University of Amsterdam
Syrian Refugees: Brazil as a New Home
Debora Flaminia Draghi Manoel 11116455
Programme: Migration and Ethnic Studies (MSc) Supervisor: Apostolos Andrikopoulos
Second reader: Manolis Pratsinakis
Course:Dynamics of International Migration and Immigrant Integration Date of submission: 30-06-2016
Master’s thesis in Sociology: Migration and Ethnic Studies Private e-mail address: deboradraghi@hotmail.com
Table of contents Abstract……….3 Introduction……….……..4 State Policies……….5 Theoretical Framework……….5 Methodology………….………8 Research findings……….………11 Conclusion………26 Bibliography……….…28 Appendix………..31
ABSTRACT
This research aims to find the main reasons that have led Syrians to choose Brazil as a new country to restart their lives. This paper investigates how state policies, class and networking have a decisive role on Syrians choices and how all these factors have influenced their decisions. However, Brazil does not offer more than open borders, and the majority of assistance comes from civil society. For people that have fled conflict and left everything behind, it is hard to begin a new life without any support. As shown through my research and analysis, Brazil is improving its integration policies, while at the same time Syrians are overcoming the initial difficulties found when they first arrive.
1. Introduction
Millions of people fled their homes when war broke out in Syria in 2011. At first, many of them were reluctant to leave, but over the years, with chances of possible peace decreasing and the conditions becoming more difficult, many Syrians chose to flee in order to find a peaceful life, away from the brutal situation.
The displacement of nearly 5 million Syrians (UNHCR 2015, 03) has happened since 2011. The conflict and persecution has lead many people to leave their homes and look for safety. Part of the displacement happened internally, but millions decided to go further, trying to reach Europe, most of them through crossing at the Aegean Sea, from Turkey to Greece. For Syrians, Europe means a place not so far from home that provides everything they need. According to one of the interviewees, “people lose everything they have in war, so at least when they flee, all they want is a government that will help them to restart a life, instead of beginning from zero.” However, Europe is not an easy continent to arrive at: usually it is achieved with a payment to smugglers and involves risks that have costed thousands of lives. Many European countries have made the entrance more difficult, hampering visas and making the journey more dangerous and risky for refugees. Until the end of 2015, around 11.7 million Syrians had to move, whether internally or to another country (UNHCR 2015, 06). The majority of the refugee population is in neighboring countries, such as Turkey, Lebanon or Jordan, corresponding to the first, third and sixth top host countries (UNHCR 2015, 03). With millions trying to cross the Aegean Sea to arrive and live in Europe, many European national governments have made new policies trying to contain the amount of people arriving. Syria is the country that has more refugees than anywhere else. Until the end of 2015, there were nearly 4.4 million refugees in Europe - including not just Syrians (UNHCR 2015, 14) - almost the same amount of Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan together (4.3 million).
On the other hand, Brazil has opened its borders through the open-ended Humanitarian Visa Programme (UNHCR 2016, 21) in 2013 for Syrians, allowing them to find a safe place in a far continent, very far away from home. Until May 2016, there were 2.298 Syrians in Brazil (CONARE 2016, 11). However, different than Europe, Brazil is 11.000 kilometers away from Syria and does not provide any kind of support. The culture has many differences and the struggles do not stop once refugees are in Brazil. Thus, this paper has as purpose to examine the main reasons that have lead Syrians to seek asylum in the South American country. As verified within the scope of this research, Brazil was not known by many of its Syrian residents, but, as of now, has more than 2.000 refugees. A very small number, if compared to other countries, yet still is the biggest group of refugees when compared to other nationalities in Brazil. If Europe is reachable and closer than compared to Brazil, why do thousands of Syrians find themselves in Brazil right now? If the Humanitarian Programme does not provide anything else apart from a visa, why have Syrians still decided to go to Brazil and start from little? This research aims to discover the main causes that have influenced Syrians to choose Brazil as a new home.
State Policies
When it comes to state policies, Brazil offers legal entry and stay. Refugees do not get any language, housing or integration program. If they need so, or if their income is too low, they can receive money from the government through the Bolsa Familia Program, directed to families with low wages. The Open-Ended Humanitarian Visa Programme is only for people from Syria; no other nationality has the same benefit conceded. According to Castles, de Haas and Miller (2014, 222), asylum seekers are those people looking for protection outside the national territory and waiting for a refugee status to be, or not be, granted. In Brazil, due to the urgency of the situation and the increase of Syrian refugees asking asylum, the process takes months. As soon as they arrive as tourists, they can go to the Federal Police, ask asylum, have a protocol at the same time, entailing a work permit and a national identification document. Even if Brazil does not have the appropriate structure to receive all of them, still they grant a chance for refugees to restart a life. Since 2013, 100% of the asylum requests done by Syrians were accepted in Brazil. (UNHCR 2014, 4).
