The Female Islamic Newcomer and the Mosque,
a place for integration in a new society?
A Sociological Study on the Role of the Mosque in the Integration Process of Female Islamic Newcomers
Gilda Flamand (11759917) gildaflamand@hotmail.com
MSc Sociology: Migration & Ethnic Studies Thesis supervisor: P.J. (Pamela) Prickett, PhD
Second Reader: Dr O.A. (Adeola) Enigbokan Amsterdam, 9 July 2018
Table of content
Preface 5
Abbreviations & translations 6
Abstract & keywords 7
1. Introduction 8
2. Background: Theoretical framework 11
2.1. Migration in a globalized world 11
2.2. Literature on religious institutions 12
3. Background: Literature review 14
3.1. The Mosque 14
3.1.1. Social functions of the mosque 15
3.2. Muslims, refugees, asylum seekers and their needs 15
3.2.1. Context for today migrants 16
3.2.2. Migrants’ needs 17
3.3. Integration 17
3.3.1. Integration in the Netherlands 18
3.3.2. Integration in the municipality 19
3.3.3. Integration from a bottom-up perspective 20
3.4. (Religious) stigma 20
3.5. Female Muslims 21
3.5.1. Women and the mosque 22
3.5.2. Stigmatization of Muslim women 22
4. Research Design & methodology 24
4.1. Method 24
4.2. Sampling and gathering of data 24
4.3. Design of research tools 26
4.5. Ethical consideration 27
4.6. Strengths and limitations 27
5. Findings & analysis: Visiting the mosque (or not) 28
5.1. Which mosque? 28
5.2. Meaning of going to the mosque 30
5.2.1. Meaning of going to the mosque according to refugees 31
5.3. Why choosing to not visit the mosque? 32
6. Findings & analysis: The integration process and activities in the mosque
that play a role 36
6.1. The meaning of integration 36
6.1.1. The meaning of integration according to refugees 37
6.1.2. Feeling integrated but not accepted? 37
6.2. Navigating around stigma 38
6.3. Priorities for refugees 39
6.4. Activities for women only 40
6.4.1. Activities for women only according to refugees 41
6.5. Activities/help for refugees 42
7. Findings & analysis: Not enough? 44
7.1. Why is the mosque not involved enough? 44
7.1.1. Why is the mosque not involved enough according to refugees? 47
7.2. What could a mosque do? 48
8. Conclusion, discussion and recommendations 50
8.1. Limitations 54
8.2. Recommendations for further research 55
References 56
Preface
Writing this thesis has been an intensive process in which I gained a lot of knowledge, broadened my worldview but most importantly; enjoyed it a lot! The hardest part was finding my respondents, but I have had so many beautiful and nice conversations with people I never met before. I have been invited for diners, parties and lectures and some respondents I met after the interview again to go together to social activities in the mosque for example. Many conversations with the respondents, lasted longer than the interview itself. Thus, I have not only learnt about my own topic, but about a whole range of topics concerning Islamic women.
Without the help of the respondents, I could not have written this thesis. Besides the respondents, my supervisor Pamela Prickett has offered me some good insights and
motivation to continue the process of writing my thesis, what I appreciate a lot. I reflect on the process with satisfaction and contentment. This thesis feels like an appropriate closure of my six years in university.
Abbreviations & translations
Abbreviations
AZC Asielzoekerscentrum (asylum seekers center)
CBS Centraal Bureau voor statistiek (Central Bureau for Statistics)
COA Centraal Orgaan opvang asielzoekers (Central Agency for the
Reception of Asylum Seekers)
IND Immigratie- en Naturalisatiedienst (Immigration and Naturalization
Service)
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
PVV Partij van de Vrijheid (Party for Freedom)
SCP Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau (The Netherlands Institute for Social
Research)
USA United States of America
VWN VluchtelingenWerk Nederland (Dutch Council of Refugees)
Translations
Gezellig Cozy
Halaqa A religious gathering or meeting for the study of Islam and the Quran
Iftar Refers to the evening meal for breaking (fasting) during the Islamic month of Ramadan
Inburgeringstoets Compulsory civic integration
Nederlander A Dutch person
Verstehen Understanding
Abstract & keywords
This research investigates the role of the mosque in the integration process of female Islamic refugees in the Netherlands. Using semi-structured interviews, this study is able to show how both Dutch Muslims and newcomers think about its role. In literature, there is a great
emphasis on religious institutions and its positive role it could play in the daily life of believers. The general conclusion based on this research is that there are some activities organized for either women or refugees in the mosque in the form of collecting and donating clothes and organizing diners during Holidays. However, respondents argue that the mosque could do more for its community to play a more present role in the lives of the refugees in the Netherlands. This research is a primary step for future research on the concept of integration and discourse on the Islam and mosques.
1. Introduction
While riding his bike in Amsterdam towards his work as a documentary maker on a morning in November 2004, van Gogh was murdered by Islamic Mohammed B. This event and
additional events in other European countries like the attacks in Madrid1 and London2, caused
the authorities to panic and many Muslims started to feel excluded from society (Buijs, 2009). Ever since this murder and the Dutch reactions towards it (the Vice Prime Minister by that time declared that ‘it is war’3) there is a rise of Islamophobia based on fear in the Netherlands
currently abetted by Geert Wilders in his right-wing Party for Freedom (PVV) (Beverly, 2017). Islamophobia is a form of racism and according to Cherribi (2011), the populist
media’s coverage about the Islam in Europe is the main factor in the increasing Islamophobia. However, on the other hand, several societal organizations protested against Islamophobia and the discourse about the Islam varies within Dutch society (Valk van der, 2017).
Islamophobia is also present around mosques. There are around 450 mosques and centers of prayer in the Netherlands. According to a recent report on Islamophobia in the Netherlands in 2016, there were 49 incidents around mosques that year. Most of the time the mosques received threatening letters, but there are also incidents concerning a thrown
Molotov cocktail and the depositing of a pig’s head next to the mosque (Valk van der, 2017). In previous years, there have been a lot of discussion about the role of mosques concerning the integration of Muslims in the Netherlands. Integration involves a process that leads to the achievement of citizenship and besides that, participation in the society of the country of destination (Bijl, Zorlu, Jennissen, & Blom, 2008). Some consider the mosque as a step, others as an obstacle towards participation in Dutch society. Besides being a religious
institution, one of its roles is to be a social-cultural institute with a platform for emancipation in society. Simultaneously, there is a continuous anxiety that mosques isolate and alienate from Dutch society, distributing radical ideologies instead of democratic viewpoints (Sar van der, Lombo-Visser, & Boender, 2009).
