The Struggle for an Independent State in Southern Cameroons: measuring
the effectiveness of the Interim Government in mobilizing collective action
Annelou Aartsen
MSc. Conflict Resolution & Governance University of Amsterdam
Supervisor: Dr. Floris Vermeulen Second reader: Maria Kranendonk 28 June 2019
Table of Contents Chapter 1 – Introduction
- Research Structure
Chapter 2 – Literature Review: Diaspora and Conflict - Diaspora
- Diaspora and Conflict
- Diaspora’s Practices of Engagement
• The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam • Achenese Diaspora
Chapter 3 – Theoretical Framework: Framing - Studying Social Movements
• Framing
• Discourse Analysis
- Snow and Benford’s Collective Action Frames • The Core Framing Tasks
§ Diagnostic Framing § Prognostic Framing § Motivational Framing - Assessing the Effectiveness of Frames
• Frame Resonance § Credibility § Salience
• Contested Framing Processes
• Contextual Constraints on Framing Efforts - Existing Framing Research
Chapter 4 – A Multimethod Approach - Operationalization
- Methods
• History of the Anglophone Conflict
• Collective Action Frames Cultivated by the Interim Government § Framing Analysing Technique
• Strategies Employed by the Interim Government - Reflection on Research
Chapter 5 – Results
- Understanding the Root Causes of the Anglophone Problem • Historical Background
• Decolonization and Independence • The Federal Republic of Cameroon • La République du Cameroun - Crisis in the Anglophone Regions
• International Responses
- The Interim Government and the Federal Republic of Ambazonia • The Creation of the Interim Government
• The Structure and Functioning of the Interim Government • Governance Structure Interim Government
• The Amba Peace Plan
5.2 Identifying the Frames Created by the Interim Government
- Diagnostic Framing
• Colonial Occupation: Identifying the Problem and Attributing Blame • The Genocide Frame
- Prognostic Framing • Identifying a Solution • Specification of Targets § International Community § The Diaspora § Ground Zero - Motivational Framing
• Severity of the Problem • Sense of Urgency
• Propriety of Taking Action
5.3 Strategies to Reach Buea
- Fundraising
- Raising Public Awareness
• The International Community § Advocacy
§ Lobbying
• The Diaspora and Ground Zero - Regulating the War on the Ground from Abroad
• Self-Defence • Boycotts • Ghost Towns - Hope • Ground Zero • The Diaspora • Social Media
Chapter 6 – Assessing the Effectiveness of the Frames Cultivated by the IG - Reflecting on the Collective Action Frames
• Frame Resonance
§ Empirical Credibility
§ Experiential Commensurability § Credibility of Frame Makers • Contested Framing Processes
§ Frame Disputes
§ Responding to Frame Disputes Chapter 7 – Conclusion
- Anglophone Struggle
- Collective Action Frames of the Interim Government • Consensus Mobilization
• Action Mobilization
- Effectiveness of the Interim Government’s Collective Action Frames - Future Research
- Reflections on Research Bibliography
Chapter 1 - Introduction
Currently between 450,000 and 550,000 persons from the North West and South West regions of Cameroon are displaced (CHRDA and Raoul Wallenberg, 2019). This makes the population of Cameroon the sixth largest displaced population of the world (CHRDA and Raoul Wallenberg, 2019). In January 2019, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported that 1,3 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance (UN OCHA, 2019). These numbers do not merely result from the government’s conflict with Boko Haram in the far North of the country but are largely due to a current conflict between the English-speaking (Anglophone) and French-speaking (Francophone) regions in Cameroon. In October 2016 political and social tensions between the Anglophone and Francophone regions gave rise to massive protest and strikes of the Anglophone population. While protest started off peacefully, they have taken a violent turn and there has been a sharp escalation of serious violence, crime and human rights violations (CHRDA and Raoul Wallenberg, 2019). Over time, various groups, among which separatist groups, have emerged and are fighting French Cameroonian forces. On the 1st of October 2017, one of these Anglophone movements – led from the diaspora – has proclaimed the independence of the Anglophone regions under the name “Federal Republic of Ambazonia”. The self-proclaimed Federal Republic of Ambazonia is led by the Interim Government (IG) located in the diaspora. From the diaspora the Interim Government tries to influence conflict in its ‘homeland’ – also referred to as Southern Cameroons or ‘Ground Zero’. While working in exile, the Interim Government seeks to find movement sympathizers and ultimately establish and independent Southern Cameroonian state. To ensure independence of the Southern Cameroons the IG tries to incorporate both diaspora members and Anglophone Cameroonians located on the ground in its activities.
Even though the conflict has taken a violent turn, the international community has stayed relatively silent and little is known about the current conflict and the role played by the Interim Government, in particular. Therefore, this research is devoted to the Interim Government and its efforts to establish the Federal Republic of Ambazonia. While the Interim Government is not the only Southern Cameroonian movement that has come into being, it will be the focus of this study because it is one of the key players that has influenced and sustained the war at home from abroad (International Crisis Group, 2018). In this research, the Interim Government will be studied as a social movement, which tries to mobilize collective action to achieve an
independent state. There are various ways through which social movements have been studied in the past. Two common approaches to study social movements are a discourse analysis and a framing analysis. Whereas a discourse analysis stresses the structural constraints posed by a discourse on social movements actors, a framing analysis emphasizes the strategic role played by social movement actors and their ability to deliberately mobilize people. A framing analysis will be adopted to study the independence movement of the Interim Government, because it allows to elucidate the processes by which the IG seeks to mobilize support for its activities, and ultimately tries to establish independence (Gahan and Pekarek, 2013). Hence, it enables to identify the story that has been developed by the IG to mobilize movement adherents. In specific, Snow and Benford’s (1988) collective action framing theory will be used because it allows to identify the frames that have been developed by the IG and it also – as will be explained in more detail in the theoretical framework – offers tools to assess the effectiveness of these cultivated frames. Therefore, Snow and Benford’s theory enables this research to ultimately say something about the mobilization potential of the collective action frames nurtured by the Interim Government. With the aid of the collective action framing theory, this research will explore to what extent the Interim Government of the Federal Republic of
Ambazonia is able to effectively frame the Anglophone conflict and thereby generate an independence movement? In order to shed light on this question this research will be divided
into three sub-questions namely: 1) What is the history of the Anglophone conflict? 2) What collective action frames have been cultivated by the Interim Government? 3) What strategies, following the Interim Government’s collective action frames, have been employed by the Interim Government to establish independence? These questions ultimately allow us to shed light on the Interim Government’s effectiveness in mobilizing people to participate in the independence struggle.