As mentioned by Mau et al(2015, 1193), “an increase in numbers does not necessarily need to mean a loss in control capacity.” It is true, as demonstrated by the Syrian case in Brazil, in which thousands are arriving at the moment, with many waiting for their asylum requests to be processed. Granted or not, the Brazilian government still has control over all of those arriving at international airports in the territory. The rate of Syrians coming has grown due to the fact that borders are open for them, and none of them have been rejected (until 2014; UNHCR 2014, 4). They are able to have legal status and protection. Syrians have an advantage if compared to other nationalities, since Brazil has only allowed Syrians to do the Open-ended Humanitarian visa Programme, because they have a conflict back in their country of origin and are allowed to receive protection in Brazil. For Mau et al (2015, 1194) , when requesting a visa prior to the traveller’s trip through the consulates or embassies in the country of origin, states demand control and sometimes prevent people from crossing the borders and traveling. The Syrians coming to Brazil need to go through an interview at the Consulate in Lebanon, usually answering why they want to move to Brazil, their professions and if they know somebody there, but that is all. It does not go much further and usually the process takes less than 2 weeks, allowing them to flee and start a new life in South America.
2. Theoretical framework
Two aspects are taken into consideration regarding the theoretical approach: class and networking. Regarding class, according to Van Hear (2004, 2) having money greatly influenced the decision on which country migrants would flee to and accompanying route chosen. It is interesting to point out how class plays an important role in determining the guidelines chosen by refugees. It is reasonable as Van Hear noted that those in better-off conditions will have greater chances of fleeing to places that also offer better conditions (2004, 3). Better, in this particular case, may not mean the country that offers the greatest stability, but the one that is able to give the safety sought by refugees.
Usually better-off people are endowed with financial capital. But it is important to know the meaning of capital: what helps migrants in specific field in a specific time? Referring to Bourdieu (as cited in Van Hear, 2004), capital takes many different forms. Whether it is economic, cultural or social, it is necessary for a migrant to be able to turn one form of capital into another. According to Bourdieu, capital can be explained as, “properties capable of conferring strength, power and consequently profit on their holder” (1987, 4). Still, in order to move somewhere else, migrants need to possess different kinds of capital and mix them to achieve a determined goal, that is in terms of international movement. Therefore, only those able to combine capitals, whether they are social, financial or informational, will be successful in their journeys. (Van Hear 2004, 6) For instance, someone with a limited amount of money but a great number of social acquaintances might be able to arrive as far as someone who possess a greater amount of financial capital, thus turning his social capital into economic and being able to migrate. As seen in this research, possessing certain capitals have enabled migrants to choose a determined route, the means to arrive and the destination. (Van Hear 2004, 13) For most of the interviewees in this research, if they did not have had access to economic or social capital, it would have been more difficult to migrate to Brazil, chosen by many as a safe destination. To Van Hear (2004, 28), not having a particular capital may restrict the possible destinations a migrant can reach, limiting his chances and making him more probable to choose a not very safe place. Once more, Van Hear (2004, 29) mentions that religious institutions or relatives may help a person to migrate, confirming some of the interviewees histories that will be further seen.
When analyzing the use of capitals, it is crucial to say how class has a determinant role in the migration process. A destination chosen and the means taken may be dictated by class (Van Hear 2014, 100). Staying put, moving internally or internationally may be a decision taken based upon class and the capitals available to that class, in order to make the migration happen. Nonetheless, usually those better-off will be able to move abroad since economic capital might facilitate the process if compared to those who have social or cultural capital (Van Hear 2004, 6). Being able to reach a developed destination is not available for everyone: it requires financial capital and it is limited to those well-off. Again, only people provided with certain amounts of capital or able to combine these capital will be able to partake in an international migration and afford it. (Van Hear 2014, 111) As will be further seen in this research, Van Hear is right and his theory can be applied to this case when he says: “In conflict settings people from better-endowed households may be able to access asylum routes to affluent countries” (Van Hear 2014, 112).
However, this does not mean that poor people stay put and those better-off move. Its is also a matter of choosing, being able to make a decision of moving or not. As explained by Van Hear (2004, 113), depending on the situation, the better-off can choose to stay put or move, while sometimes those with limited resources may not have the same power of decision and are more volatile to circumstances. So, whether the decision is moving out, coming in, moving on, moving back or staying put, these all could be voluntary or forced mobility or immobility, depending on choice. These decisions are usually taken based on the capitals people own. All these processes are possible because people could transform the capitals they possess into another one and migrate. For
Syrians, it meant they could transform the capitals they have into others and flee to Brazil, whether it was through social connections offering them the chance to show the possibility of moving to Brazil or through financial capital that allowed them to buy a ticket, flee and restart a new life. Social networks
Social connections have a decisive role in the migration process. Through networking, future migrants have the chance to find out more about a place, ask for advice and information from someone who has previously migrated. To Massey et al(1994, 1495), “people living in a community characterized by a long history and high prevalence of out-migration are very likely to be connected socially to people who have been abroad, and these people tend to have considerable knowledge about conditions and resources at points of destination”. These quote can be applied to the findings of this research, as will be further seen: the number of interviewed people that had a prior contact in Brazil is considerable and should be taken into consideration. Through them, they had the chance to gather more information and choose a city to live based upon a prior contact they had there. Also, according to Massey et al(1994, 1495) risks and costs are reduced when migrants have social connections. It is always more difficult for the first migrants to face a movement if compared to those that have a prior connection in advance: it is more difficult in a financial and psychological way. Usually the first ones to arrive do not know what to expect, nor whether their duties, language, culture and other different aspects hamper successful integration (Massey et al 1994, 1497). If other migrants move in advance, they make the path safer and more possible for those who have the same wish. As found in this research, many of the refugees picked a certain city to go and settle down in Brazil because they had prior contacts there that would allow them to decrease the expenses and risks. Besides, after arriving in a new society, learning the language, making connections to nationals, finding a job and becoming more adapted, many decide to settle down in a new society, confirming what Massey et al mentioned (1994, 1499-1502). Furthermore, it must be reminded that, for refugees, settling down should be an option because most of them do not have anywhere else to go in a short term. Within a few years, it could be possible to move somewhere else, but if they, initially, were accepted to live in Brazil, they might spend a few years there before migrating to a second place.
