgrS-tear-tr-perf paper: the child tore the paper) Intr. ideoph.: [Iphepha] li-th-e daphu
Intr. verb: [Iphepha] li-daphu-k-ile
(Paper AgrS-tear-intr-perf: the paper is torn) Ideophone [cebu], verbs [-cebu-l- / -cebu-k-]
Trans. ideoph.: Indoda i-th-e cebu [iinkuni]
(Man AgrS-thi-perf split wood: the man split the wood) Trans. verb: Indoda i-cebu-l-e [iinkuni]
(Man AgrS-split-tr-perf wood: the man split the wood) Intr. Ideoph: [Iinkuni] zi-th-e cebu
(Wood AgrS-thi-perf split: the wood is split) Intr. verb: [Iinkuni] zi-cebu-k-ile
(Wood AgrS-split-intr-perf: the wood is split) Reversive ideophones and verbs with suffixes [-k- / -l-]
Reversive ideophone: [nwabululu]
Reversive verbs: [-nwab-ulu-l- / -nwab-ulu-k-] Trans. ideoph.: Umfazi u-th-e nwabululu [ingubo]
(Woman AgrS-thi-perf unfold blanket: the woman unfolded the blanket)
Trans. verb: Umfazi u-nwab-ulu-l-e [ingubo]
(woman AgrS-fold-rev-tr-perf blanket: the woman unfolded the blanket)
Intr. ideoph.: [Ingubo] i-the nwabululu
(Blanket AgrS-thi-perf unfold: the blanket is unfolded) Intr. verb: [Ingubo] i-nwab-ulu-k-ile
(Blanket AgrS-fold-rev-intr-perf: the blanket is unfolded) Verbs of removing
Ideophone [xobu], verbs [-xobu-l- / -xobu-k-] Trans. Ideoph.: Umfazi u-th-e xobu [ikhiwane]
(woman AgrS-thi-perf peel.easily fig: the woman peeled the fig easily)
Trans. verb: Umfazi u-xobu-l-e ikhiwane
(Woman AgrS-peel.easily-tr-perf fig: the woman peeled the fig easily)
Intr. Id.: Ikhiwane li-th-e xobu
Intr. verb: Ikhiwane li-xobu-k-ile
(Fig AgrS-peel. easily-intr-perf: the fig is easily peeled) Ideophone [ncothu], verbs [-ncothu-l- / -ncuthu-k-]
Grans. Id.: Indoda i-th-e ncothu ukhula egadini
(Man AgrS-thi-perf pull.out weeds loc-garden: the man pulled the weeds out from the garden)
Trans. verb: Indoda i-ncothu-l-e ukula egadini
(Man AgrS-pull.out-tr-perf weeds loc-garden: the man pulled the weeds out from the garden)
Intr. Id.: Ukhula lu-th-e ncothu egadini
(Weeds AgrS-thi-perf pull.out loc-garden: the weeds are pulled out from the garden)
Intr. verb: Ukhula lu-ncothu-k-ile egadini
(Weeds AgrS-pull.out-intr-perf-loc-garden: the weeds are pulled out from the garden)
Verbs with transitive and intransitive suffixes Verbs with the suffixes [k/l]
Verbs of change of state
Trans.: [Umntwana] w-aphu-l-e [ifestile] (Child he-broke window)
Intr.: [Ifestile] y-aphu-k-ile (Window it-is-broken)
Verbs of removing
Trans.: [Umfazi] u-vuthulu-l-a [uthuli] kule ngubo
(Woman she-shakes-out dust from-this blanket) Intr.: [Uthuli] lu-ya-vuthulu-k-a kule ngubo
(Dust it-is-being-shaken-out from-this blanket) Motion verbs
Abantu ba-ndulu-k-a eKapa
(People they-depart from-Cape town) Ndi-ndulu-l-a abantu eKapa
(I cause-to-depart people from-Cape Town)
Ideophones and derived verbs with the suffixes [-k- / -z-] Verbs of change of state
Ideophone [tyum], verbs [-tyum-z- / -tyum-k-] Trans. Id.: Umfazi u-th-e tyum iqanda
(Woman AgrS-thi-perf crush egg: the woman crushed the egg)
Trans. verb: Umfazi u-tyum-z-e iqanda
(Woman AgrS-crush-tv-perf egg: the woman crushed the egg) Intr. Id.: Iqanda li-th-e tyum
(Egg AgrS-thi-perf crush: the egg is crushed) Intr. verb: Iqanda li-tyum-k-ile
(Egg AgrS-crush-int-perf: the egg is crushed) Ideophone [qobo], verbs [-qobo-z- / -qobo-k-]
Trans. Id.: Indoda i-th-e qobo iglasi
(Man AgrS-thi-perf break glass: the man broke the glass Trans. verb: Indoda i-qobo-z-e iglasi
(Man AgrS-break-tr-perf glass: the man broke the glass) Intr. Id.: Iglasi i-th-e qobo
(Glass AgrS-thi-perf break: the glass is broken) Intr. verb: Iglasi i-qobo-k-ile