Research Structure
To assess the extent to which the IG is able to effectively frame the Anglophone conflict and generate an independence movement, this study will start with a literature review which will explore the relevant concepts for this research, such as diaspora and collective identity. In addition, an overview of the existing academic debate on diasporas’ role in conflict will be provided and, lastly, this section will touch upon common strategies employed by diasporas to
influence conflict at ‘home’.1 Secondly, the theoretical framework will be presented. In this section the framing theory of Snow and Benford (1988) shall be explored in further detail, which can then in subsequent sections be used to explore the collective action frames cultivated the Interim Government. Once this research has explored the framing theory of Snow and Benford, it will provide an oversight of the methodology adopted to conduct this research. It will touch upon the various types of data that are used to establish the IG’s collective action and to answer the other sub-questions. Additionally, it reflects on the limitations of the research and the data sample. Subsequently, chapter four will lay out the history of the Southern Cameroons and the creation of the Interim Government in order to understand the context in which the current conflict and the Interim Government has developed. This chapter will be divided into three sections namely 1) the root causes of the Anglophone problem, 2) the crisis in the Anglophone Regions, and 3) the Interim Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia. In the fifth chapter, this research will identify the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames that have been cultivated by the Interim Government. Subsequently, chapter six, will explore in more detail the various strategies that have been employed by the Interim Government to reach independence. Once the collective action frames of the Interim Government have been identified, chapter seven – on the basis of Snow and Benford’s framing theory – will assess the effectiveness of these collective action frames. Lastly, conclusions about the mobilizing potency of the Interim Government’s collective action frames will be drawn and an answer to the research question will be formulated.
1 Home in relation to diaspora refers to the ancestral homeland from which the diaspora originates. In the case of
Chapter 2 - Literature Review: Diaspora and Conflict
As mentioned above the Interim Government is made up of Southern Cameroonian diaspora members who try to influence and coordinate the conflict in Cameroon from abroad. The mobilized Southern Cameroonian diaspora has situated itself as a key player within the Anglophone struggle and has been able to perpetuate the war on the ground. Before this research can dive into the case of the Southern Cameroonian diaspora, several concepts, such as diaspora, the role of diaspora in conflict and common strategies engaged in by diasporas to fuel conflict at home, need to be discussed. These concepts are relevant because they elucidate the academic foundation in which this case study is placed. The literature review is divided into three sections. In the first section, the term diaspora will be explored, and subsequently the academic debate on diaspora and their role in conflict will be discussed. Lastly, this chapter will provide some examples of earlier case studies, which have explored the diverse strategies diasporas engage in to sustain conflict in their homeland.
Diaspora
The term ‘diaspora’ comes from the Greek word diaspeirein, which translates into the dispersal or scattering of seeds. Originally, the concept was used to refer to the Jews dispersed from their historical homeland (Smith and Stares, 2007). Today, there exist numerous groups, such as the Palestinians, Kurds, Armenians, Mexicans, and Tamils, who all constitute new diaspora groups (Shain and Barth, 2003). Over time, these new diaspora groups have been defined and conceptualized in various ways. However, without going into the substantial conceptual debate about the term ‘diaspora’, I will adopt a broad definition used by Smith and Stares (2007), which describes a diaspora as “transnational communities created as a result of the movement of peoples, living in one or most host countries, organized on the basis of solidarity, shared ideas and collective identities, and showing loyalty to, and affinity with, their host countries as well as their original homeland” (p. 19). In comparison to migrants, diaspora members differ in their extraordinary sense of togetherness, collective identity and shared fate (Missbach, 2013). In addition, diaspora members are distinct from migrants in that they maintain meaningful contact with their homeland; often attempt to preserve a dual identity and retain political, religious and cultural interest in their homeland (Roth, 2015). Unlike retaining the status of guest workers or asylum seeker, becoming or remaining a diaspora member is a voluntary choice (Sheffer, 1993). While diaspora members are all bound by their connection to the homeland, there is general acknowledgment that diasporas are internally complex and
heterogeneous (Smith, 2007). Therefore, to ensure survival and continuity of a diaspora, a sense of unity and common sentiments must overcome social, educational, ideological and generational differences that exist among diaspora members (Sheffer, 2003). Without a sense of unity and collective identity diasporas will disintegrate and ultimately disappear. Hence, unity and collective identity are crucial for diasporas existence (Sheffer, 2003). As explained by Sheffer (2003), the collective identity of a diaspora tends to be relatively rigid. He stipulates that diasporic identities are more firmly based on primordial, cultural and instrumental components, such as, biological relationship, belief in a common ancestry, and strong sentiments about an ancestral homeland. This collective identity, in combination with solidarity and continuous interaction between diaspora and the homeland serve as the bases for diaspora organization and mobilization. It forms the foundation from which diaspora implement their strategies and carry out their collective activities (Sheffer, 2003). This becomes relevant in this research as it will observe how the Southern Cameroonian diasporas’ strong sentiments about their ancestral homeland enhance diaspora mobilization.
As explained by Shain and Bath, the members of mobilized diasporas can be divided into three categories, namely core members, passive members and silent members. Core members are intensively active in diasporic activities and are often in a position to call for mobilization of the larger diaspora; the organizing elite (Shain and Bath, 2003). The members that are likely available for mobilization when called upon are referred to as passive members. Lastly, the silent members consist of a larger pool of people who are generally removed from diasporic activities, but who may potentially mobilize in times of crisis. The latter category is mostly part of the ‘imagined community’ (Shain and Bath, 2003). This research will predominantly build around core members of the Southern Cameroonian diaspora who actively try to call for mobilization and thereby influence conflict at home.
Diaspora and Conflict
The past decades have demonstrated that the mobilization power of diaspora, and its ability to influence conflicts at home are significant. In this regard, the World Bank, for instance, concluded in 2000 that the risk of renewed conflict in post-conflict areas is around six times higher if a country has a large diaspora located in America (Collier and Hoeffler, 2000). The research into diaspora and homeland affairs has further developed throughout the late twentieth century and has resulted in a general recognition of diasporas as politicized players influencing homeland affairs (see, Shain, 2002; Shain and Barth, 2003; Demmers, 2007, and Smith and
Stares, 2007). This new political role obtained by diaspora is due, amongst others, to the changes in communication, technology and modes of transport which facilitate the maintenance of relationships between diaspora and their homeland (Bercovitch, 2007). In addition, social media nurtures this new role by bringing events unfolding in the homeland closer than ever before (Bercovitch, 2007).