However, as a refugee, it is difficult to find a country willing to accept them. In contrast to Massey et al, Krissman has another approach regarding social networks. For him, networking does not always develop in a proportional way; sometimes people with weak bonds also participate in the migration process and are linked to each other; unconnected people may be part of the network, so it is not just about kinship or strong ties(Krissman 2005, 5). As seen in this research, one of the interviewees met a prior migrant through social media to gather more information about Brazil. That case confirms what Krissman says about intermediaries or meetings in random places; while Massey et al exclude some of the relevant individuals that make the process happen, who should be included in the networking review. Networks can go beyond family, friendship or organizations (Krissman 2005, 5-7, 14). Another point of disagreement with Massey et al that must be mentioned
is that not every migrant comes from the same hometown, as there is a range in origins that is often forgotten by Massey et al, but is mentioned by Krissman. When migration starts, it involves people that come from more than one town, and the theory by Massey et al should not limit itself to propose that migrants originate from the same place (Krissman 2005, 34). It must be reminded that migration does not involve only kinship or people related through strong bonds, but also other players who have an important role to make migration happen, such as smugglers or religious institutions (Krissman 2005, 17, 25, 34). Smugglers act exactly to take profit, whereas the later can be responsible through missions, to try to save people from conflict and offer then a safe haven, as it will be seen in this research. Collyer, on the other hand, does not ignore the role of smugglers in migration, at this point disagreeing with Massey et al (2005, 705). Collyer, in his work, includes the work of paid agents as a means for migrants who do not find support coming from strong ties, such as family or friends. Besides, Krissman and Collyer agree on the point that weak ties have an important role in migrants decisions, not excluding the fact that there are other factors and parts involved in the progress. (Collyer 2005, 706, 715)
3. Methodology
In this survey I have decided to take a qualitative method in order to look into people’s histories in detail. I ask them personal questions regarding their decision to move to Brazil and how life has been there so far. Mainly, through qualitative research I was able to find the interviewees’ point of view and the experiences they have had concerning their move to Brazil and their lives afterwards. By listening to their histories, I was able to analyze the information and find common patterns. Also, the qualitative research was conducted in order to comprehend Syrians behavior, emotions and decisions. Doing a qualitative research has allowed me to find out more about the social interactions between Syrians and organizations helping them, and at the same time try to find patterns of economic, religious and social common histories among the participants. (Bailey et al, 2011: 10). In order to finding the main reasons that led Syrians to choose Brazil as a new home, I conducted in-depth interviews with eight participants. With only one of the interviewees the communication was online. As part of the process, some of them were found within the Christian Orthodox Church, and some of them through organizations and contacts. The textual data gave me the chance to analyze the histories and interpret the main findings. Also, through the qualitative method I was able to discover why they had chosen Brazil, how the migration occurred and the process they are currently going through since they have arrived in South America. As all the migrants with whom I spoke with had been living in Brazil for over an year, the interviews were conducted in Portuguese. They were able to express themselves very well, and there were no problems regarding communication. I was fully able to understand them and if by any chance they could not understand me, I just had to repeat the question and the conversation would immediately continue.
This research was carried out in Curitiba, South Brazil during the month of March and April 2016. Along with refugees, people that work with them were also interviewed. Although it was not
hard to find Syrian refugees there, the main issue was finding people willing to be interviewed. Some of them were very reluctant and did not want to participate. Others, initially, were willing to answer the questions, but I lost contact with them and they were not interviewed. It is completely understandable that many of them did not want to respond, with some even assuming that I was a government employee. However, some refugees were extremely open and wanted to share their stories, show their houses and tell me more about their lives. Many were shy and brief, while others were very open and discussed life back in Syria, while also comparing it to life now in Brazil. Since all the interviewees have lived in the South American country for more than one year , all the questions were responded in Portuguese and when allowed, it was recorded. When a certain topic was potentially traumatic, such as leaving Syria, few of them decided not to tell me. Nevertheless, they were open, kind and in all of them I could see a huge will to overcome their difficulties and start a new life in a country with an enormous cultural difference. Along with the refugees, I also interviewed people that worked with them who utilized their projects, ideas and attitudes to assist them in the migration process. Since Brazil is willing to welcome Syrians, but is not able to assist them financially nor emotionally, I was glad to see that many Brazilians are willing to mitigate migrants’ difficulties. Sometimes, when I asked for more contacts to interview, I ended up having the same contact through 2 different people. Also, I decided to interview the Consul of Syria in Curitiba, the founder of the Linyon project responsible for empowering migrants through work and the President of the Administrative Council for the Orthodox Church.
All the questions were answered through an in-depth interview with the specific purpose of finding the main reason why refugees have chosen Brazil. During the conversation, the interviewees had the chance to describe their lives in Brazil and some of them also wanted to share how their lives were back in Syria. The in-depth interviews were done in order to find personal experiences about Syrians in a particular setting (Bailey et al 2011, 274).