Geert Wilders has called for the eradication of mosques and a complete halt to Muslim immigration into the Netherlands (Beverly, 2017). Instead of a halt to Muslim immigration in
1 News article about the attack in Madrid http://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-14666717/2004-madrid-train-attacks
2 News article about the attack in London http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-33253598
3 News article about the statement of Zalm (2004) https://www.volkskrant.nl/binnenland/balkenende-nuanceert-oorlogstaal-van-zalm~a694177/
the Netherlands, the inflow of (Muslim) migrants has been growing in Europe since the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015 (Spindler, 2015). The refugees who want to settle in the Netherlands, are expected to naturalize and integrate in Dutch society. From a Dutch perspective, the role of the Islam is not conducive in the process of integration (Sandijk van, 2017). This has to do with the fact that for the majority of Dutch people, Islam is commonly associated with conflicts between non-Muslims and Muslims’ values and ways of living life (Maliepaard, 2012). A research with data from 2007 argues that 92% of the native Dutch population feel that Muslim men subordinate women. 81% feel that they make authoritarian parents and a bit more than 50% feel that the values of Muslim and Dutch persons are incompatible
(Maliepaard & Phalet, 2012). Hence, Islam is represented as a barrier for the integration and inclusion of Muslim minorities. Although Islam has a negative connotation in the majority of Dutch society, from the Muslim perspective, religion is a major part of their identity and culture and the practice of the Islam is pro-actively encouraged (Maliepaard, 2012).
For this thesis, I will research how the mosque can be conducive or not in the process of integration for female Islamic refugees and if the mosque has a role in this process too. To find out its role, I will focus on ten core aspects defined by Ager & Strang (2008) in their conceptual framework that will shape the understanding in the concept of integration: “achievement and access across the sectors of employment, housing, education and health; assumptions and practice regarding citizenship and rights; processes of social connection within and between groups in the community; and barriers to such connection due to a lack of linguistic and cultural competences” (Ager & Strang, 2008, p. 184-185). There is a critical view around refugees in general and in specific Muslim refugees focusing on the presupposed difficulty to integrate in a modern Western society. Nevertheless, religion remains important in the lives of a vast majority of individuals and the influence of religion on physical and mental health is largely beneficial (Seybold & Hill, 2001). According to Maliepaard (2012, p. 47), the majority of Dutch people see Muslims as the ultimate ‘Other’. Moreover, there is a negative connotation around Islam. But for a lot of ethnic minorities, Islam is just a valuable social identity (Maliepaard, 2012). That is why my research question is:
How do mosques play a role in the integration of female Islamic refugees in the Netherlands?4
4 When answering the research question, “play a role” refers to one or more of the ten core aspects defined by Ager & Strang (2008). Integration refers to any sort of help or activities the mosque could offer in order to ease the settling in a new country. More in chapter 3.2.4.
Besides the research question, I have decided to answer four different sub questions:
1. Why do female Muslims (not) visit the mosque and how do they experience a mosque visit and perceive the role of the mosque in their lives?
2. How is the concept of integration in the Netherlands understood by female Muslims? 3. What kind of activities are organized for (female) refugees in the mosque?
4. In which ways do other institutions, individuals and organizations help (female) refugees and is help necessary?
5. How do Female Muslims navigate social exclusion, and stigma?
This research is important because there has been a critical view towards the Islam and towards refugees in the Netherlands for years, whereas on the other hand, research also shows the positive influence of religion in one’s life. I am interested if this critical view towards Islam is grounded and I hope to show a more comprehensive picture of the role of the mosque and the integration of refugees. There already is a large extensive body of research in the sociology of religion and how religious institutions can help in people’s life. However, Dutch perspective continues to be predominantly negative. There seems to be a gap between
research and between Dutch attitudes towards religion and it would be fascinating to research this ‘puzzle’. Moreover, in the sociology of religion, there has been a greater contribution in literature towards Christianity and Islam is understudied, what makes this research unique (Maliepaard 2012). In the next chapter I will review critically the relevant research literature on this topic. I will include main aspects of the theoretical approach I have used to frame my research project. Thereafter, the research design and methodology will be discussed, and I will give an overview of the limitations and the strengths of this research. In chapter five to seven, the findings and the analysis divided in three different themes will be reviewed. This thesis ends with a conclusion and discussion and further recommendations.
2. Background: Theoretical framework
In this chapter, the theoretical framework will be reviewed, built from existing research within the sociology of migration and religion.
2.1. Migration in a globalized world
When referring to the religiosity of the native population in the Netherlands, it is often framed as a secular country with a high level of tolerance towards the marginalized and even until recently supporting multiculturalism (Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016). Secularism can be understood as the practice of separating religion from politics and states from religious institutions (Burchardt & Michalowski, 2015). Samuel P. Huntington argues in his famous article ‘The clash of civilizations?’ that scientists have thought for a long time that religion would disappear in people’s life as an important part, leading to a secular world (Huntington, 1993). However, due to an on-going rapid globalization since the second half of the 20th
century, religion has never disappeared in people’s life (Segers, 2009). Not just the globalization has played a role, also the most recent migration patterns play their part.
In the year 2015, more than one million refugees crossed the Mediterranean Sea to Europe to apply for asylum and more than 3,550 refugees lost their lives during the journey (Spindler, 2015). This is referred to as the so-called ‘refugee crisis’. Due to this influx of refugees, political debates were prevalent and stories about these newcomers were dominating the headlines in Dutch newspapers, what caused an emergence of negative attitudes towards this group. Next to this hostility, however, the Netherlands places importance on the
integration and inclusion of refugees instead of the exclusion (Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016). The Netherlands is not the only country dealing with an influx of asylum seekers. While most refugees flee to surrounding countries, other nation states in Europe receive refugees as well. A significant proportion of the asylum seekers in European countries is Muslim, and certain events in history like the intervention of the USA during the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and the terrorist attack on 9/11 have been shaping the public discourse and attitudes towards this group (Strabac & Listhaug, 2008). In Europe, strong interest in hostility and prejudice targeted towards Muslims specifically, can be traced back to the 80s, with the emergence of the term “Islamophobia”. Ever since, the general tendency in public discourse towards Islam was characterized by simplification (Strabac & Listhaug, 2008).
In the field of migration, extensive research has been done on immigrant minorities (Maliepaard, 2012) with a focus on forced migration since the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015. I would like to build further on this topic and that is why this thesis combines the theme of migration with the issue of religion and religious institutions, what will be discussed in the next section.