(Glass AgrS-break-intr-perf: the glass is broken) Verbs of putting
Trans. Id.: Intombi i-th-e krapa amanzi
(Girl AgrS-thi-perf spill water: the girl spilled the water) Trans. verb: Intombi i-krapa-z-e amanzi
(Girl AgrS-spill-tr-perf water: the girl spilled the water) Intr. Id.: Amanzi a-th-e krapa
(Water AgrS-thi-perf spill: the water is spilled) Intr. verb: Amanzi a-krapa-k-ile
(Water AgrS-spill-intr-perf: the water is spilled) Verbs with the suffixes [-s- / -k-]
Verbs of change of state Verbs [-alu-s- / -alu-k-]
Trans. verb: Indoda y-alu-s-e inkwenkwe
(Man AgrS-circumcise-tr-perf boy: the man circumcised the boy)
Intr. verb: Inkwenkwe y-alu-k-ile
(Boy AgrS-circumcise-intr-perf: the boy is circumcised) Verbs of motion
Verbs [-fudu-s- / -fudu-k-]
Trans. verb: Indoda i-fudu-s-e abantu
(Man AgrS-moved-tr-perf people: the man moved the people) Intr. verb: Abantu ba-fudu-k-ile
(People AgrS-move-intr-perf: the people are moved) Transitive/Intransitive verbs
Verbs of change of state Ndi-qwanya intloko (I-bend-back head) Intloko i-ya-qwanya (Head it-bends-back) Ndi-nqwala intloko (I-bend-forward head) Intloko i-ya-nqwala (Head it-bends-forward) Ndi-dubula umpu (I-fire gun)
Umpu u-ya-dubula (Gun it-fires) Ndi-bhukuq-e imbiza (I-turned-upside-down pot) Imbiza i-bhukuq-ile (Pot it-is-turned-upside-down) Umthi u-ntshul-e iziqhamo (Tree it-sprouted fruit) Iziqhamo zi-ntshul-ile (Fruit it-has-sprouted) Umthi u-hlum-e iziqhamo (Tree it-sprouted fruit) Iziqhamo zi-hlum-ile (Fruit it-has-sprouted) Ndi-lumek-e umlilo (I-lighted fire) Umlilo u-lumek-ile (Fire it-is-lighted)
Ilanga li-m-yobile umntwana (Sun it-him-stupefied child) Umntwana u-yob-ile (Child he-is-stupefied) Ndi-lu-gob-ile ucingo (I-it-bent wire) Ucingo lu-gob-ile (Wire it-is-bent) Ndi-yi-getyezile imvubu (I-it-bent-up-and-down whip) Imvubu i-getyez-ile (Whip it-is-bent-up-and-down) Si-dula inkomo (We-slaughter beast) Inkomo i-ya-dula (Beast it-is-being-slaughtered) Ndi-cim-e umlilo (I-extinguished fire) Umlilo u-cim-ile (Fire it-is-extinguished) Ndi-nuka inyama (I-smell meat)
Inyama i-ya-nuka (Meat it-smells) Ndi-qhin-e iintambo (I-tied ropes) Iintambo zi-qhin-ile (Ropes they-are-tied) Verbs of putting
-rhoboloza amanzi e-emeleni Amanzi a-ya-rhoboloza e-emeleni (pour out water from bucket) (Water pour out from bucket) -tyeneneza:
[Le ndodai] ii-zij-tyenenez-ile [izindluj]
(this man he-them-put-in-straight-line-perf houses: this man put the houses in a straight line)
[Izindlui] zii-tyenenez-ile
(houses they-put-in-straight-line-perf: the houses are in a straight line) -nqumleza:
[Indodai] ii-ya-sij-nqumlez-a [isibondaj] endleleni
(man he-pres-it-place-across-fv pole in-road: the man places the pole across in the road)
[Isibondai] sii-ya-nqumlez-a endleleni
(pole it-pres-place-across-fv in-road: the pole lies across in the road) Verbs of contact
Pull verbs
[Indodai] ii-rhuqa [ingxowa] (Man he-drags-along bag) [Ingxowa] ii-ya-rhuqa (Bag it-pres-drags-along)
2.7 Causative suffix [-is-], [-y-]
The causative suffixes [-is-] and to a lesser extent [-y-] are much more productive than the causative/inchoative alternation in par. 2.1-2.6 above because they can appear with almost all verbal classes. In other respects there is a clear basis for comparison between them. Thus, the effect of the process of causation in general is to introduce a causative agent in the subject position of sentences. In this process the old external argument or subject now becomes an internal argument or object.