This research was conducted in Brazil, in Paraná State, Curitiba. This city was chosen due to the amount of Syrians who live there, which is around 500. Also, Curitiba is not as big as Sao Paulo or Rio de Janeiro, so I would still have the chance to be in contact with many refugees in a city with easy access. Interestingly, many decades ago Curitiba received many people from Lebanon and Syria, so the community was large enough to embrace new refugees, as many of these people could have relatives coming from Syria nowadays. The characteristics of the population researched included their origin from Syria, and their decision to start a new life in Brazil. While some of them have continued their studies, others are trying to work and revalidate their diplomas. These were face-to-face interviews, except for three that were through Skype, which was chosen because it was hard to find people willing to participate while I was doing the fieldwork in Brazil. Therefore, in Amsterdam I could find three more people through prior connections and interview them.
Since there were a small number of samples, the method chosen was qualitative so I could carry in-depth interviews. As I spoke with them, I was able to find a pattern amid Syrians who fled. The population I decided to interview were all refugees from Syria and they corresponded to a quarter of all the refugees in Brazil, being 2.298 people (UNHCR 2016, 11). The other 4
nationalities that are part of the majority come from Angola, Colombia, Congo and Lebanon, but only for Syrians has Brazil done an open-ended humanitarian visa program, so that was one of the reasons Syrians were chosen to be respondents.
Since most part of the research has been done in Europe regarding refugees, the main focus was choosing Brazil, a distant country that not many Syrians knew much about. To discover more information I conducted the interviews asking questions such as,
Why have they chosen Brazil?
If Brazil was their first choice, was it chosen due to many previous failures with other countries?
What were the main challenges of moving to Brazil?
What were the difficulties for renting a house, validating a diploma and learning the language without any information or support?
While some of the participants talked about hours, others were quite timid and short. For every question, I let them talk as much as they wanted, so they would feel more comfortable and could share more. Within the conversations, I wanted to discover more about their decisions about leaving Syria, while in a second moment I wanted to know more about their conditions in Brazil. Through each question asked to Syrians, I could discover usually a main reason why they have chosen Brazil and little by little I also could find a pattern regarding the challenges at their arrivals. There were no field assistants needed. To recruit the interviewees I attended a ceremony at the Eastern Orthodox Church and from there, snowball sampling. I also talked to prior contacts that connected me with Syrians. By talking to 8 refugees, I was able to establish a pattern, and by talking to civil society, organizations, volunteers and religious people, I could see their perspectives, what they actually do and how assistance is provided.
The research topic developed was determined due to a shortage of migration studies in South America. From the beginning, the main research question was to find out why Syrians have chosen Brazil. The data was recorded on the computer, so it could be easier to transcribe them later. If any respondent did not feel comfortable about any question, I skipped to the next one. Also, in order to protect their identities, I told they could have their names changed if wished so, in order to see if they could open up more and share deeply their histories; but in the end, most of them wanted their real names to be in the paper, so “people could know who they are and their histories”. The main difficulties found, however, was mainly the fact that it was hard to find people willing to participate. It was great to see that many of them really wanted to share their histories. In general, I could see they were very comfortable and nice, some of them opening up their houses so I could interview them there; I wanted them to feel safe while answering my questions.
To analyze the data, I decided to take a qualitative approach so I could interpret the information. Also, I intended to analyze the theory regarding State Policies, network and class. To write this paper, I listened to all the interviews again, transcribed, and then decided to insert it where they could fit better in this paper regarding the main theories described. The conclusions
were based on the theory read and the findings, so one could relate to the other and I could check whether the theory could be applied to the histories told.
Since I have had the chance to follow up every participants’ lives, it was easier to get any extra information if needed. In general, all the respondents were very open and answered all the questions asked. However, some of them were very brief and I could not extract any extra details that could be useful in this paper. The limitations of this study was finding more people willing to participate in the interview. It was completely understandable that many of them were reluctant and ended up not sharing their histories. It was also interesting to find that people really wanted to know if I was a government employee, even though I explained I am a student doing research and have contacts in common from my prior university that introduced me to these people. After all that, some of them simply did not want to participate and that reduced a little the number of people I could have got information from. So, even when I was back in Amsterdam I had to interview some people through Skype, in order to have more data. If I had a greater number of refugees willing to respond my questions, perhaps I would have a broader view of the situation and even a quantitative method could have been applied. However, since the beginning, the intention was to interpret the information and find out why and how they have chosen Brazil. Even though they had different histories on how fleeing Syria, and main reasons why not heading to Europe, their struggles in Brazil were a pattern that was very easy to observe.
As mentioned before, Brazil is not limiting the amount of Syrians arriving at its territory, allowing thousands to get in and have their basic rights and duties.
According to Dalia:
“Brazil is letting everybody from Syria to get in here. This is not very safe, anyone from Syria can travel to Brazil.”