2.2. Literature on religious institutions
In the sociology of religion, the focus has been mainly on Christianity in Europe and in the United States of America (USA). Islam is understudied in the sociology of religion and especially understudied in Europe, because most studies focus on the USA. This is a problem, because as stated in the former section, the role of religion is growing due to among other things migration and globalization. In the meantime, (religious) conflicts occur anywhere in the world about for example the establishment of a new mosque in a neighborhood, whereas on the other hand, research about the positive role of religious institutions is available (Allen, 2010). The role of religion itself can be conducive for the welfare and quality of life. An example is that the trust in having an eternal life, can reduce stress because it can give a person existential security what could reduce stress in hard situations like having no job or not enough financial means. For migrants who are confronted with stress around acculturation, religion can offer psychological advantages. During times of insecurity, religion can be a source of security and stability (Huijnk, 2018). Consequently, people tend to strengthen their religious identity in order to cope with stigma related experiences (Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007).
In the USA, there is a tradition of analyzing religious practices and institutions as a route to integration, whereas on the other hand the Islam is regarded as an obstacle to
integration in European societies (Güveli & Platt, 2011). According to Foner and Alba (2008), the reason for this is a combination of factors and they explain why the USA is more
welcoming to immigrant religion than countries in Western Europe. Furthermore, they argue why - in social science literature - the focus in the USA is on the integrative role while in Europe the focus is on the conflict and exclusion role. Foner and Alba motive that it is because of the religious background of immigrants in Western Europe and the USA (mosty Christians in the USA and Muslims in Western Europe), the religiousity of the native
population and the secularity of the state (Western European countries have more trouble with religion in the public sphere because they are more secular than the USA) and historical
relations (Christian religions have been institutionalized in Europe more than in the USA what makes it harder for Islam to achieve equality) (Foner & Alba, 2008).An example of an USA study on religious institutions and integration is a book about Korean American
Evangelicals, written by Ecklund (2006). In this book, the author describes the role of religion within this immigrant community through for example the creation of jobs through social networks. Moreover, she researches how the practice of religion changes through for example the creation of networks as Korean Americans become more integrated in American society. Within other literature about migrants in the USA, two conflicting arguments have emerged: some have argued that religious institutions operate as a kind of ‘bridge’ for newcomers that could facilitate the assimilation of migrants. Others, on the other hand, have argued that religious institutions are more like a ‘buffer’, slowing down the process of assimilation (Cadge & Ecklund, 2006).
This research is important because there has been a critical view towards refugees in the Netherlands and towards the Islam and the mosque for years, whereas on the other hand, we know the value of religious institutions. However, we do not know how this can connect to the integration of newcomers, because there is a lack of studies in the combination of religion and integration and most studies on immigrant minorities and integration are focused on socio-economic aspects (Maliepaard, 2012; Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016) and not per se on religious aspects. Thus, in this thesis I do not seek to develop the concept of
integration further, but I would like to show a connection between refugee integration and refugee participation and the mosque and see if it is a kind of ‘bridge’ or more a kind of ‘buffer’, aiming to give a more complete picture of the role of the mosque in the integration process of refugees. In the next chapter, I would like to start by exploring the themes of migration, religion and integration to help me answer my research question.
3. Background: Literature review
In this chapter, the relevant research literature will be reviewed. It will explain relevant concepts which should be understood as the useful background information for this research. Following the research question, it will first focus on the mosque, and subsequently on the mosque visitors (Muslims) and refugees, asylum seekers and their needs. Thereafter, the concept of integration will be discussed, and a link will be made to stigmatization. This literature review ends with a focus on female Muslims.
3.1. The mosque
Religious organizations as well as the government are both active in various domains in societies. Besides this, religious organizations exist for a long time and often have many followers, financial means and an extended network to rely on. That is why they are important and part of civil societies (Maussen, 2006). In this research I also focus on the role of a
religious organization in the civic society, namely the mosque. The mosque in this research, refers to a physical building where people come together for prayer or religious, social, cultural and educational activities. The total number of mosques started increasing rapidly when the ‘guest workers’ from Turkey and Morocco brought their family to the Netherlands. The first mosques were often in living rooms of families, later they expanded to schools for example and in the last two decades, there is an increase in newly built mosques (Sar van der, Lombo-Visser, & Boender, 2009). Examples are the ‘Blue Mosque’ in Amsterdam West and the ‘Essalam mosque’ in Rotterdam.
Within Islam there is a diversity of different movements what is reflected in the daily management and administration of a mosque. Although most Muslims in the Netherlands belong to the Sunni movement, most mosques have a clear ethnic signature (Huijnk, 2018), which means that Turks go to the Turkish mosque and Moroccans go to the Moroccan
mosque for example. For many Muslims, their faith is very much intertwined with their ethnic identity and their country of origin. This involves as well that in most Turkish mosque, the lingua franca is Turkish and in most Pakistani mosques for example, the lingua franca is Urdu.
3.1.1. Social functions of the mosque
Some research has been done about the social function of the mosque. The limited studies about the social role of the mosque often talk about what the mosque could do for believers to play an emancipation role in the sense of destiny. There is a concern in society, the media, and politics whether the mosque makes the potential emancipating role happen (Sar van der, Lombo-Visser, & Boender, 2009). A research done in 2005 shows that 21% of the mosques just have a religious function, 44% of the mosques are according to this research ‘social mosques’ and 34% of the mosques are according to this research ‘limited social mosques’ (Canatan, Popovic, & Edinga, 2005).
An example of a social function besides its main function (worshipping), is shown in a research conducted in 2004 about the role of the mosque in Amsterdam. It shows that the mosque mainly focuses on activities around self-reliance and emancipation of their own followers through for example Arabic classes, Qur’an classes and information giving about health care for example. A smaller part of the activities organized by mosques in Amsterdam focused on participation and integration within Dutch society (Driessen, van der Werf, & Boulal, 2004). However, according to Sar van der et al. (2009), often the mosque in the Netherlands is also a place for meetings, free time, sport, information and more. A recent research from Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau (SCP, The Netherlands Institute for Social Research) (Huijnk, 2018) concludes the same: the mosque, besides its religious function, is often an important social meeting place for members of the community. They can get advice for sport, recreation and relaxation and sometimes for diner. The next section explores the members of the Muslim community (the mosque goers), migrants and their context today in the Netherlands.
3.2. Muslims, refugees, asylum seekers and their needs
The First Muslims came to the Netherlands from colonial Indonesia. Most of them were students (Buijs, 2009). After this small pocket of migration, the Muslim population in the Netherlands continued to grow with the coming of the mostly male and Muslim ‘guest
workers’ from Turkey and Morocco in the 60s last century. They had the intention to go back to their home country once the job was finished. However, after the idea that they would be staying in the Netherlands for a short period of time changed, they brought their families to their new country. In the 90s, a second generation of Muslims started to settle down in the
Netherlands (Vellenga, 2009). According to a recent research of Pew Research Centre, right now an estimated 7,1% of Dutch population is Muslim (Hackett, 2017).