2.7.1 With Intransitive verbs: Non-causative:
a. Xitsonga: N’wana u-ta-etlel-a IsiXhosa: Umntwana u-za ku-lal-a Tshivenda: Ṅwana u-ḓo-lal-a
Sesotho: Ngwana o-tla-robal-a
(Girl AgrS-fut-sleep-fv: the girl will sleep) Causative:
b. Xitsonga: [Nhwanyana] u-ta-etler-is-a [n’wana] IsiXhosa: [Intombi] i-za ku-lal-is-a [umntwana] Tshivenda: [Musidzana u-ḓo-ladz-a [ṅwana] Sesotho: [Ngwanana] o-tla-robats-a [ngwana]
(Girl AgrS-fut-sleep-caus-fv child: the girl will put the child to sleep) The verbs in Tshivenda and Sesotho above use the fossilized form with a causative suffix [-y-], i.e. [-lal-y- ladz-], [-robal-y- [-robats-].
The subject such as ngwana in (a) above is the patient who is going to sleep. In (b) the same ngwana is now the object, who has been caused/permitted/assisted to sleep. Thus, in these causative constructions the subject becomes the object. The subject in the intransitive use bears the same semantic relation to the verb as the object in the transitive use (Schäfer 2009:641), i.e. patient in the sentence above. The new subject may be a causer as in (a) and (b) or a permissive agent:
Sesotho: Titjhere o-tsw-is-a bana Tshivenda: Mudededzi u-bv-is-a vhana
(Teacher AgrS-go.out-caus-fv children: the teacher lets the children go out)
The new subject may also be an assistive agent: Sesotho: Monna o-phaham-is-a lebokose IsiXhosa: Indoda i-phakam-is-a ibhokisi
(Man AgrS-be.high-caus-fv box: the man helps to lift the box) It is possible that the same sentence may be interpreted with any of these three agents depending n the specific discourse factors and the nature of the verb: Sesotho: Mosadi o-kgutl-is-a bana
(Woman AgrS-return-caus-fv children: (i) The woman causes the children to return (ii) The woman lets the children return (iii) The woman helps the children to return
a. CP [Nhwanyana u-ta-etler-is-a n’wana]
SPEC C
C TP
DP T
[nhwanyana] T vP
[agrs, fut, etler-is]
[u-ta-etler-is-a] DP V [n’wana] DP V [nhwanyana] vV-is VP [-etler-is-] V CAUSP [-etlel-] CAUS DP [-is-] [n’wana] There are various causative verbs with the suffix ]-is]- which appear with a non-causative meaning, i.e. the non-causative meaning has been lost:
IsiXhosa: a. Indoda i-ya-xok-a
(Man AgrS-pres-lie-fv: the man is lying) b. Indoda i-xok-is-a ixhego
(Man Agrs-lie-caus-fv old.man: the man is lying to the old man) In the (b) sentence above [ixhego] is now the recipient of the lying and thus no longer the causee of the causative construction.
[V-is DP na-DP]
Verbs which end on [-an-] such as the reciprocal verbs or even non-reciprocal verbs usually appear with a PP with the preposition [na-] as head, such as [-diban-]:
IsiXhosa: a. Abazali ba-diban-a [no-titshala]
(Parents AgrS-meet-fv with-teacher: the parents meet the teacher) b. Abazali ba-diban-is-a [abantwana] [no-titshala]
(Parents AgrS-meet-caus-fv children with-teacher: the parents let the children meet the teacher)
In the (b) sentence [abantwana] is the causee from the presence of the causative [-is-] and [abazali] is the causer: [abantwana] now meets the teacher.