Nevertheless, while there is agreement that diaspora are key players on the international stage and in homeland affairs, opinions differ when it comes to evaluating the exact role of diasporas (Missbach, 2013). In fact, there is debate about whether diasporas are builders or peace-wreckers (Smit and Stares, 2007). Scholars stressing the peace-building potential of diasporas, highlight diasporas ability to promote peace, launch humanitarian programmes, provide relief, complement local initiatives, and assist in post-conflict reconciliation and recovery (see, Bertrand, 2004; Kent, 2006; Fagen and Bump, 2006, and Zunzer, 2004). On the contrary, scholars who view diasporas as fuellers of conflict have stressed their leadership role, financial support and ideas which can contribute to the escalation of conflict (see, Fair, 2005; Lyons, 2007, and Chalk, 2008). In this regard, diasporas are predominantly perceived as being supportive in secession movements and therefore engage merely in maintenance or revival of violence (Lyons, 2007). A perspective of particular interest to the conflict in Cameroon, where the Interim Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia tries to separate from French Cameroon and establish a recognized, independent country.
Diaspora’s Practices of Engagement
While existing literature lacks an abstract framework on the various strategies employed by diaspora to influence conflict at home, diverse case-studies explore the manners through which diasporas have influenced and fuelled homeland conflicts in the past. For example, two case studies on separatist movements, such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka and the Acehnese diaspora in Indonesia, illustrate various strategies through which diasporas have supported secession in their homeland. In the subsequent sections, both case studies will be summarized shortly to have a better idea of possible activities that the Interim Government engages in to establish an independent Ambazonia.
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
One of the well-known separatist movements is the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), an insurgent group that fought for an independent state of Tamil Eelam in Northern Sri Lanka. This movement is eminent for its highly organized support structures created in the diaspora upon which the LTTE anchored its war effort on the ground. Chalk (2008) highlights two essential functions fulfilled by the diaspora – publicity and propaganda and finance -– which allowed the LTTE to sustain the movement in their homeland. Publicity and propaganda efforts focused on the LTTE’s external diplomatic representation and sought to garner international support for their cause. Thereby, propaganda was targeted towards the Tamil diaspora and various host governments (Chalk, 2008). In addition, cultural and social gatherings were organized to maximize mobilization among committed LTTE adherents and potential sympathisers. During the past decades the Tigers also adopted additional mediums, such as email and other electronic platforms to extend the range and scope of their publicity efforts (Chalk, 2008). Alongside to their propaganda efforts, the LTTE ran a sophisticated fundraising machinery that relied on three types of resources: direct diaspora contributions, investments in Tamil-run businesses, and funds siphoned off from donations given to charities and NGOs (Chalk, 2008). The first funding source – diaspora contributions – were raised through both voluntarily and obligatory donations. While most money was given voluntarily, obligatory contributions in the form of a standard baseline ‘tax’ were levied as a minimum obligation to support the Tamil cause (Chalk, 2008). In addition to the diaspora contributions, funds were also procured from donations given to NGOs and charities ostensibly created to finance development and rehabilitation programs in Sri Lanka (Chalk, 2008). The third funding opportunity was derived from investment in Tamil business and commercial holdings. Finally, the LTTE was widely suspected of financial procurement through exploiting Tamils that wish to emigrate to the West (Chalk, 2008). Apart from the utility of the Tamil diaspora in generating publicity and diplomatic support and raising funds, the diaspora also expanded the Tiger’s contacts for weapons procurement. While less evidence exists in this regard, it is often referred to as a third strategy the LTTE engaged in (Fair, 2005). Before being proscribed a terrorist organization in many countries, the LTTE – through the diaspora – created international support structures upon which its war on the ground was anchored (Chalk, 2008).
Achenese Diaspora
Another study which sheds light on the role of a diaspora in a conflict at home, is the case study done by Missbach (2013) on the separatist conflict in Aceh, Indonesia. In this case, the
Acehnese diaspora, a relatively small diaspora, became an influential factor in the continuance of the independence struggle at home. As demonstrated by Missbach, the Acehnese diaspora engaged in various activities to sustain the independence struggle. Firstly, while the Acehnese diaspora was relatively small, they provided for considerable financial backing (Missbach, 2013). Diaspora funding, both voluntary and obligatory, was one of the movement’s main sources of income and provided a stable financial base (Missbach, 2013). Voluntary contributions to the separatist movement were made by diaspora members who were convinced of the righteousness of the independence struggle (Missbach, 2013). In addition, monthly payments and emergency contributions were demanded by the movement’s leaders. Secondly, similar to the Tamil diaspora, the Acehnese diaspora also engaged in civil actions such as diplomacy, lobbying, networking and the distribution of propaganda (Missbach, 2013). Nevertheless, as demonstrated by Missbach, the greatest strength of the Acehnese diaspora was the moral and ideological support they provided to the people back home. While their hopes were often based on false believes, such as the idea that the movement could organize foreign military interventions, the Acehnese at home thought that independence was near. Through upholding these – often unrealistic – hopes the diaspora kept the conflict going at home (Missbach, 2013). Thereby, the Acehnese diaspora did not only provide for publicity and financial contributions, but also provided moral support which kept the conflict alive (Missbach, 2013).
The case of the Tamil Tigers and the Acehnese diaspora show that diaspora use different strategies to engage in homeland conflict. Through finance, publicity and propaganda, moral support and in some cases the provision of weapons, homeland conflicts were fuelled. While the literature is still developing and existing case studies are highly context dependent, generally diaspora activities can be divided into two distinct areas. On the one hand, physical and military support, such as the provision of weapons, and on the other hand ideational support, for example in the form of lobbying or publicity. Within the current case study on the Interim Government – on which no extensive research has been performed yet – the strategies outlined above will be kept in mind while looking into the case of the Southern Cameroonian diaspora. As will be further expanded on in the next chapter, these strategies engaged in by the Southern Cameroonian diaspora form part of the collective action frames constructed by the Interim Government. Therefore, it is relevant to outline these strategies if we wish to uncover the ability of the IG to generate an independence movement.
Chapter 3 - Theoretical Framework – Framing
As touched upon in the introduction, framing is one approach through which the mobilization of social movements can be studied. This approach emphasizes the strategic role of social movement leaders in the mobilization of people. In this research a framing theory will be adopted to study the extent to which the Interim Government is able to effectively frame the Anglophone problem and mobilize adherents for their independence movement. Before the frames cultivated by the IG can be identified and assessed, the concept of framing, and in particular Snow and Benford’s (1988) framing theory needs to be laid out. Therefore, this chapter will first discuss the concept of framing and subsequently substantiate more on the differences between a framing analysis and a discourse analysis. The succeeding section dives into the specific framing theory, namely Snow and Benford’s (1988) collective action frames, that will be adopted for this research. Once the core framing tasks have been explored, this chapter will touch upon factors that may enhance or diminish the effectiveness of cultivated frames. Something, which is highly relevant if we wish to assess the effectiveness of the collective action frames cultivated by the IG. Lastly, this chapter ends with various examples of framing studies that have been conducted in the past. These examples demonstrate what a framing analysis looks like in practice and provide a better idea of the various sources which have shaped the method through which the framing analysis on the IG will be conducted in this research.