The history around the debate about integration in the Netherlands has changed a lot since the arrival of the so-called Islamic ‘guest workers’ in the 1960s to Western Europe. From the 1980s onwards, the idea that the group of migrants would return to their country of origin was abandoned. The integration of migrants became a major point in the political agenda and has been ever since (Dukes & Musterd, 2012). The issue of Islam, the religion the ‘guest workers’ brought with them, was perceived in the Netherlands by a Dutch professor called Scheffer as a ‘multicultural tragedy’5 (Segers, 2009). This same line of thoughts has
been going on leading to many social problems blamed to migrant groups, like a lack of social cohesion, low participation in the labor market and social problems such as delinquency are related to the migrant groups. They were blamed to lack in things like toleration and
democratic attitudes and the perceived solution for this problem by the Dutch population was integration into the Dutch culture. It was thought that the problems would disappear once the migrant groups accepted the national defined values (Ivanescu, 2016). Besides the
‘multicultural tragedy’ other scholars have contended that there has never been a multicultural society in the Netherlands (Duyvendak & Scholten, 2010).
3.2.1. Context for today migrants
The majority of the asylum seekers coming to Europe are Muslim. In the end of 2016, 65.6 million people were fleeing worldwide, almost 1.2 million asylum seekers asked for protection in a country in the European Union and 18.171 people asked for asylum in the Netherlands. Most first asylum applications in the Netherlands were from people from Syria and Eritrea (VluchtelingenWerk Nederland, 2018). In the Netherlands, requests made by asylum seekers can be approved based on the Geneva Convention 1951 or on the basis of subsidiary protection (Vreemdelingenwet 2000). There is a slight difference between the two: the Geneva Convention is an international treaty and ratified by 196 states. People who are approved based on this Convention, are called refugees6. An asylum seeker is a person who
has fled their own country and tries to seek sanctuary in another country. An asylum seeker must demonstrate that the fear faced in his or her home country is well-founded (UNHCR,
5 Scheffer, P. (2000). ‘Het multiculturele drama’, NRC Handelsblad, 29 January.
6 “A refugee is someone who has been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, or violence. A refugee has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group. Most likely, they cannot return home or are afraid to do so” (UNHCR, 2017).
2017). In this thesis I only focus on refugees (sometimes called newcomers as well, but it means the same), because for asylum seekers it is less certain if they are allowed to stay in the country they migrated to what means that integration for them has less priority. Most
governments argue that integration is only possible and necessary once the refugee status has been received. On the other hand, literature from NGOs argue that the process of integration starts when an asylum seeker arrives in the country of destination (Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016).
3.2.2. Migrants’ needs
When arriving in the Netherlands asylum seekers have some important needs. Studies have shown that housing, employment and social networks are major determinants in the health of an individual. Exclusion from society can cause feelings of isolation and depression and the combination of uncertainty, negative attitudes towards asylum seekers in the host country, unemployment and rare access to services can have a huge influence on the well-being of the asylum seeker and may impact the access to integration (Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016).
3.3. Integration
In the introduction of this thesis, the framework of Ager & Strang (2008) was presented to determine what kind of possible indicators can ‘measure’ integration. However, the authors fail to give a clear definition of integration. While consulting other literature, researchers have given various definitions of the concept of integration. According to Alba & Foner (2014) integration refers “to the processes that allow members of immigrant groups to attain, usually gradually and approximately, the opportunities afforded long-term native citizens of obtaining such valued societal goals as improved socioeconomic position for themselves and their children and to gain inclusion and acceptance in a broad range of societal institutions” (2014, S264). And according to Bijl et al. (2008) integration involves a process that leads to the achievement of citizenship and besides that, participation in the society of the country of destination. They make a distinction between three dimensions or so-called domains: legal/political, socioeconomic and socio-cultural integration. Also van Meeteren (2014) focuses on these dimensions. According to her, the most common dimensions on integration in the Netherlands are the distinctions between socio-economic integration and socio-cultural integration (Meeteren van, 2014).
Thus, within literature where the concept of integration is discussed, there is not an agreed definition of what integration actually involves: Some consider it as a one-way linear process, whereas others consider it as a multi-dimensional and two-way process between the migrant and the host society (Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016; Council of Europe, 1997). It often occurs that the host society’s attitude towards migrants is not taken into account when discussing integration, but integration should be seen as a social process what involves both sides. An example is if a particular host society is hostile towards the new migrants, it is more likely that the migrants would live and stay in their own neighborhoods without too much contact with the outside world. This leads to a parallel society and not to integration (Council of Europe, 1997).
In conclusion one can argue that integration is a broad concept and integration can be measured in different forms. In this thesis, I am looking for all kinds of integration thus through clothes, food, friends, network, housing, work, language, health care, politics, etc. I am not looking just at cultural integration or economic integration. I will look at every field of integration and thus follow the ten core elements of Ager & Strang (2008), namely:
employment, housing, education, health, social bridges, social bonds, social links, language and cultural knowledge, safety and stability and lastly rights and citizenship.
3.3.1. Integration in the Netherlands
It is very difficult to define integration, because it differs in various countries. They can range from next-to-assimilation to multiculturalism (Council of Europe, 1997). Assimilation refers to a linear process in which immigrants give up their former identities, languages, cultural norms and values and loyalties to their country of origin. They gradually become full
members of the country of destination (van Meeteren, 2014). Multiculturalism is described as a situation in which immigrants demand the right to be different and have for example a different religion. Politicians in Europe are not very in favor of this situation (Martiniello & Rath, 2014).
Dutch integration policymaking has shown a major shift in its 35 years of existence. First there was a stress on mainly cultural and religious aspects. Mainly churches and welfare organizations took care of most services for migrants and later after criticism, the formulation of the policy put more emphasis on socio-economic aspects of integration. Since the 1980s, the shift took place in the way of policymaking and was focused on issues around integration and required a more systematic approach. From the 1990s onwards, the focus from
place and the topic of integration and migration became a symbolic politics (Bruquetas-Callejo, Garcés-Mascareñas, Penninx, & Scholten, 2007).
The question that remains, is what the concept of integration means in the
Netherlands. The most recent year report on integration of the Central Bureau for Statistics (CBS) was published in 2016. A definition of the word integration was not given,
nevertheless, they argued that there is a lot of debating about the definition of a “population that grows together”: do groups have to merge (integrate) or do new groups have to be similar to older groups (assimilation)? Then the CBS states clearly that they “empathically do not make a choice in this” (CBS, 2016, p. 18).
3.3.2. Integration in the municipality
Besides the fact that the concept of integration differs from country to country, it even differs between municipalities in the Netherlands. The Immigration and Naturalization Service (IND) of the Ministry of Safety and Justice is responsible for the admission of asylum seekers, whereas the Minister of Social Affairs and Employment is responsible for the integration of the asylum seekers and refugees. However, the minister’s role is more a coordinating role, whereas municipalities play a crucial role in the integration process and they receive a budget to carry out tasks from the central government. The municipality is able to shape their own policies regarding the integration of an asylum seeker or refugee (Klaver, 2016). This implies that policies can differ strongly between various municipalities.