If the filter is not that efficient, that could lead to further problems in the national territory. Granting asylum to everybody could be a potential risk that Brazil should acknowledge. It is relevant to mention that for Mau et al(2015, 1195), holding a particular passport may bring certain benefits or disadvantages. For Syrians at the moment, it brings a loss as they are rejected and not many are willing to accept them in. Nadia said:
“I don't know if I will be able to travel somewhere else, because I’m Syrian and no one grants me a visa. Being a Syrian now is really bad, you know? I cannot remove it from myself. Sometimes I ask my mother: why was I born there? Now I have to face all these difficulties because I was born there? Is that my fault? What can I do now? Our plans for
Information about interviewees
Name Gender Age Place of
origin
Religion Profession in Syria
Profession in Brazil
Dalia Female 25 Aleppo Christian Lawyer Saleswoman
Nour Female 25 Aleppo Christian Student Student
Nadia Female 25 Aleppo Christian Designer Freelancer/
jewelry designer Mohammad
Zidane
Male 28 Aleppo Muslim Biochemist Cook
Mohamad Male 35 Damascus Muslim Otolaryngologist Medical intern Samaan
Nasry
Male 42 Raqqa Christian Priest Priest
Talal Altinawi
Male 43 Damascus Muslim Mechanical
engineer
Entrepreneur
Karim Male 28 Aleppo Christian Christian
missionary
Christian missionary
life, and our future is not like others.We cannot think as someone who lives in peace, we cannot plan a normal life.”
According to the Booklet for Asylum Seekers in Brazil (UNHCR 2015, 4-5), asylum seekers cannot be sent back to the country where it is dangerous for their lives and it is duty of the Brazilian Government to make sure every foreigner can ask asylum, even if they entered the National Territory through an illegal way. While they wait for their case to be processed and viewed by the authorities, they have the right to receive an ID (a protocol) and a document allowing them to engage in the labour market, granting them the right to work legally and having the same right as another Brazilian. However, it is extremely hard to work with the degree they bring from Syria. About that, Mohammad Zidane says:
“I had a job in Syria and even worked for UNESCO, but here in Brazil I will have to study 10 subjects in the university and do an exam in order to be able to work as a biochemist.”
In terms of integration and whether choosing Brazil or not, maybe those who do not hold a degree still will choose Brazil if they are able to afford a ticket, because they still will be able to save their lives and keep working as soon as they get there. The fact that they do not hold a degree will not influence their decision or their opinion, because they will not have to go through a difficult situation of holding a diploma but not being able to perform their skills, described by Mohamad as “horrible and frustrating.” However, for a migrant used to perform the degree that he or she studied for, and still not being able to apply it in a new destination due to bureaucracy and humiliating conditions, that might be an impediment that could lead someone to stay put or choose somewhere else.
Refugee children are allowed to attend schools and it is easy to enroll them, and everyone has the right to go to a public hospital. The duties every asylum seeker must respect includes acting accordingly to all the laws, informing their address to the Federal Police and the National Committee for Refugees and renewing their protocols when needed. (UNHCR 2015, 5-7)
Refugees are protected by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 and by the law number 9.474/97. Through this law, Brazil has a very modern set of rules regarding refugees and their protection. (Pacifico et al 2010, 172). Also, the law 9.474/97 intends to integrate the refugee and guarantee the same rights as other Brazilians have.
The rights are granted, but there is a void in the integration process. Even if every refugee has a work permit, the right to go to a public hospital and not pay, to enroll their kids in a public school, there are still other things needed and not provided by the government, which are things such as Portuguese lessons, a diploma revalidation or facilitating rent. Such discrepancies illustrates the lack of structure which has lead to a gap in the integration process and further hampers assimilation into the Brazilian society and culture. In Sao Paulo it is possible to see greater mobilization from civil society in order to assist migrants and give them a chance to reestablish.
Refugees who have the asylum granted in Brazil are able to stay there temporarily (for 4 years), and after that they can ask a permanent stay if they wish so. Also, according to the Brazilian Law and the International Law, refugees cannot be returned to the countries where their lives are at risk (non refoulement). (UNHCR 2012, 7).
According to the Cartagena Declaration of 1984, designed for refugees from Central America and with the purpose to be more adapted regarding migrants looking for protection in South America, refugees are “persons who have fled their country because their lives, safety or freedom have been threatened by generalized violence, foreign aggression, internal conflicts, massive violation of human rights or other circumstances which have seriously disturbed public order” (1984, 3). Brazil has signed the Refugee Convention of 1951 and the Additional Protocol of 1967. According to the Convention of 1951, refugees were considered as people who have been affected by conflicts prior to 1951. The Additional Protocol was implemented later to correct it and include events that have led people to migrate after 1951, such as people from other places, especially the African continent (Pacifico et al 2010, 171).
Every asylum request is decided by CONARE (National Committee for Refugees), and it is composed of members from the Ministry of Justice, Labor and Employment, Health, Foreign Affairs, Education, the Department of Federal Police and organizations that provide assistance for migrants. To request asylum, a person must be in Brazil; being in a consulate or Embassy does not count. After applying for asylum, the migrant receives a provisional protocol, which will be their identification document in Brazil. They also get a work permit and a Brazilian Tax number. All these documents prevent them from being sent back to the countries where their lives are at risk and enables them to have their rights guaranteed as national citizens. (UNHCR 2015, 8-18)
For Czaika and de Haas(2013, 489-490), nations have the potential to change the way migration happens and model it accordingly to their desires. That could be applied to Brazil: if the decision was to keep open for a limited number of people, or not opening it at all, then thousands of Syrians would not have migrated. Perhaps some of them would still have moved to Brazil and asked asylum in the national territory as other nationalities do, but still, there would be few of them waiting a longer time to have the asylum request processed. Therefore, Brazil is modeling part of the migration through its open-ended program, as a means of “selecting” those who are coming into the national territory.