Studying Social Movements
Framing
The idea of framing arrives from Goffman (1974) who explained frames as “schemata of interpretation” that enable individuals to attach meaning to events and occurrences in one’s life and the world at large. Frames assist people in rendering events meaningful and, thereby help to organize experiences and guide perception and action (Goffman, 1974). Today, this concept of ‘framing’ is widely used in the social and behaviour sciences – including psychology, political science, communication studies, and policy studies – and takes on different forms and meanings within these various disciplines (Lindekilde, 2014). In sociology, the concept of framing has been extensively used to study social movements and collective action. From the perspective of social movements and collective action, the ability to construct certain frames will influence the success of a social movement (Sandberg, 2006). It emphasizes the role played by social movement actors in constructing their own political opportunities through the use of
language (Sandberg, 2006). This social constructivist approach – emphasizing the production of knowledge – differs from realist and traditional approaches to the study of social movements, which both explain the emergence of social movements through political opportunity structures and mobilizing structures (McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (1996); Goodwin & Jasper, 2004). The social constructivist approach to study social movements has mainly been represented by Snow and Benford (1988) in their work on collective action frames. This social constructivist approach, which stresses the production of knowledge, will be adopted in this research in order to understand the social reality that has been cultivated by the IG to mobilize movement adherents and ultimately enhance the quest for independence.
Discourse Analysis
While this research aims to draw out the social reality – or put differently the frames – cultivated by the IG to stablish an independence movement, a framing analysis is not the only methodological approach through which social movements have been studied in the past. Reiterating from previous sections, a discourse analysis is another common approach to study social movements. Discourse analysis is preoccupied with how social reality is linguistically created, via analyses of the interplay between text, discourses, and wider contexts, (Philips and Hardy, 2002). It aims to understand how broader structures of language shape and limit the ways individuals, actors, and institutions can think, speak and conduct themselves (Hodges, Kuper and Reeves, 2008). In this regard, the structural constraints posed by a discourse determine the possible (speech) acts of strategic actors in a field (Foucault, 1972). From this perspective, social movements are preoccupied with innovative and creative forms of discursive practices, which reproduce or challenge existing discourses in a given social domain or institution (Della Porta, 2014). While discourse analyses and framing analyses are based on similar ontological and epistemological assumptions, and both engage in understanding the relationship between movement “texts” and their wider social, cultural, and political contexts, they may serve different purposes (Della Porta, 2014).
Frame analysis, for instance, differs from a discourse analysis in that it emphasizes the strategic and deliberative use of language by movement actors. Whereas, a discourse analysis emphasizes the structural constraints discourses pose on the language available to strategic actors (Della Porta, 2014) and thereby unconsciously limiting the type of language actors use. In addition, frame analysis focuses on how existing ‘topics’ or ‘objects’ are framed by actors, thereby bending their meaning in certain directions, whereas discourse analysis focuses on how
an interrelated set of texts, and the practice of their production, reception and dissemination bring an object into being (Della Porta, 2014). Therefore, if one is interested in researching social movement actors as strategic agents deliberately working towards the mobilization of people, a framing method is most suitable. If, however, one is interested in social movement agents as co-producers of social change or reproduction, discourse analysis better fits the purpose (Della Porta, 2014). This research aims to draw out ‘the story’ cultivated by the Interim Government, in which particular emphasis is put on the strategic role played by the Interim Government to reach independence. Therefore, this research will adopt a framing analysis – as stipulated by Snow and Benford (1988) – instead of a discourse analysis.
Snow and Benford’s Collective Action Frames
Building on the work of Goffman, Snow and Benford utilize the concept of collective action frames (CAFs) to clarify the processes through which social movements seek to mobilize support for their activities (Snow and Benford, 1988). Collective action frames function by focusing attention, combining events, social facts, and situations, and, thereby, altering someone’s understanding of social reality (Lindekilde, 2014). In this regard, frames are deliberatively constructed and applied to mobilize adherents, to garner bystander support and demobilize opponents of a given cause (Snow and Benford, 1988). From the perspective of the individual, frames provide an important linking mechanism through which a problematic aspect of life can be altered from being perceived as a ‘tragedy’ beyond their control to a grievance which can be acted upon (Gahan and Pekarek, 2013). Social movement actors play a significant role in constructing these grievances and defining solutions; they are not sole carriers of ideas and ideology but deliberatively use language to garner bystander support (Snow and Benford, 1988).
The Core Framing Tasks
As stipulated by Snow and Benford (1988), the success of participant mobilization depends on a movement’s ability to move people “from the balcony to the barricades”. Moving people from the balcony to the barricades is contingent upon a movement’s ability to attend to the three core framing tasks: diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing (Snow and Benford, 1988). Together, these three framing tasks serve to classify a situation as problematic; stipulate causal attribution for the problem; and identify solutions and a rationale for the chosen course of action (Gahan and Pekarek, 2013). The more richly developed and interconnected the three framing
tasks are, the more successful the mobilization capacity of the movement (Snow and Benford, 1988). The collective action frames are action-oriented sets of meanings and beliefs that enable social movements to legitimate and stimulate their campaigns and activities (Sandberg, 2006). Within the existing literature these core framing tasks – diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames – have already been identified and richly developed. Hence, these diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames will be used in this research to analyse the frames that have been cultivated by the Interim Government. In the subsequent sections, the three core framing tasks will be explained in further detail, something which needs to be clarified before the collective action frames can be applied to this case study.
Diagnostic Framing. “Diagnostic framing involves the identification of a problem and the attribution of blame or causality” (Snow and Benford, 1988, 200). It identifies some event or aspect of social life as problematic and is, therefore, in need of alteration. Nevertheless, while an aspect of social life is strategically identified as problematic it does not mean that the problems are invented and do not exist (Gerhards and Rucht, 1992). In addition to the identification of these grievances, it establishes culpable agents. It follows that action taken is contingent on the identification of source(s) of blame, causality and/or capable actors (Benford and Snow, 2000). Diagnostic framing typically involves social movement actors engaging in ‘boundary framing’ through which boundaries between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ are constructed and protagonists and antagonists delineated (Benford and Snow, 2000).