Whenever there is a positive decision (taken by the IND) in the asylum application, the beneficiary is entitled to general social assistance by the municipality. They are expected to cooperate actively in finding a job. Moreover, a house should be found, and this has been one of the most demanding problems for the integration of refugees. Another form of
integration is through the Dutch labor market. Nevertheless, many studies have shown that it is problematic for refugees to insert in this market, due to for example language issues. One thing that can be successful for the integration in the Dutch labor market is a Dutch diploma. Another important factor for integration is access to healthcare. Studies have shown that refugees experience more problems with their health than native Dutch people and that a poor health of a refugee impacts integration in fields such as learning a language negatively
(Klaver, 2016). Health is an important indicator of integration because it is closely aligned to the access of work. However, it is often neglected (Bakker, Cheung, & Phillimore, 2016).
Compulsory civic integration (inburgeringstoets) has been the most important practice within Dutch policies of integration since 1998. An individual should be pass this exam
within three years and municipalities have played a crucial role in providing these courses. However, ever since 2013 there has been a drastic change: municipalities did not longer offer the courses for free to the new migrants. Integration within Dutch society has become the sole responsibility of the individual migrant. This led to difficulties for vulnerable migrants, such as refugees (Klaver, 2016).
3.3.3. Integration from a bottom-up perspective
Few researches have been conducted from the viewpoint of newcomers themselves. However, a research conducted by the United Nations (UNHCR) about the discourse of Arabic speaking refugees on social media in Germany, says that Syrians and Iraqis discuss their personal integration problems openly with putting a lot of emphasis on learning the new language and understanding the new culture in their host society. They debate the influence of the West on women and the youth, what results in women claiming more rights than in their country of origin and children dressing not according to the behavioral codes of the country of origin (UNHCR, 2017).
Because of this lack of perspective from migrants themselves about integration, I asked the respondents in the interview about their interpretation of the concept of integration and what this means in the Dutch context. For more, see section 6.1. When talking about the concept of integration, stigmatization is a word that was often linked by the respondents. This linkage will be discussed thoroughly in the next section and in chapter 6.1.2. In the following section, the concept of stigma will be explained.
3.4. (Religious) stigma
According to sociologist Goffman (1963), in the social psychology stigma is “a situation of the individual who is disqualified from full social acceptance” (p. 10). It is defined by two characteristics, namely the marking of a group of people as different based on a feature that the group shares like the colour of their skin or wearing a headscarf, and bearers of the stigma become dehumanized (Eijberts & Roggeband, 2016). In Europe, the place for Muslims is based on the “religious others” and in some countries, immigration is almost identical to Muslim immigration, interpreting the Islam as “deviant”. Besides this, much of the negativity around Islam has to do with racism and xenophobia (Burchardt & Michalowski, 2015). For Muslims in Europa, there are three stigma constructs, namely the perceived Islamophobia, negative representations in the media and religious discrimination. It is believed that these
various forms of stigmatizing Muslims have direct negative effects on the engagement in society. Islamophobia is anti-Muslim racism and the fear of Muslim as a social group (Kunst, Tajamal, Sam, & Ulleberg, 2012). The negativity in the media is one of the main factors for the increasing islamophobia (Valk van der, 2017). Religious discrimination is about the way of dressing for example or unfair treatment in the labor market based on religion (Kunst et al., 2012).
In the Netherlands it is remarkable that various issues about integration, which are not linked to religious affiliation, are being spoken of in problems of ‘the Islam’ or ‘the Muslims’. Many debates about the Islam in the Netherlands are focused on the concept of integration and are about issues surrounding unemployment, crime and the nuisance of young people hanging around (Maussen, 2006). Because of the defensive attitude from Dutch society, Muslims can become more convinced of their religion and Muslims identity. Ties with their ethnic group can give them a feeling of belonging and security in a society where Muslims feel excluded (Huijnk, 2018).
3.5. Female Muslims
For my thesis I have decide to focus on women only. The first reason to only focus on women is because it limits the scope of my research. The second reason I only focus on women, is because they are easier to reach than Muslim men, because I am a woman myself. There have been several researches only focusing on religious women before. Avishai (2008) shows in her research about “doing religion” in a secular world, that religious women are not passive targets of religious discourses. Religion is not a fixed identity, but doing religion is focused on a constructivist framework and examines how individuals interpret their religions in their lives (Avishai, 2008). An example of this can be found in a study by Read and Bartkowski (2000) about the veiling of Muslim women: participation in veiling is not to adhere to religious views based on gender, but to show their religious commitment.
There has been an intense focus on gender and Islam studies within the Netherlands. Islamic women were targeted by urban emancipation policies in for example the city of Rotterdam. Rotterdam was struggling with a low participation in the labor market blamed among other things on the Muslim community. However, their response was that economic independence was not achieved by a lack of personal working incentives, but because the labor market discriminates against women with an Islamic background (Ivanescu, 2016).
Specific studies on refugee women for example by Porter and Haslam (2005) about the mental health of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDP’s), shows evidence suggesting that female refugees have worse mental health than male refugees. Besides this, a research conducted by Carballo, Grocutt and Hadzihasanovic (1996) about women and migration, shows that migration can place women in situations where they can experience anxiety and stress, because they have lost their traditional environment where they used to live in. The authors argue that in many societies women are marganizalized and therefore denied rights like access to education and employment. Therefore, their integration in their new country can be limited by their lack of education and work expiernce. Besides this, women have a higher vulnerability to sexual violence (Carballo et al., 1996). Another research about refugee women specifically in the Netherlands conducted by Bakker et al. (2016) about the asylum support system and refugees’ health shows that women and older refugees reported a poorer health status than the rest of the refugees. Based on former
research, I have decided to focus on women only, because of their vulnerability and religious women should not be seen as passive targets within a religious discourse.
3.5.1. Women and the mosque
Women go to the mosque less often than men because for women it is not an obligation to visit the mosque on Fridays. However, research has shown that a quarter of the mosques examined by Canatan, Oudijk and Ljamai (2003) has a department especially for women and that the influence of the activities organized for and by women should be taken into account (Sar van der, Lombo-Visser, & Boender, 2009).
Whether women go to the mosque depends on the ethnicity of a person, their willingness to pray in the mosque and also their nationality (Sar van der, Lombo-Visser, & Boender, 2009). In Afghanistan for example, women are not allowed to visit the mosque at all (USDOS, 2018).