In terms of attracting intellectual capital to its territory, maybe not: most of the interviewees could not perform their professional skills in the country, choosing an informal job or something not related to their original degree due to bureaucracy. However, as mentioned by Czaika and De Haas (2013, 490), Brazil could be looking for migrants with financial capital, who are able to invest in the country and open businesses. Having an intellectual capital in Brazil, in general, is not valuable, even for national citizens; there is a brain drain of people who are estimated and better paid abroad. Yet, Brazil pays much attention on those who could bring more money into the country and make investments; that could be one of the targets aimed: opening borders for people they know are able to afford flights tickets, housing, private schools and spend money on living. That also could be one of the reasons why they warn possible migrants in the consulate about not assisting them when they
arrive in the national territory: to make sure they have enough money to spend there and segregating those who can afford a life there from those who cannot. If Brazil assisted every Syrian migrant financially, perhaps the number of migrants would be a lot higher, as they would only have to afford the flight tickets. Like other governments, Brazil has its’ own priorities and one of them could have been assisting Syrian migrants on their entrance and living in the country. However, acting like that would not enable Brazil to make a class selection. So, not giving support and making it clear in the consulate as well as in the consulate’s website prior to the trip is a possible way to restrict the number of migrants, allowing only the ones provided with financial means to move. Through these policies, Brazil is able to say it is doing something important in an international level by bringing more investment and more people to spend.
It could be said that perhaps Brazil has also opened its borders in an attempt to have more influence on an international scope to try and cooperate more on an issue that involves many countries, as it has opened its territory up that is more than 11 thousand kilometers away while facing its own political and economical problems. It alleviates the burden of some countries, yet, is a very far country that does not attract many due to its distance, language and lack of information. None of the interviewees knew much about the country, except for soccer, Carnaval, Rio de Janeiro or the fact that the South American country was the 5th greatest economy in the world. Brazil has opened its borders in order to gain some attention, which means it is doing something tangible on an international level, but has still proven to be unwilling to give further assistance to refugees. Brazil is still able to attract a few thousand and claim it is doing something to alleviate the “crisis.” Furthermore, the government is more concerned about taking refugees in and trying to protect them all instead of assisting them financially and emotionally. Although accepting asylum seekers is a huge step, when compared to many other countries that were not open to people of a different religion and culture, it still is not enough. Asylum seekers need more than just a safe place to live in. As seen within this research, the refugees interviewed were looking for safety first-most, which they had when fleeing to Brazil. However, Brazil was not their first choice; it was not even a choice. Yet, it was open and thousands of refugees resigned to this decision. With their belongings and properties destroyed, robbed or lost during the war, refugees found it natural to want more than safety, as they were also looking for material security when the primary concern became rebuilding a life from zero in another continent. In spite of the fact that Brazil is able to provide protection, there are many things missing that end up harming refugees in Brazil.
Regarding class, not everyone can afford the move to Brazil. From all the refugees I interviewed, they fled to Brazil because it was safer. They knew that through a plane trip they would arrive safe in a new country and be legal. Yet, they did not expect that the country would not assist them in anyway. Having money enabled them all to flee to Brazil by plane, so, as Van Hear (2004, 2) argues, having money took an influent decision on which country they should flee and the route chosen, usually through Unite Arab Emirates, Qatar or Turkey. If these refugees did not have enough means, they would probably have stayed in Syria or moved to Lebanon, a country known now for exploiting Syrian workers since they need money. Their financial situation was primarily defined by belongings they could sell prior to the trip and savings, apart from a wealthy
background. Others did not have a great amount of money to move out, but knew someone in Brazil who could assist them. As one of the interviewees, Nadia, said:
“Those who had money were able to flee from Syria, but those who did not have the financial means had to stay put.”
Syrians who fled were able to do that because they had power resources, and in that case, it meant capital (intellectual, social or financial); what helped them in a particular field during a particular time. In that way, capital takes many different shapes. When that form of capital is economic, it enables refugees to fly away even if they do not know anyone in a new country and were not knowledgeable on anything about Portuguese, a requirement for those who want to find a job. From that Mohamad, said:
“I paid 40 thousand reais (around 10 thousand euros), for tickets from Qatar to Brazil for me and my family (5 more people), and I paid the bills for 6 or 7 months with the money I had brought from Syria.”
From that sentence it is possible to extract that, in that specific case, economic capital was enough to enable Mohamad and his family to flee, even if he did not know anybody in Brazil. In the cases of refugees, resources usually come from sold properties or savings they had. As seen in the interviews, Syrians who went to Brazil had the money to pay for a flight ticket and start a new life, meaning they also had the money to pay for a human smuggler to cross them from Turkey to Greece. However, they did not want to risk their lives or be illegal in Europe, which led them to live in Brazil.
According to Van Hear, people able to afford an international migration are those who can turn the capitals they have into something tangible. He also argues that the determined capital sets out the place a migrant arrives(2014, 101-102), but in terms of money, all migrants had the amount needed to pay a human smuggler they just did not want to. Mohammad Zidane, said:
“Reaching Europe was not a normal route, I would have to find someone from the mafia to cross. From Turkey to the sea, and from there to Greece. People die in the sea and it is very problematic. Reaching Brazil was easy, normal, I could have my visa, not like Europe. I did not want to be illegal in Europe.”