Prognostic Framing. The second core framing task, prognostic framing, involves the articulation of a solution that specifies what needs to be done (Snow and Benford, 1988). It involves the identification of strategies, targets and tactics for action. In short, the prognostic frame, deals with ‘what has to be done’. The identification of the problem and causes within the diagnostic frame tend to constrain the range of possible solutions and strategies available. Often there is direct correspondence between the diagnostic and prognostic framing efforts (Benford and Snow, 2000). Together, the diagnostic and prognostic frames are referred to as ‘consensus mobilization’ (Klandermans, 1984), however these frames do not in itself lead to mobilization. Actual participation is contingent upon the ‘call to action’: motivational framing (Snow and Benford, 1988).
Motivational Framing. Motivational framing, the last core framing task, provides for a ‘call to arms’ to engage in corrective or ameliorative action (Snow and Benford, 1988). Motives
for participation in actions must be created to persuade prospective activists to participate (Snow and Benford, 1988). In this regard, motivational frames and its push for collective action go beyond the diagnosis and prognosis. Social movement actors must attend to all three framing tasks to ensure that collective action is taken.
Assessing the Effectiveness of Frames
As laid out in the previous sections, there are three types of framing tasks that social movement actors must attend to if they wish to ensure that collective action is taken. However, even if social movement actors attend to all framing tasks mobilization is not guaranteed. As explored within the framing literature, the ability of frames to mobilize people is contingent upon the extent to which frames resonate with movement participants. In addition, it is also affected by possible contextual constraints and contested framing processes. These three assets which enhance or diminish the mobilizing potency of frames are of particular relevance for this study, because this research seeks to assess the Interim Government’s ability to generate an independence movement. Therefore, these three assets – as developed within existing framing theory – will be discussed below. Ultimately, this provides this research with tools to assess the effectiveness of the frames cultivated by the Interim Government.
Frame Resonance
As recognized by Snow and Benford (1988) the mobilizing potency or effectiveness of proffered frames is constraint by the concept of ‘frame resonance’. ‘Frame resonance’ answers the question why certain frames seem to be effective or ‘resonate’ with movement adherents while others do not. Thereby, frame resonance serves as a way to measure a social movement’s ability to develop frames that enable mobilization (Snow and Benford, 1988). Benford and Snow (2000) identify two sets of interacting factors that shape the degree of frame resonance: credibility and salience. The credibility of a frame is dependent upon three factors: frame consistency, empirical credibility, and credibility of the frame articulators (Benford and Snow, 2000). While the salience of a frame is dependent on the frame’s centrality, experiential commensurability and narrative fidelity (Benford and Snow, 2000). The subsequent sections will further explain the various factors that shape the degree of frame resonance.
Credibility. The first factor that affects frame resonance – frame’s consistency – refers to the congruency between a social movement’s articulated beliefs, claims, and actions (Benford and
Snow, 2000). Such congruency can manifest itself in two ways, namely through apparent contradictions between beliefs or claims, and through contradictions in what a social movement says and what it actually does. Benford and Snow’s hypothesis stipulates that the more apparent contradictions are, the less credible the framing and the less resonant the proffered framing(s) are, and subsequently the more difficult mobilization. The second factor that influences frame resonance is the empirical credibility the collective action frame provides (Benford and Snow, 2000). This aspect directly refers to the fit between propagated frames and events occurring in the world; is there a specific event which can be pointed to as evidence of the established frames? In this case it is not relevant whether diagnostic and prognostic claims are factually true, but what matters is whether their empirical referents can be read as ‘real’ indicators of the diagnostic frame (Snow and Benford, 1988). The final factor that affects the credibility of a collective action frame is the perceived credibility of frame makers. In this regard, speakers who are perceived to be more credible are generally more persuasive. Assets enhancing the credibility of a frame articulator are variables such as knowledge and status. Following Benford and Snow’s (2000) hypothesis: the greater the perceived expertise and/or status of the frame articulator or organization, the likelier that the frame resonates with potential movement adherents.
Salience. In addition to the issue of credibility, the resonance of a collective action frame is influenced by its salience. The first dimension of salience – as identified by Benford and Snow (2000) – is centrality. This aspect touches upon how essential the values, beliefs, and ideas associated with the frame are to the lives of the potential movement adherents. In general, the more salient the espoused values, beliefs and ideas of a social movement to the movement participants, the greater the potential for mobilization (Benford and Snow, 2000). The second factor that contributes to collective action frame’s salience is the experiential
commensurability. This links to the direct, everyday experiences of the movement adherents. If
movement frames are congruent with personal experiences, collective action frames are more likely to result in mobilization (Benford and Snow, 2000). That last factor that influences frame resonance is narrative fidelity. Narrative fidelity touch upon cultural narrations and the extent to which frames resonate with these narrations. In this respect, myths, stories and folk tales are part of one’s cultural heritage and function to inform experiences and events in the present (Snow and Benford, 1988). When correspondence exists between such narratives and proffered frames ‘narrative fidelity’ exists and, subsequently, enhances prospect of mobilization.
Following Snow and Benford’s theory, mobilizing potency of movement framing efforts is contingent upon the extent to which frames are able to establish frame resonance. At least one of the variables outlined in the previous paragraphs needs to be present for consensus mobilization and their presence enhances the likeliness of action mobilization (Snow and Benford, 1988). However, frames’ mobilizing potency is not only contingent upon the extent to which frames resonate with movement participants. This is the case because frames are not constructed within a social vacuum; they are often influenced by processes that occur within or outside a social movement. Within existing framing theory, these processes are identified as contested framing processes or contextual constraints on framing efforts. Below, the contested framing processes and contextual constraints are shortly introduced, which will later be used to assess the frames created by the Interim Government.
Contested Framing Processes
Framing activities – as identified by Snow and Benford (2000) – are also likely to be influenced by a number of ‘contested processes’. The authors note that collective action frames can be subject to challenges that arise from within a social movement, namely through frame disputes, as well as challenges that develop externally by opponents or critics, through framing contests. Internally, frame disputes can arise when there is a dispute about the representation of reality. In this regard, the dispute may arise over the substance of a frame within a single social movement but can also arise between separate organizations all belonging to the same social movement (Benford, 1993). The second process that influences framing efforts – framing contests – arrive from outside. Externally, social movements compete with other social movement actors, in which all antagonists promote their own collective action frames as the most compelling interpretation (Benford and Snow, 2000). The ‘counter frames’ produced by antagonist intend to undermine or invalidate a movement’s claims, collective identity and interpretative frame (Benford, 1997). These counter frames may result in the challenged social movement reconstructing or reframing its interpretation. Hence, framing contests can lead to the modification or replacement of frames through interaction with opponents (Gahan and Pekarek, 2013). The evolving and contested nature of collective action frames raises the question of how effectively frames can contribute to the achievement of a social movement’s mobilization goals (Gahan and Pekarek, 2013).