3.5.2. Stigmatization of Muslim women
In the dominant discourse in the media and in politics, specifically Muslim women are seen as ‘backward’ when focusing on for example their language proficiency or their socio-economic position. Some argue their integration has failed, because the hijab is a sign that Muslims ‘are a problematic minority refusing to integrate’ (Ryan, 2011, p. 2). Besides this, as argued before, Islam is portrayed as a threat to Dutch society and an obstacle to the integration of (female) Muslims. Especially women are seen by Islam critics as victims in an oppressive
system, depicted as dependent and subordinate. The result of the stigmatization of female Muslims, is that they are considered as deviant what could lead to a lower level of
participation in Dutch society (Eijberts & Roggeband, 2016). According to van der Valk (2017), people with a migrant background have more difficulties in finding a job and in particular female individuals who wear a headscarf find difficulties because one can tell by their appearance that they are Muslim.
4. Research Design & methodology
4.1. Method
To understand how the mosque can play a role during the integration of newcomers, I have conducted interviews with twenty different Muslims. For this research, I have used the qualitative method of conducting in-depth interviews, because this method is able to provide detailed information about my interviewees (Alencar, 2017). An interview is a powerful tool for eliciting valuable data on people’s views (Gray, 2014). Moreover, according to Gray (2014), the interview is a favored approach when the respondent is not fluent in the native language of the country, which is probably the case when interviewing refugees. I have made use of a semi-structured interview and not of a structured or unstructured format, because this will give me room to ‘probe’ for more detailed responses when needed. Moreover, semi-structured interviews are able to explore subjective meanings that the respondents ascribe to concepts and events (Gray, 2014).
Before I conducted the interview, I started with an explanation about the purpose of the interview, for whom the information is, how I will deal with the information and how I will collect and use the information. Lastly, I have asked for permission to record the interview (Gray, 2014). The interviews lasted for about 30-45 minutes. I started with some easy warming up questions and I tried to let the interview be as a conversation and respond to the answer the interviewee has given me (Hermanowicz, 2002).
4.2. Sampling and gathering of data
For my research I have acquired the data, by selecting a set of 20 cases. Within qualitative research, the aim is not to generalize findings, but to generate understanding. I have made use of purposive sampling because this method seeks to identify information-rich cases with in depth information to study. Besides purposive sampling, I have made use of snowball sampling. I have used this approach, because I needed the knowledge of insiders to locate respondents for the research (Gray, 2014). I know it is harder to connect with newcomers than with Muslims who have been in the Netherlands for more years. First, I have connected to Muslims who have been living in the Netherlands for a longer time, through purposive sampling. Then, I have made use of snowball sampling with the help of their network.
Besides this, I have used Social media like Facebook in order to try to connect with refugees by posting my question for help on pages especially focused on refugees in the Netherlands. I have decided to refer to Muslims who have been living in the Netherlands as Dutch Muslims and to newcomers as either newcomers of refugees.
Because of the limited scope of my master thesis project, I have used 20 different cases for this research. I have done ten interviews with newcomers and I have done ten interviews with Muslims who have been living in the Netherlands for more years (called the Dutch Muslims7). The ten interviews with newcomers exist of two different groups: refugees
who do visit the mosque and refugees who do not visit the mosque. I only make this
distinction in the data analysis later in the thesis when it matters for the understanding of the analysis and I will clearly state the difference between the two refugee groups. Since the background of the respondents differ a lot, important details about them are added in figure 1. Note that these names or not their real names.
Figure 1: List of respondents
7 It was difficult to decide upon the terms I would use to differentiate between the refugee group and the non-refugee group. With the term Dutch Muslim I am aware of the fact that a non-refugee can be Dutch and Muslim as well. However, with Dutch Muslim I refer to the group of Muslims who were born in the Netherlands.
4.3. Design of research tools
I have conducted most of the interviews face to face in a public space like the university building8 and most interviews with refugees were conducted in their house in different parts
in the Netherlands. I conducted two interviews through Skype, because the respondents lived more than three hours away by train. I always tried to get to a quieter place in order to hear each other better. I have recorded almost all interviews except for one, because she did not feel comfortable with me recording us. I transcribed the interviews immediately afterwards, because that was the time I remembered the conversation best. After transcribing every interview, I started analyzing the data straight away (Gray, 2014). I began the analysis by writing up as many codes as possible. This process is called initial coding and the aim is to get familiar with the issues emerging form the data at an early stage. After reading the data again, I started to make focused codes (Charmaz, 2014). I have looked for connections between the focused codes in one interview, but also in a later stage between the different interviews I have conducted. In between coding and analyzing, I have been writing memos as well. Through writing integrative memos, I have been seeking to for relationships between codes and this has provided me with a more sustained examination of a specific theme (Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 1995) what has helped me a lot when I started to write the analysis part of this thesis. I have collected all memos in different Word documents and I have
collected all focused codes in an Excel sheet to have one big overview of the most important quotes. As an extra besides interviewing, I have written field notes of observations. I have conducted these field notes by attending special meetings for women in mosques for example.
4.4. Analytical approach
For my research I have made use of the abductive analysis approach. Abductive analysis is deeply indebted to grounded theory, what is explained as a theory that is: ‘discovered, developed and provisionally verified through systematic data collection and analysis of data pertaining to that phenomenon’ (Strauss & Corbin, 1998, p. 23). According to Timmermans and Tavory (2012), the aim of abductive analysis is theory construction and it rests on the cultivation of deviant and surprising empirical findings. Throughout this research I have been aware of observational surprises and ‘puzzles’ (Timmermans & Tavory, 2012).
This is done through three methodological steps: revisiting, defamiliarizing and alternative casing. Revisiting is done through taking detailed field notes, writing transcriptions of the interviews, coding and memo writing. Defamiliarizing maximize the possibilities of abduction and ensures me to consider again aspects I took for granted. One can do this for example through taking a small excerpt of the data and trying to understand the data in as many
possible ways. The last step is alternative casing in which one tries to form as many links with the data in the position of one’s theoretically knowledge (Timmermans & Tavory, 2012).
Within abductive analysis I am aware of the position I occupy as a researcher, woman, student etc. This position colors my visions, but I do not only see the world through racialized eyes for example: I also analyze through the theoretical lenses of the courses I have been following and the theories I have been reading (Timmermans & Tavory, 2012).
4.5. Ethical consideration
I am aware of the fact that I have been working with human subjects and that I must protect the dignity and safety of my interviewees. Within science there is the establishment of specific codes of conduct which I will follow. The first principal is voluntary participation of the interviewee, the second principal is the protection of the participants by for example informing the types of question they could expect, and the last principle is confidentiality and anonymity of the interviewee (Marvasti, 2004). I have changed all names of the respondents and I have decided to leave out the city or the village they live in and the name of the mosque they are visiting.