So, those who reach Europe are not necessarily richer, but were willing to cross in a boat and take that risk. Syrians who do not have financial means are not able to go somewhere else and face immobility. Those who have the option still do not have many choices, especially if they choose a legal path. Also, in terms of cost-benefit, Europe would be more interesting than Brazil, where in a short-term many things are provided, whereas in Brazil migrants do not have any assistance from the Government, as mentioned by each interviewee. Karim said:
“Europe provides everything: housing, health insurance, money, language lessons. That is the reason everybody in Syria wants to move to Europe.”
When it comes to risk, in terms of life, moving to Brazil by plane is definitely a safer route if compared to getting into a boat to try and reach Europe. Comparatively, arriving safe in Brazil means that all the expenses will be paid by the migrant. Stark and Bloom(1985, 175) said that the neo-classical view of migrants entails the need to express their intentions to maximize their resources and minimize the risk, which is applicable to Syrians who move to Europe, but not those who are in Brazil. For instance, Syrians in South America annulated their chances of taking a risky path to Europe, but spent everything they had brought from their origin country to pay their expenses in Brazil. According to Stark and Bloom(1985, 176), when a migrant has many options to choose regarding places, and through a network the person may find out if it is worth it, then the risk of taking a bad decision minimizes and a migrant can maximize the benefits. Even though this theory is applied to labor migrants, it can be extended to those who migrated in order to save their lives. However, even if many migrants got in touch with prior contacts in Brazil before moving there, they already knew that the South American country was not affording any financial benefit. Therefore, it can be said that they migrated because they knew it would be safe, but not to maximize their financial means. Regarding this, Nadia said:
“Brazil is a safe and easy country to arrive at. But afterwards we struggle to have everything else. Going to Europe is the opposite: it is hard to reach there, but when you arrive the Government provides everything: money, housing, health assistance, language lessons, university. In Europe, you spend a lot to get into the continent; in Brazil, you spend a lot to live in. Still, in both places you will spend money.”
According to Van Hear(2014, 107), one of the movements migrants may do is move back. Although all the people interviewed intend to stay for a long term in Brazil, Mohamad told:
“I have met a doctor here, a Syrian surgeon. He had decades of experience and we even wrote an article together. He only wanted to keep working as a doctor in Brazil, but he ended up working in a clothing store. It was too hard for him to learn Portuguese and too difficult to revalidate his diploma at age 52. Even when he wanted to work for Mais Medicos , it was impossible. So he went back to Syria, to his family, because he did not 1 manage to stay any longer in Brazil, it was too difficult.”
Van Hear says that, “access to more prosperous and desirable destinations is limited to better resourced migrants”(2014, 111). However, many Syrians in Brazil have decided to open their own
Mais Medicos is a program directed to Cuban doctors who do not need to do any revalidation exam and can
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businesses, as they had not worked for months and needed to pay all the bills themselves since they did not receive any financial assistance from the Government. Even though Brazil is not the most prosperous and desirable destination, they continue to receive many prosperous Syrians. Those who do not have enough means, stay put in Syria.
Intellectual capital is not something that makes difference in the short term for the Brazilian Government, because it is difficult for every migrant to be able to perform their skills when they arrive in Brazil. Revalidating the diploma is largely a struggle and can be quite expensive for those who newly arrive. From a biochemist that worked for UN to an otolaryngologist, none of the interviewees were utilizing their degrees in Brazil, so they had to make typical food to sell, work as Arabic teachers and perform jobs that did not require the skills they studied for. Therefore, in this case, only economic and social capital played a role in these people’s lives in Brazil. Also, according to Van Hear, “in conflict settings people from better-endowed households may be able to access asylum routes to affluent countries” (2014, 112). In that case, not necessarily to an affluent country, but perhaps to a country that offers protection and through civil society and NGO’s is still able to provide some assistance and guarantee a minimum. So yes, it is their choice whether they want to go to Brazil or to Europe, but the latter destination itself is not something they should rely on, because they might not arrive safely in Europe. According to Dalia:
“I could go to Europe, but I heard many stories of people dying on the sea and I did not want to risk it. ”
Many Syrians could still choose Europe to live in, but would put themselves and their family in a dangerous situation. Their financial capital gave them a choice, since they all could pay for a human smuggler to cross them from Turkey to Greece, but they did not want to risk their lives. It must be agreed, that when Van Hear points that “whether to move or stay put is shaped by resources or different endowments of capital”(2014, 113), this can be applied to the Syrian refugees heading to Brazil. In each case, choices were made according to their intellectual capital, as well as social and financial.
Also, Van Hear mentions, “migrants often find themselves stuck in it in host countries, experiencing insecurity in life and livelihoods” (2014, 115). This is relatable to a multitude of cases regarding migrants in Brazil. The network they have created might alleviate the struggle, but not bear it completely. When it comes to having difficulties in Brazil, Mohamad says:
“It was hard to work, there was no support and things are very expensive if compared to Syria. Many professionals could not work in their original jobs or fieldwork because it was really hard to revalidate the diploma. Renting a house to live in was also very difficult. It is been 2 and a half years since I am trying to revalidate my doctor diploma and I haven't succeeded yet. In the Consulate in Lebanon they told me that the Brazilian Government would not assist me and my family, so I knew that prior to the trip. But I didn't need any financial assistance when I arrived in Brazil - I needed support - having more
information, knowing about my rights, emotional support and flexibility in the law because I am a refugee; but I didn't get any of that. The most simple thing that Brazil could offer was language lessons, which is something really easy to offer to migrants. Portuguese lessons is the first thing migrants should have in order to integrate in the Brazilian society. But in 2013 there was no University prepared to welcome refugees. After one year struggling to have Portuguese lessons, all I could have was 2 hours a week in an University, together with all the other refugees from Haiti. No one was prepared to receive refugees in Brazil.”