Contextual Constraints on Framing Efforts
As illustrated above, collective action frames are not static entities, but are continuously constituted, contested, transformed and/or replaced during activities of social movements (Benford and Snow, 2000). Hence, framing is an ongoing, dynamic process. Nevertheless, this does not mean that framing occurs in a ‘structural vacuum’. Rather, Benford and Snow (2000), identify three important contextual elements – political opportunity structure, cultural opportunities and constraints, and targeted audiences – that affect framing processes. Firstly, changes in political opportunity structures, especially changes in institutional structure and movement mobilization, may affect the material conditions, and subsequently lead to changes in frame resonance. Secondly, the cultural context may constrain or facilitate movement activity (Benford and Snow, 2000). In this respect, the most relevant cultural aspects include the beliefs, ideologies, practices, values, narratives and myths, which constitutes the lens through which frames are interpreted and evaluated. This contextual constraint correlates with ‘cultural resonance’ discussed earlier. Lastly, the targeted audience may form a contextual constraint to framing efforts. Often social movements target multiple audiences who vary in terms of interest, this may result in reshaping the form and the content of a message. Existing literature on movement framing suggests that the audience targeted can help explain why certain movements seek to modify their collective action frames. These three contextual factors potentially affect framing efforts and have therefore been the focus of various studies in the past.
As illustrated above, existing framing theory provides several tools – frame resonance, contested framing processes and contextual constraints on framing efforts – which enable this research to assess the effectiveness of the frames cultivated by the Interim Government. However, due to the scope of this research and the data gathered not all assets can be explored to assess the effectiveness of the collective action frames nurtured by the IG. The assets that will be explored in relation to the Interim Government are frame resonance, in specific
empirical credibility, the credibility of frame makers and experiential commensurability, and
contested framing process, in particular frame disputes. These assets have been selected because, on the one hand, these assets can be explored when relying solely on ‘one side of the story’ namely, that of the Anglophone Cameroonian perspective. On the other hand, these specific assets became apparent in the interviews conducted with movement adherents and Interim Government officials. While recognizing that contextual constraints certainly influence the success of the Interim Government’s framing efforts, this research will not focus on the
contextual constraints. This is the case, because this research is particularly interested in the strategic role of the Interim Government and the agency it has in developing a certain story; a frame.
Existing Framing Research
Previous sections have expanded on the collective action framing theory of Snow and Benford and have shed light on the various ways in which social movements can enhance movement participation. Thereby, specific attention was paid to assets which can enhance the effectiveness of a frame cultivated by a social movement. Existing literature, however, demonstrates that there are various ways, both qualitative as quantitative, through which framing analysis – as described by Snow and Benford (1988) – can be conducted. To have a better understanding of the different ways and methods through which Snow and Benford’s framing analysis has been put into practice in the past, four examples of framing studies will be presented underneath.
A first example of a framing analysis is Gerhards and Rucht’s (1992) research who examined campaign leaflets to identify the movements collective action frames. In this case, two cases of mass mobilization were assessed, namely, the protest campaign against the visit of Ronald Reagan in 1987 and the campaign against the World Bank and International monetary Fund (IMF) Congress in 1988. In order to assess the master frames adopted by both campaigns two leaflets with a text corpus of two pages – signed by all supporting groups – were analysed. On the basis of these leaflets a graphic representation of both master frames was created by the authors. When assessing the mobilization capacity of the frames – the diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames – the authors refer to specific excerpt of the graphs (Gerhards and Rucht, 1992). In addition, the authors have provided not only their interpretation, and graphic representations of the texts, but also present the texts themselves, which allows the reader to check the validity of the frame analysis (Gerhards and Rucht, 1992).
A second example is Benford’s research in which he examined the diagnostic and prognostic frames of the college sports reform movement in the US. For this study, Benford gathered data through several qualitative methods, namely semi-structured formal interviews with 12 sports reformers, informal conversational-style interviews, discussion sessions, participant observation and archival documents, such as reports, emails, and position papers. In addition, he conducted topical content analysis of various magazines, websites, and newsletters (Benford, 2007). In order to build his argument and to identify existing frames, Benford quotes excerpts
from, amongst others, reports and interviews. In addition, he refers to arguments put forward by activists in order to substantiate his argument. Relying on the diverse qualitative data, the author presents and compares reform proposals put forward by two social movement organizations (Benford, 2007).
Another example of a framing analysis conducted in the past, is the research of Walton (2009) into the UK-based Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora groups’ who deployed a ‘genocide’ frame to describe the actions of the Sri Lankan state. This qualitative research based itself on thirty semi-structured interviews with key Tamil diaspora activists, analysts and commentators. The interview data was supplemented by ongoing analysis of media statements made by key diaspora members and news coverage of the groups’ activities (Walton, 2009). The genocidal frame employed by the Tamil diaspora groups is established on the basis of diverse (academic) sources, such as scholarly articles, reports from the International Crisis Group, news articles, and the movement’s founding constitution (Walton, 2009). However, in this particular example it is harder to understand how the author derives at a genocidal frame, because no excerpts of the referenced sources or the interviews conducted are included within the article.
A fourth example of a research that conducted a framing analysis, is the research by Kim, Kim and Yoo in 2014. These authors studied the frames created by the Gangjoeng movement through examining the movement’s Facebook posts and comments – for over a year period – made by activists and the public. A content analysis was adopted in which 453 posts and 111 comments made by activists and the public were placed into the broader collective action frames: (1) diagnostic: define and blame, (2) prognostic, (3) motivational, and (4) no frame. Thereby, Kim, Kim and Yoo looked into the frequency with which a certain frame was used in the Facebook posts and comments. Subsequently, a statistical chi-square analysis was adopted to establish similarities and differences between activists and the public in their use of different frames (Kim, Kim and Yoo, 2014). Thereby, Kim and others do not dive into the content on the basis of which different frames are identified, but rather conduct a quantitative analysis on the basis of the frequency of frames.
The four examples expanded on above, illustrate that there are various methods through which collective action frames can be identified. With these different methods in mind, the next chapter will lay out what method will be used for the study of the collective action frames nurtured by the Interim Government.
Chapter 4 - A Multimethod Approach
Following the theoretical framework in which this study is embedded, this chapter will present the methodology of this research on the collective action frames created by the Interim Government. It will first lay out the operationalization of this research. Secondly, the methods used to collect the data for each sub-question will be presented separately. This will be followed by reflections on the particular group studied and the implications it has for the research. Moreover, some additional reflections will be made on the research in more broader terms.