4.6. Strengths and Limitations
Because of the time I spend with the respondents, I will gain an insider’s view of the field. The strength of this qualitative research is that I will try to uncover meaning. My aim of this research is to understand the why and not to generalize the findings. This research will give some insights of the view of female Muslims on certain topics. Because of the in-depth data, this will lead to verstehen (understanding). Besides strengths, I am aware of the fact that this research has limitations as well. One of the weaknesses of this research is the lack of diversity in the research population due to my method of sampling. Another limitation is the fact that it would have been better to have more respondents, to come to theoretical saturation.
5. Findings & analysis: Visiting the mosque (or not)
The main function in a mosque is worshipping. A research about the role of the mosque argues that besides its religious function, the mosque is often an important social meeting place for members of the community (Huijnk, 2018). Because of these different roles of the mosque, it is interesting to find out based on what kind of grounds the respondents choose a particular mosque. Not all Islamic women visit the mosque. Firstly, because they are not obliged to visit the mosque, but also because of the perceived religious stigmatization. For Muslims in Europa, there are three stigma constructs, namely the perceived Islamophobia, negative representations in the media and religious discrimination. It is believed that these various forms of stigmatizing Muslims have direct negative effects on the engagement in society (Kunst, Tajamal, Sam, & Ulleberg, 2012). This chapter researches the underlying ideas of why the respondents visit a particular mosque or decide not to visit the mosque at all. Is it for example important that the mosque is socially involved, or is it important that the mosque is a meeting place for people with the same ethnicity? Do people avoid the mosque because of perceived Islamophobia? This chapter starts with discussing why the respondents choose a particular mosque than moves to the meaning of visiting a mosque and ends with reasons why some of the respondents do not visit the mosque. Lastly, when relevant, I make a distinction between Dutch Muslims and Refugees and I will state this clearly.
5.1. Which mosque?
Different reasons are given why the respondents go to a particular mosque. Moreover, many respondents visit different mosques, because different mosques offer different services. Some respondents travel a lot throughout the day and therefore make use of different mosques. For them it just depends where they are situated. However, all respondents who are visiting the mosque were able to identify one mosque the feel most connected to.
An often-heard reason to visit a particular mosque is because it is closely located to their homes (or AZC (asylum seekers center)). This is understandable, especially for men because they pray often in the mosque and when the mosque is far away, it is inconvenient to visit the mosque multiple times a day or a week. Thus, one reason to visit a particular mosque is because of the easiness. Besides this, the refugee respondents I talked to live in different places in the Netherlands and none of them is living in a bigger city. This means that the
refugee respondents often do not have a choice choosing a particular mosque, because only one is located close to their house (if any is located close to their house). The location of the mosque was the only reason they mentioned when choosing for a particular mosque.
Also, Dutch Muslims respondents choose a particular mosque because it is a meeting place where friends and family gather:
“I do not know those people and that is why I am more inclined to go to the mosque that I am familiar with” (Salma, April 2018).
This shows that the mosque is not just a place for worshipping, but that Dutch Muslim respondents also put emphasis on the social aspect for the mosque. One of the respondents, named Noor, said that the social aspect of the mosque is important for her as well:
“I visit this mosque because this mosque is socially involved. The more a mosque is socially involved and organizes activities I think are important, the more I am present in that mosque” (Noor, April 2018).
Noor was an active member in the mosque herself. Besides that, she was active within Islam outside the mosque as well. She gave Arabic classes to Muslim student in order to help them interpreting the Quran better and she organized meetings for women only at the university called ‘Halaqa’ what I have been attending as well. In these meetings different parts of the Quran were prepared and discussed in small groups to gain a deeper understanding of the Holy Book.
Besides the practical reason to choose for a particular mosque because it is closely located to your house, is because not all Dutch Muslim respondents are able to talk or understand the language spoken in the mosque. In most Turkish mosques the main language is Turkish and in most Moroccan mosques, the main language is Arabic. Sometimes it is translated in Dutch and Berber after the sermon. The Dutch Muslim respondents were all born in the Netherlands and Dutch is their native language. All of them are able to read Arabic and thus the Quran, but most of them are not able to understand Arabic and prefer to visit a mosque where Dutch is the main language. Most Turkish Dutch Muslim respondents are able to understand Turkish and mainly visited Turkish mosques. The refugee respondents who are visiting the mosque did not put an emphasis on language at all. However, all of them speak Arabic and the prayer of the Imam is almost always in Arabic.
The last reason to choose for a particular mosque according to some respondents is because the respondents share the same ethnicity. One respondent, named Hiba who identified herself as Turkish besides Dutch, argued that she prefers to go to a Turkish mosque, because in the Turkish mosque she is free to express her Turkish identity. On the other hand, some respondents clearly argued that they prefer to go to a mosque where the ethnicity is mixed, because ethnicity is not important for them in Islam. Salma, another respondent with Turkish parents, argued that she does not like to go to a Turkish mosque, because she does not want to encounter acquaintances all the time. She states that in her opinion, the Turkish community is a closed community and prefers to visit bigger mosques in order to avoid acquaintances. I will elaborate on this topic in section 5.3
However, it is not per se clear if people go to the mosque along their ethnicity, because they want to be with people of the same ethnicity, or more because of practical reasons. Two of the respondents for example, Dounia and Farah were both born in the Netherlands and both have Pakistani parents. Their language spoken at home is Urdu. It makes sense that they visit a Pakistani mosque where the sermon is in Urdu, because that is the language they understand (besides Dutch).
5.2. Meaning of going to the mosque
The meaning of a mosque visit for respondents could unravel what respondents find important in mosque visits. Because the answers given by the Dutch Muslims and the refugee
respondents differ, I discuss the two group in separate sections, beginning with the Dutch Muslims. Three answers given by Dutch Muslims were often heard. Two of them - and most often heard - were focused on the religious function of the mosque and one of them was focused on the social function of the mosque. The first meaning of a mosque visit what many of the Dutch Muslims respondents argued was that the mosque is a place where one can experience her faith. They argued that it is a place of worship where people together are able to strengthen their faith. Another meaning of visiting the mosque for Dutch respondents is that it gives them the opportunity to acquire more knowledge about the Quran and about the Arabic language through for example classes organized in the mosque. Besides this, the mosque is a place where the respondents can find peacefulness and quietness because it is the house of God. Praying in the mosque is for many respondents a moment of reflection.
Besides the two religious functions mentioned by the Dutch Muslims respondents about the meaning of visiting the mosque, the social function of the mosque was mentioned as
well by the respondents. Rana for example gave an illustration of the mosque in the time of the prophet:
“I have been working on a project in which we would like to make the mosque
something else than just a place for worshipping. In the time of the prophet it was more than a place for prayer: classes were held, and social activities were
planned. People were there for each other and helped each other with advices. Thus, it is a place what brings Muslims together through different activities to strengthen your faith” (Rana, May 2018).