[V-is LOC]
Any locative phrase may appear with causative verbs but it sometimes happens that the causative meaning of the verb may be lost:
Xitsonga: Vanhu va-yimbelel-a [ku-y-is-a emahlweni]
(People AgrS-sing-fv to-go-caus-fv forward: the people are singing to go on)
The causative verb above is [-y-is-] (case to go) but it has no longer a causative meaning. Cf. also the following sentence:
IsiXhosa: Abantu ba-ya-zal-is-a [edolophini]
(People AgrS-pres-be.full-caus-fv loc-town: the town is full of people) However in most cases the verb retains its causative meaning when it appears with a locative phrase:
Xitsonga: Maendlelo lawa a-ya-kongom-is-iw-ile [eka timhaka timbirhi] (Actions these past-AgrS-go.to-caus-pass-perf loc-cases two: these actions were caused to go to two cases)
[V-is DP LOC]
The locative phrase which appears with causative verbs with a causee dependent on the causative as a DP, is necessary because of mostly motion verbs which need locatives:
IsiXhosa: Abantwana ba-buy-is-a [imali] [ku-bazali]
(Childrejn AgrS-return-caus-fv money loc-parents: the children give the money back to the parents) Umntwana u-dlul-is-a [iphephandaba] [ku-yise] (Child AgrS-pass-caus-fv newspaper loc-his.father: the child passes the newspaper to his father) Tshivenda: Vhathu vh-o-mbo-dzhen-is-a [mufu] [goloini]
(People AgrS-perf-immediately-enter-caus-fv deceased loc-car: the people immediately let the deceased go in the car)
Musadzi u-i-s-a [mushumo wawe] phanḓa] (Woman AgrS-go-caus-fv work of-her in-front: the woman goes on with her work)
Xitsonga: [pro] ndzi-ta-ta [pro] ndzi-ta-mi-vuy-is-a [pro] [kwale kaya] (I-will-come I will-you-return-caus-fv loc-there home: I will come and let you return there to the home) Sesotho: Monna o-ken-y-a [letsoho] [mokotlaneng]
(Man AgrS-go.in-caus-fv hand loc-pocket: the man puts his hand in his pocket)
[V-is CP]
CP as an Infinitive clause
Tshivenda: [pro] nd-o-fhedz-a [u-vhala vhurifhi] (I-perf-finish-caus-fv to-read letter:
I have finished reading the letter) (fhel-y -fhedz-]
The causative appears in a fossilized form on the verb [-fhel-]. The causative is necessary above to allow the Infinitive clause [u-vhala vhurifhi] because the verb [fhel] has an aspectual meaning of a process ending or coming to an end, i.e. of something finished or ended. The causative verb changed this aspectual meaning to allow the Infinitive as an argument of the verb from a position of external argument which it previously occupied before the causative verb.
CP with COMP as head
IsiXhosa: Loo nto i-cac-is-a [ukuba [pro ba-no-bubele]
(That thing AgrS-be.clear-caus-fv that they-with-kindness: that thing makes clear that they have kindness)
[pro]nd-a-bon-is-a [ukuba [pro u-ne-tyala] (I-past-see-caus-fv that he-with-guilt: I cause to see (show) that he is guilty)
[pro] ndi-fuman-is-a [ukuba [pro u-thandana nenye intombi] (I-find-caus-fv that he-love-recipr with-another girl:
I cause to find that he loves another girl, i.e. I find out…)
Sesotho: [pro] ba-lekan-y-a [hore [ekaba ntho e itseng e-na le botle ba yona] (They AgrS-be.equal-caus-fv that maybe thing certain AgrS-cop with beauty of it: they cause to be equal (judge, suppose) that maybe a certain thing has its beauty)
[pro AgrS8-V-is]
The anaphoric pronoun refers to a discourse segment by connecting to a prior referring expression or a later one. These anaphoric pronouns are empty of lexical content in Xitsonga and Tshivenda but they appear with AgrS of class 8 as swi in Xitsonga and zwi in Tshivenda. They frequently appear with causative verbs.