Operationalization
This case study is about the role of the Interim Government in the Anglophone conflict in Cameroon, and specifically about way the collective action frames that have been developed by the IG to motivate people to participate in this independence movement. The research question that will be answered here is: to what extent the Interim Government of the Federal
Republic of Ambazonia is able to effectively frame the Anglophone conflict and thereby generate an independence movement? To answer this research question, three sub-questions
have been developed:
1. What is the history of the Anglophone conflict?
2. What collective action frames have been cultivated by the Interim government?
3. What strategies, following the Interim Government’s collective action frames, have been employed by the Interim Government to establish independence?
The preliminarily face of this research consisted of desk research. Once I had familiarized myself with the Anglophone problem and the history of Cameroon, the fieldwork started. Quite early in my research I had come across a conference named the ‘Ambazonian Strategic Stakeholder Conference (ASSC)’ that was organized by the Interim Government and to be held in Berlin from the 11th to the 14th of April. The conference, called ‘Syncretizing our master plan for restoration’, aimed to bring together all Ambazonian stakeholders and jointly brainstorm on strategies to move forward in the revolution. Before I went to Berlin, one of the Southern Cameroonians living in the Netherlands, with whom I had been in contact, informed the organizing staff and the Interim Government about my presence. This is how I started off my fieldwork. My presence at the ASSC Conference turned out to be very valuable for this research because, on the one hand, it provided me with the opportunity to familiarize myself with the
Interim Government, its functioning, and the challenges it was facing. On the other hand, it was extremely useful to get to know other Ambazonians active in this movement from the diaspora. Both individuals working in their own ‘capacity’ as well as individuals who hold a position within the Interim Government. At a later stage in the fieldwork, the people I met at the ASSC Conference were interviewed through online videocalls for the purpose of this research.
Methods
The data for this qualitative research is based on two principal methods of data collection: semi-structured in-depth interviews and a content analysis of official documents and television broadcast from the Interim Government. In the following sections, the data collected and analysed for every sub-question will be discussed. In addition, a short overview of the data used can be found in the appendix.
History of the Anglophone Conflict
In order to create a better understanding of the Anglophone problem in Cameroon and to provide context in which the Interim Government was created, the first subsection relies on existing academic literature to explore the roots of the Anglophone problem. Additionally, semi-structured in-depth interviews will be used to enhance understanding of the conflict, and in particular what has happened since the protest in 2016. In total, five people of the Southern Cameroonian diaspora have been interviewed, two of whom hold a position within the Interim Government. All interviewees, except for one, were present at the ASSC Conference and, therefore, already involved in diaspora activism. For this first sub-question their insights were predominantly used to confirm key moments, already identified through existing literature, in the history of Cameroon. In addition, the last section on the creation and the functioning of the Interim Government is entirely based on the semi-structured interviews. All interviews conducted were recorded and transcribed.
Collective Action Frames Cultivated by the Interim Government
In order to answer the second sub question – identifying the collective action frames and narratives cultivated by the Interim Government – this research will make use of the core framing elements – diagnosis, prognosis, motivation – as theoretically deduced coding categories, which will be defined in advance and then applied to the material (Lindekilde, 2014). The material that will be collected and analysed for the framing analysis are broadcasts
of ‘ABC Amba TV’, which is that national tv channel of the Interim Government. All these broadcasts are publicly available through the ABC Amba TV Facebook page. This tv channel fits the purpose of the present study in that it is an official page operated by the IG and – as I learned during the ASSC Conference and through informal contacts with Ambazonians – is the most essential source through which the IG communicates with all Ambazonians: both the diaspora and Ground Zero. In addition to the ABC Amba TV broadcasts, data will be complemented with official documents released by the Interim Government on their official webpage named ambazoniagov.org. Thirdly, the semi-structured interviews will be used to establish and validate frames. As demonstrated by Powell’s research on social movement organizations (SMOs), interviews with movement participants can provide insights into the construction of certain narratives and help to understand how certain frames tap into activist experiences (Powell, 2011). Moreover, as highlighted by Johnston and Klandermans (1995), the “true location” of a frame lies in the mind of social movement participants. Therefore, in-depth interviews with movement participants allow one to understand whether the frames created resonate with participants (Powell, 2011).
Based on the three types of data presented above – TV broadcasts, official documents, and semi-structured interviews the frames created by the Interim Government will be identified and analysed. However, due to the large amount of posts published by ABC Amba TV, this research will make use of a sampling method. A method, as highlighted by Lindekilde (2014), which may be used to select data if it is impossible to study all text produced by a certain social movement actor. The messages that will be analysed for this study sample accentuate around critical events that occurred since September 2018: the moment when ABC Amba TV came into existence. In total, thirteen Facebook posts with a total length of 339 minutes generated by the Interim Government will be examined. In addition, all four official documents – the Proclamation of Restoration of Independence, ASSC Berlin Resolutions, A Common Struggle Narrative, and Acting President Addressing the Nation – made available through the webpage of the Interim Government will be included within the data sample.
The data which is used to identify the collective action frames cultivated by the IG, will also be used to assess the effectiveness of the frames cultivated by the Interim Government. In this regard the semi-structured interviews will predominantly be used. Reiterating from above, the data will in particularly be used to assess the empirical credibility of the frames, the credibility of the frame makers, and the experiential commensurability. In addition, the semi-structured
interviews will also be used to touch upon the frame disputes that exists within the independence movement of the Interim Government. Due to the scope of this research and the data gathered not all aspects, such as contextual constraints, can be explored.
Frame Analysing Technique. Building on the various existing framing studies as presented in the theoretical framework, excerpts of the videos, interviews and official documents will be coded and subsequently placed into one of the broader collective action frames: diagnosis, prognosis, or motivation. This deductive form of coding will not be done solely on the basis of the presence of particular ‘search terms’ or ‘keywords’, which is a dangerous strategy – as highlighted by Lindekilde (2014) - when sampling texts for frame analysis. Therefore, while coding (paragraphs of) the texts and the context in which a certain source was published will be taken into account. In addition, to enhance plausibility of the identified frames, excerpts on the basis of which I will identify certain frames will be included within the text. This allows the reader to validate the identification and interpretation of a particular frame. In this way, I intend to identify the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational (action) frames created by the Interim Government, which, subsequently, enables this research to say something about the mobilizing potential of the movement.
Strategies employed by the Interim Government
The last sub-question, which aims to provide insight into the strategies employed by the IG to influence the conflict at home, builds on the information the broadcasts of ABC Amba TV that have been analysed to establish the collective action frames. In addition, this sub-question will predominantly make use of the data gathered through the in-depth semi-structured interviews. Hereby, the interviews who hold a position within the Interim Government, are of particular relevance to understand the strategies that the IG engages in. In addition, the interviews with the individuals who do not hold an official post in the Interim Government will be used to understand how the IG coordinates with movement participants in the diaspora.