Rana is very much aware of the function the mosque could fulfill besides its religious function. However, not all Dutch Muslim respondents mention social aspects of visiting the mosque as well. It seems that for most of the respondents, the religious function of the mosque is the most important one and other functions are less important.
5.2.1. Meaning of going to the mosque according to refugees
I will talk about the answers of the refugee respondents separately because they differ from the answers the Dutch Muslims gave. It stands out that two of the five refugee respondents who visit the mosque were very much positive in their answers about the role of the mosque in their lives. This is shown in the answers they have given as well. The two respondents who were positive, expressed feelings of relaxation and peacefulness after a mosque visit.
However, they only focused on religious meanings. The three other refugee respondents were more hesitant to express positive feelings when asking about the meaning of a mosque visit. Zahra from Syria argued for example that the meaning of a mosque visit has changed since she is in the Netherlands:
I: What does it mean to go to the mosque for you personally?
R: In our country we liked going to the mosque. But it is different from here. Here we are more estranged to each other. We are foreigners. Back home the whole family gathers together, and here everyone is a stranger from the other. It is separated.
The reasons she gives is because they feel foreigners and not part of the mosque. As said before, two of the five refugee respondents, were positive about the mosque and felt welcome. The other three newcomers who visit the mosque were more critical and some complained about the Muslims society in the Netherlands being closed. However, the five refugee
respondents I interviewed who do not visit the mosque, do not visit the mosque per se because they do not feel welcome in the mosque.
Thus, it is remarkable that the reasons mentioned about the meaning of a mosque visit for refugees are mainly religious reasons and they do hardly mention any social reasons. The refugee respondents also have to a lesser degree positive experiences while visiting a mosque when compared to the Dutch Muslim respondents. Because the reason the refugee
respondents do not visit the mosque, is not because they do not feel welcome, I will discuss in the next section why they choose to not visit the mosque.
5.3. Why choosing to not visit the mosque?
For this research, it was challenging to find female Islamic refugees who visit the mosque. In this paragraph we will find out why some of the refugee respondents choose not to visit the mosque. In the former paragraphs, reasons to visit a particular mosque and the meaning of a mosque visit were discussed. This is important, because it could reveal reasons why they choose not to go. Is it because the mosque is organized along an ethnic line and because they do not have the same ethnicity? Is it because they do not feel welcome in the mosque because the ethnic community in the mosque is a closed community?
Dilara is from Syria and does not go to the mosque in the Netherlands. She gives different reasons why she is not visiting the mosque:
“I did not go to the mosque in Syria either, but I do pray. I believe in Islam it is better for women to pray at home and not go to the mosque. I don’t believe in religious symbols and institutions like the church and the mosque. I believe that religion is private. Moreover, I am not wearing a headscarf and in some
communities within Islam, if you are not wearing a headscarf, you are out of the group. I don’t like going to the mosque because I don’t want to explain to the people why I am choosing not to wear a scarf. In these communities they try to impose things on you, but I just want my own ideas not those of an Imam or priest” (Dilara, May 2018).
Thus, one of the reasons is because she believes it is better for women to pray at home9.
She added as well that she got les distracted when praying at home than praying in the mosque. Besides this, she argues that she is not wearing a headscarf and that she does not want to explain to others (Muslims) why she is not wearing one. She feels judged by others because of her choice. According to a study by Casey (2017), Muslim Americans are stigmatized not only by non-Muslims, but by other Muslims as well. Thus, there seems to be not only stigmatization of Muslims by the majority, but also Muslims themselves stigmatize the other Muslim. This author is the only one who writes about it as far as I am concerned. However, when talking to other respondents, I sometimes got more signals of them arguing that they judge other Muslims who were eating in public during Ramadan for example.
Another reason mentioned by a refugee who is sometimes visiting the mosque but is not liking the mosque in the Netherlands, argues that her reason for not visiting the mosque on a regular basis has to do with the fact that she feels that in the mosque others want to impose things on her. She gives an example:
“If you are in Saudi Arabia and you go to the mosque, you pray for the king of Saudi Arabia, but not the King of the king [Allah – GF]. If I go to the Turkish mosque here, you listen to what Erdogan wants, what happens in Ankara and Istanbul. They impose the opinion of the government upon us, but not the original Islam, but political Islam” (Aicha, May 2018).
I also talked to Zahra, who moved to the Netherlands with her family two years ago. She argued clearly that it feels that the Islamic societies (and especially the Moroccan community) is very closed in the Netherlands:
I: Do you feel welcome in the mosque you are visiting?
9 Ibn Hanbal (an Iraqi scholar who came up with one of the four traditional Sunni Islamic schools of
jurisprudence) transmitted a Hadith about women and the mosque: A woman named Umm Humayd declares to the Prophet: “O Messenger of God, I love to pray with you!” The Prophet replies: “I know that you love to pray with me, but it is better for you to pray in your inner chamber than in your house, and it is better for you to pray in your house than in your courtyard, and it is better for you to pray in your courtyard than in the mosque of your clan, and it is better for you to pray in the mosque of your clan than in my mosque” (Katz, 2014)
R: Not so much [laughs]. But they cannot say no, just Moroccan can come in. The Moroccan society is not very welcoming.
I: Do you feel welcoming in the Turkish society?
R: Yes. They are welcoming. Well, better not high but more. I: Do you know why that is the case?
R: This society is very closed. The Moroccan. Still even for Dutch society, they are closed. Maybe they feel themselves that this is their country because they have a nationality or something and they are staying here for a longer time. We did not connect with them. We like Dutch people more than Moroccan and Turkish. We feel closer to Dutch.
(Zahra, May 2018).
Besides Zahra, Imane from Syria also talked about the closeness of the Muslim community in the mosque:
R: The mosque in the Netherlands is very much closed. They do not have many contacts with Dutch non-Muslims. It is a closed community. I met many Dutch people who did not know that Muslim women are intelligent and study. I: Why are the Turkish and Moroccan communities closed?
R: They have their own opinion and want to preserve their own culture I guess. There is no openness here in the Netherlands about Islam and the Turks and Moroccans don’t give a good example of Islam. Some people say that within Islam there is no freedom, but I think there is plenty of freedom in Islam. I choose myself to wear a headscarf, it is my opinion and decision. Islam is freedom for women. […] The propaganda on the tv make Muslim men look like bad men. Here in the Netherlands people look weird to me when I wear my headscarf, but I don’t care. They don’t accept me, but I know better.
(Imane, May 2018).
Because of among others the two comments of these two different respondents, the question why the Muslim community in the Netherlands is close, kept me busy. According to Hujink (2018), this has to do with the defensive attitude from Dutch society. Because of this
behavior, Muslims can become more attached to their religion and Muslims identity. Ties with their ethnic group can give them a feeling of belonging and security in a society where