[V-is DP]
Tshivenda: [pro] zw-o-kanuk-is-a [na vha-dededzi]
(pro AgrS-perf-be.surprised-caus-fv even teachers: it surprised even the teachers)
[V-is INF]
Xitsonga: [pro] mi-ehleket-a leswaku [pro] a-swi-nyum-is-I [ku-famba [pro] ndzi-kombel-a migayo lomu mitini]:
(pro you-think-fv that [pro] neg-swi-be.ashamed-caus-neg to-go I-ask maize-meal here loc-village: do you think that it is not shameful to go and ask for maize meal here at the villages?)
[V-is [loko-CP]
Xitsonga: [pro] a-swi-hlamar-is-i [loko [vanhu vo tala va-nga-wu-von-i wolowo] (pro neg-AgrS8-be.astonished-caus-neg when people AgrS-poss-Inf many AgrS-neg-AgrO-see-neg that:
It is not astonishing when many people do not see that) [V-is DP Inf]
Xitsonga: [pro] sw-a-ndzi-chav-is-a [pro] [ku-tirh-a laha] (pro AgrS8-pres-Agr0-fear-caus-fv to-work-fv here: it is fearful to me to work here)
[pro] sw-a-ndzi-loloh-is-a [pro] [ku-yim-a laha]
(pro AgrS8-pres-Agr0-be.discouraged-caus-fv pro to-wait-fv here: it is discouraging for me to wait here)
[V-is LOC INF]
Xitsonga: [pro] sw-a-viler-is-a [eka mina] [ku-twa leswi]
(pro AgrS8-pres-be.sad-caus-fv loc.me to-hear this: it is sad to me to hear this)
[pro] sw-a-khorw-is-a [eka mina] [ku-ku-yingisa [pro]]
(pro AgrS8-pres-be.convinced-caus-fv loc me to-you-listen pro: it is convincing to me to listen to you)
[V-is [nga-DP]
IsiXhosa: [pro] a-ku-sa-khany-is-i [ng-amafutha], [pro] u-khany-is-a [nge-sibane]
(pro neg-you-still-give.light-caus-neg with-fat, pro you-give.light-caus-fv with-light:
[V-is]
Tshivenda: [pro] r-a-pf-a [pro] vha-tshi-tou-bvum-is-a]
(pro we-past-hear-fv pro they-ptc-indeed-roar-caus-fv: we heard them making to roar indeed)
IsiXhosa: Umlambo u-ya-zal-is-a
(River AgrS-pres-be.full-caus-fv: the river is rising) Xitsonga: I munhu w-o hlamar-is-a
(Cop person AgrS-poss-Inf be.astonished-caus-fv. he is an astonishing person)
2.7.2 With Transitive verbs See Mqingwana (1993):
As indicated above the effect of the causative affix -is- on the predicate argument structure of predicates is to add a new external argument as subject to the sentence and to change the old external argument into an internal argument. This may have the result that transitive verbs become ditransitive verbs with two objects. In such cases the object which is dependent on the presence of the affix -is- is the indirect object and is always adjacent to the verb:
IsiXhosa úmfâzì úthwálísà íntómbì ínyándà `Woman she-carry-cause girl bundle'
`The woman makes/allows/helps the girl carry the bundle' Xitsonga: Vatswari va-pfar-is-a vana rivanti
(Parents AgrS-close-caus-fv children door:
the parents makes (etc.) the children close the door) Sesotho: Mosadi o-batl-is-a bana dijo
(Woman AgrS-seek-caus-fv children food: the woman makes (etc.) the children seek food) Tshivenda: Vhanna vha-dah-is-a vhasadzi fola
(Men AgrS-smoke-caus-fv women tobacco: the men make (etc.) the women smoke tobacco)
In all these sentences the external argument may be interpreted with the semantic role of either causative agent, permissive agent or assistive agent. The "old" external argument retains its semantic role in this new position as internal argument, i.e. internal agent.