Reflection on Research
The case studied in this research is a group of people of the Southern Cameroonian diaspora spread over different countries. All of them are Anglophone Cameroonians who grew up in Cameroon and are currently settled in a Western country, actively involved in the struggle at home. The goal of this research was to shed light on the Anglophone Conflict and the Interim
Government from an Anglophone perspective and did not intend to involve opposing, Francophone, perceptions. Therefore, it must be recognized that the interpretations of the conflict are not neutral, without doubt, this is especially the case in relation to the frames put forward by the Interim Government. Nevertheless, this case study provides for an opportunity to gain understanding in the experiences and perceptions of the Anglophone Cameroonians. Thereby, it draws out some aspects and events in history which are of importance to the Ambazonian community and that contributed to the current escalation of conflict. A second aspect that should be stressed is that this research, in particularly when it comes to reflecting on the frames of the Interim Government, draws on a very active Ambazonian subgroup. Therefore, the conclusions of this research are somewhat constraint because they cannot touch upon the extent to which frames resonate with potential movement adherents, they mostly reflect the extent to which the IG’s frames resonate with active movement participants.
Moreover, it should be stressed that the data used for this research is not neutral, which is particularly the case for the broadcasts of ABC Amba TV and the official documents published by the Interim Government. This data has been published with a specific reason in the first place namely, to ensure movement participation of Southern Cameroonians both in the diaspora and on the ground. It is the main tool through which the Interim Government tries to reach Southern Cameroonians and is therefore a tool of propaganda in itself. Subsequently, it should be stressed that the data on which this case study relies is rather radical and has a goal in itself. While recognizing that this case study will be built on non-neutral data, it is simultaneously a good representation of the message and the story that the Interim Government tries to put out there. Additionally, it must be noted that all data is publicly available -- also for movement opponents such as French Cameroun -- and might therefore not contain the full ‘thruth’.
Building on the limitations pointed out above, this research is unable to give insight into, amongst others, the perceptions and frames that have been created by opponents, in particular French Cameroun. But also, opponents from the Anglophone side who have started a movement separate from the Interim Government are not represented within the research. Moreover, as I came to experience during my interactions with Ambazonians, my interest in their struggle was extremely appreciated. Since, as I have come to understand, I’m part of a relatively small group not from Cameroonian descent which has shown interest in their issue. Therefore, at times it felt as if my interest in the struggle was perceived as a sign that ‘the international community was getting involved’. While I always tried to stress my intentions for this research and that I
do not have any direct contacts with government officials in the Netherlands, it might have affected their openness or answers to me in some way. Simultaneously, their welcoming attitude and dedicated, personal stories have made me to sympathize with their story and struggle. While I always strived to maintain professional and not to get personally involved too much, there is some form of research bias within the study.
Chapter 5 - Results
This analysis is divided into three sections. First, the history of the Anglophone problem will be explained. Second, it will be analysed how the Anglophone problem has been framed by the Interim Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia. Lastly, the strategies applied by the Interim Government to reach Buea will be discussed.2 By answering these three sub-questions it will be possible to assess in the result section, how effective the frames cultivated by the IG are in mobilizing movement adherents.
5.1 History of the Anglophone Problem Understanding the Root Causes of the Anglophone Problem
The Anglophone regions are situated in the North West and South West of Cameroon and comprise between 4 to 5 million Anglophones, representing between 20 and 25 percent of the Cameroonian population (CHRDA and Raoul Wallenberg, 2019). While the Anglophone regions are located in Western Cameroon, Anglophones refer to the region as Southern Cameroons. Tensions between the Anglophone and Francophone regions originate in its colonial history and the period of decolonialization which took place in the late-1950s and early 1960s (Konings and Nyamjoh, 2003).
Historical Background
Cameroons colonial occupation started in 1884 when Germany claimed the region as ‘Kamerun’. In 1919, after the First World War, the Treaty of Versailles split the German Kamerun Protectorate into British and French colonies (Konings and Nyamnjoh, 2003). After the division into British and French zones, both territories became subject to mandates of the League of Nations. The League of Nations allocated one-fifth of the territory, compromising two areas along the eastern Nigerian border, to British administration and the other four-fifth to the French administration (Lunn and Brooke-Holland, 2018). While still under British and French rule, both territories eventually became Class B United Nations Trust Territories under
2 Buea is the capital of the Southwest region of Cameroon and ‘to reach Buea’ refers to the Ambazonians ultimate
the Trusteeship System following the Second World War in 1946 (CHRDA and Raoul Wallenberg, 2019). Due to growing anti-colonial sentiment, both Britain and France agreed on the UN Charter’s promise of eventual self-determination for all people residing in trust territories (Lunn and Brooke-Holland, 2018).
At the time of the trust territory both British territories – Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons – were administered from Nigeria, which was also under British administration (CHRDA and Raoul Wallenberg, 2019). In practice this meant that Northern Cameroons was administered as a part of Nigeria, whereas the administration of Southern Cameroons was an appendage of Nigeria; thereby more like a colony of Nigeria (Awasom, 1998). Within the Federation of Nigeria, the Southern Cameroons was granted a quasi-regional status in 1954 and thereby achieved a limited degree of self-government (Konings and Nyamjoh, 2003).
Decolonization and Independence
Following the UN Charter’s promise on self-determination, the French-administered territory in Cameroon became an autonomous state within the French Community in 1956 and achieved full independence as the Republic de Cameroon (République du Cameroun) on 1 January 1960 (Lunn and Brooke-Holland, 2018). Similarly, Nigeria obtained independence in 1960. In order to decide over the future of Anglophone regions, an UN-sponsored plebiscite was held on 11 February 1961 (Nfobin and Minang, 2014).3 The plebiscite offered the Anglophone regions two voting options: either independence by remaining in the Federation of Nigeria or achieving independence by reunification with the already independent République du Cameroun (Nfobin and Minang, 2014). Thereby, a ‘third option’ that being an independent state not reunified with Nigeria or République du Cameroun was not offered. While, the Northern Cameroons chose to remain in Nigeria, the Southern Cameroons opted for independence by joining the French-speaking Cameroun (Konings and Nyamjoh, 1997). Following the plebiscite, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1608 XV, invited “the Government of Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate urgent discussion with a view to finalizing, before 1 October 1961, the arrangements by which the agreed and declared policies of the parties concerned will be implemented (UNGA Resolution 1608, 1961).”
3 A plebiscite is “a vote by which the people of an entire country or district express an opinion for or against a