The "old" external argument, ends up as internal agent in the position of indirect object. This "old" argument may also end up in other positions and it frequently does so by combining with the preposition nga which mostly denotes instruments in isiXhosa:
Ndìnxìbìsà ídyásì [ngéntómbì] I-put-on-cause coat instr.-girl
`I have the coat put on by means of the girl, i.e. I make the girl put on a coat'
However, in some instances this "old" external argument may even end up as a locative in isiXhosa:
úmfâzì úthwálìsà ínyándà [éntòmbínì] woman she-carry-cause bundle locat.-girl
`The woman has the bundle carried on the girl, i.e. the woman makes the girl carry the bundle'
The new internal argument is not in all instances the old external argument of the corresponding non-causative verb. Sometimes an internal argument occurs with a causative verb that lacks a causative meaning as illustrated in the following examples:
a. Ndiphakamisa imbiza b. Izulu liyezisa `I lift up the pot' `It is going to rain'
Sentences where the internal argument, be it [+Animate] or [-Animate], appears as a locative or as the complement of the preposition nga- are ungrammatical. Consider the following examples:
(i) *Ndiphakamisa embizeni (ii) *Ndiphakamisa ngembiza `I lift to the pot' `I lift with the pot'
(iii) *Ndiwisa emthini (iv) *Ndiwisa ngomthi
`I make fall to the tree' `I make fall with the tree'
It seems rare for a causative verb to exhibit a causative meaning without the presence of the old external argument of the corresponding non-causative verb occurring as internal argument of that causative verb.
This usage is not very common and such sentences are usually not acceptable with the meaning above:
a. *Ndìdlàlísà úmbhòxó èbàntwánénì b. Ndìfùmánísà îincwádì èbántwìnì `I play rugby at the children' `I find the books at the people' c. Ndìkhwélìsà íháshè èmntwánénì
`I make the horse ride over the child'
(a) is unacceptable but b-c are accepted with locative meanings, and not agents. In comparison sentences with nga are frequently used:
a. Ndìthwálìsà ínyándà ngéntómbì b. Ndìcùlìsà ígwìjò ngábáfúndì `I make the girl carry the bundle' `I make the students sing a
It is possible to find that causative verbs with the affix -is- may have four different arguments, three internal and one external. In this case two extra internal arguments have been added of which one is found as indirect object, and the other as complement of nga, but both with the semantic role of agent:
a. úmfâzì úthwálìsà ábántwánà ínyándà ngéntómbì
`The woman allows/causes the girl to make the children carry the bundle' b. Ndìcùlìsà îintómbì ígwìjò ngábáfúndì
`I make the students let the girls sing a signature song'
It may also be found that such causative verbs may appear without any internal arguments but mostly with a special meaning:
a. Ló mntwánà údlàlísà ngám b. Lé ófísì íyàcèbísà
`This child is playing the fool with me' `This office gives advice freely' c. Ndìqàlísà ngésìfúndò
`I am beginning with a lesson/I freely give lessons' Omissibility of the internal object arguments
Omissibility of the direct object
In this subsection we examine the question of whether it is possible to omit the direct object in causative verb sentences while the sentence remains grammatical. Consider the following examples:
a. Ndinxibisa unodoli b. Uqondisa abafundi
`I dress the doll' `He makes students understand' c. Uculisa ikwayari d. Udlalisa amakhwenkwe
`He makes the choir sing' `He makes the boys sing' e. Ukhwelisa amakhwenkwe f. Ulimisa abantu
`He makes the boys climb' `He makes people plough'
All the above sentences are grammatical, hence the omission of the direct object occurs readily.
Omissibility of the indirect object
In this subsection we establish whether sentences in which the indirect object of the causative verb is omitted are in general grammatical, and whether this omission results in a change in meaning of the causative verb sentence, such that it no longer has a causative (C), or an assistive meaning (A). Consider the following examples:
a. *Ndinxibisa ilokhwe b. *Uqondisa izibalo
`I dress a dress' `He makes sums understand'
c. *Ufumanisa abahambi d. Uculisa iculo
e. Udlalisa amakhwenkwe f. Uhlambisa utata
`He makes the boys play' `He helps father to wash' g. Babambisa ileli
`They help to hold the step-ladder'
The first three examples above are ungrammatical. The last four examples above are grammatical. In most sentences where the indirect object is omitted there is usually a shift from the causative meaning (C) to the assistive meaning (A) as shown above, as well as examples such as the following:
a. Intombi iphekisa inyama b. Umfana ulimisa intsimi `The girl helps to cook meat' `The young man helps to
plough the field' 2.7.3 With ditransitive verbs
In the last place, ditransitive verbs with two internal arguments can extend these arguments to three with the causative affix on the verb. Such sentences are theoretically acceptable but conceptually very difficult to interpret. That is why they are all regarded as marginal:
a. ?Ndìphísà úmàmá ábántwánà iîlékésè `I help mother give sweets to the children' b. ?Ndìbòlèkìsà íxhégò índòdá ímálì
`I make the old man lend money to the man' c. ?Ndìbúzìsà útítshálà úmfúndì úmbúzò
`I make the teacher ask the student a question' d. ?Ndìthùmísà íntómbì úmntwánà íswékîlè
`I make the girl send a child for sugar'
But see Mqingwana (1993) where such sentences seem to be more acceptable: a. Ndinikisa abasemagunyeni abafundi amagumbi
`I help the authorities give rooms to students' b. Ndiphisa abantu abantwana iilekese
`I help people give sweets to children'
c. Ndivimbisa amadoda amakhwenkwe inyama `I help men to refuse boys meat'
d. Ndibuzisa abantu abantwana indlela
`I help people ask the way from the children' e. Ndicelisa abantwana abantu isonka
`I help children ask for bread from the people' f. Ndithumisa abantu abantwana amanzi
g. Ndibolekisa indoda ixhego imali
`I help man to lend money to the old man'
The above sentences demonstrate that if the causative verb is followed by three object NPs, the sentences are grammatical. Examples such as these are not common in the spoken language and some degree of uncertainty in interpretation may exist as to which NP animate is `helped' by the subject argument.
The omission of the last two NPs
Consider the possibility of the sentences appearing without the two rightmost object NPs.
a. *Ndinikisa abasemagunyeni b. *Ndiphisa abantu `I make authorities get' `I make people give' c. *Ndivimbisa amadoda d. *Ndibuzisa abantu
`I make men refuse' `I make people ask/inquire' e. *Ndicelisa abantwana f. *Ndithumisa abantu
`I make children ask' `I make people send' g. *Ndibolekisa indoda
`I make a man borrow'
These sentences are unacceptable as they are incomplete unless the hearer knows exactly what or who the speaker refers to in terms of discourse context in respect to the reference of the missing arguments.
Omission of the middle object
Here we will examine the result of the omission of the middle object NP. Consider the following examples:
a. Ndinikisa abasemagunyeni amagumbi b. Ndiphisa abantu iilekese `I help the authorities to give rooms' `I help people to give out
sweets'
c. Ndivimbisa amadoda inyama d. Ndibuzisa abantu indlela `I help men to refuse meat' `I help people ask for the way'
e. Ndicelisa abantwana isonka f. Ndithumisa abantu amanzi `I help children ask for bread' `I help people send for
water' g. Ndibolekisa indoda imali
`I help man borrow money'
All the above sentences are grammatical. Notice that the omission of the middle object of the sentences does not give rise to a different thematic interpretation of the remaining argument NPs.
Omission of the first object
In this subsection consider the result of the omission of the first (i.e. leftmost) object NP of the sentences. Consider the following examples:
a. Ndinikisa abafundi amagumbi b. Ndiphisa abantwana iilekese `I help the students to give out rooms' `I help children to give out sweets' c. Ndivimbisa amakhwenkwe inyama d. Ndibuzisa abantwana indlela
`I help boys to refuse meat' `I help children ask the way' e. Ndicelisa abantu isonka f. Ndithumisa abantwana amanzi
`I help people ask for bread' `I help children to send for water' g. Ndibolekisa ixhego imali
`I help the old man to borrow money'
The respective meanings in the above sentences are clear and these sentences are all grammatical. Notice that the thematic interpretation of the animate object arguments is now different.
Agr of the object NPs of the causative verb
In this subsection we will examine the occurrence of causative verbs with the suffix -is- with the Agr of three object NPs respectively. Consider the following example sentences.
a. Ndibolekisa indoda ixhego imali
`I help the man lend money to the old man' b. Ndiyayibolekisa indoda ixhego imali
`I am helping him the man lend money to the old man' c. Ndiyalibolekisa ixhego indoda imali
`I am helping him the old man to lend money to the man' d. *Ndiyayibolekisa imali indoda ixhego
`I am helping it the money to lend man to the old man' a. Ndibuzisa abantu abantwana indlela
`I help people ask children the way'
b. Ndiyababuzisa abantu abantwana indlela
`I am helping them people ask children the way' c. Ndiyababuzisa abantwana abantu indlela
`I am helping them children ask people the way' d. *Ndiyayibuzisa indlela abantwana abantu
`I am helping it the way ask children the people' a. Ndicelisa abantwana abantu isonka