Van Hear also argues that, “in the face of challenging circumstances, there are choices within constraints whether to move or stay put”(2014, 115). As an example of that, Nadia says:
“It was impossible to get out of Aleppo. The city was surrounded by Islamic State and the bus to leave the city was called the “death bus”. But the life back in there was not a life, I thought the whole time I was going to die and I had to flee, I had at least to try, I could no longer stay put.”
So, Nadia, similar to other millions, chose to migrate because the conditions in her city were not propitious and life threatening, as also expressed by Samaan:
“The church I used to pray at was destroyed by the Islamic State and I lost everything back home. An archbishop in Brazil invited me to come and I decided to come with my family.” Although, there are many places that could be chosen, not all of them were as open as Brazil. Crossing in a boat from Turkey to Greece still is dangerous, as people could be stuck in Greece without a guarantee they would reach Germany or Sweden or another preferred destination. It was a matter of being legal and in a safe place, where they could immediately restart a life and have familiar routine to what they had back home, even if it there were issues with the bureaucracy regarding diploma and their skills and other impediments on their ways.
In terms of impacts of their movement, it is possible to say that perhaps, the more financial capital they bring along, the more impact migrants can make. The same can be said about intellectual and social capital. Also, Van Hear argues that, “the costs of migration to escape conflict have increased”(2004, 2). Regarding this, Karim said:
“My family and I were looking for an affordable price to go to Europe, there wasn’t. Many people wanted that, but there was no way we could go. Like, you want to have a coffee, and there is only one coffee factory in Brazil, the coffee will be very expensive. If so many people want it, the smugglers will rise up the price. If there are many coffee factories, the price will be cheaper. ”
The rules in Europe are very strict, and do not allow most Syrians to flee safe. The means to migrate, for those who could afford it, entailed a possible flight to Brazil or a boat to Turkey. The safe option would be the South American country. When Van Hear mentions in his article, “I went as far as my money would take me,” that migrants, “shape the forms, patterns and impacts of their movement”(2004, 1), it can be taken an example demonstrated by Marcela Milano , when she said: 2
“Syrians have a very strong entrepreneurship culture and most of the people who have the money and arrive in Brazil wants to start a new business, restaurants most of the times. For many of the people, the conditions in Syria was great, and when arriving in Brazil everything has changed and the living standard is no longer the same. Some simply refuse jobs if they consider the wage is too low, even if they know it will be extremely hard to find a better opportunity. I met two Syrian men who opened a restaurant and they did not succeed. However, they have lost 120 thousand reais on that (around 30 thousand euros);imagine, if a family has enough conditions to open a restaurant and lose 120 thousand, is a family that has enough means. They had many properties back in Syria. Many Syrians have been to great universities, are fluent in English and have conditions. But when they arrive in Brazil, life changes completely. They were in a high level and have been through an extreme situation, and now life has changed for them. They hate been called “refugees”. But those who come to Brazil and those who go to Europe have enough conditions to travel.”
Brazil was not the first choice of Syrians. As said by many, they simply did not view Brazil as a choice, but it was clearly the most open one and provided everything in a legal way. According to them:
“I didn't choose Brazil, but is was the open one, so we came. ” Karim.
“My husband and I wanted to go to Europe, but we had to get a boat and I didn't want it, so we found out about Brazil through a friend and we came.” Dalia
“They offered new places where I could work in Syria, in Lebanon or Brazil, and I have chosen Brazil. If you ask me why, I don't know. But i came with my family.” Samaan. “I applied to 25 different countries to move, and none of them accepted me and my entire family, only Brazil. So we came.” Mohamad.
“I applied to live in Australia, and they said it would take 2 years to process my request and give an answer, it was a very long time and I couldn't wait. But Brazil opened for Syrians in 2013 and we came.” Talal.
“Why should I go to Europe? It would not be normal, going to the sea and finding someone from the mafia, to cross me from Turkey to Greece, that would be very difficult and people and children die in the sea, so I decided not to go. I decided to go to Brazil. First to Lebanon and then to Brazil. It is easier, arriving in Brazil would be a normal route. I would get a plane, arrive there and have a visa and everything else. I would have all the papers, it would not be like it is in Europe.” Mohammad Zidane.
Van Hear argues that, “migration strategies also vary along ethnic, gender, caste and other lines”(2004, 9). However, religion could be included in that quote as well. It became clear in this research that Christians were threatened in Syria and some of them had hours to leave their houses, such was the case of Samaan:
“Islamic state destroyed the church I used to pray and they didn't want any Christians there.” Also, Ghassan said: 3
“Many of them did not want to serve the army to face the Islamic State and many of them were threatened by the Islamic State and had to flee in hours.”
Not necessarily is a Syrian that goes to Brazil richer than those who flee to Europe, for example. Yet, it was a matter of not wanting to wait long and a matter of wanting to be legal in a country that offers that possibility. Even if they knew Brazil was not going to provide any kind of assistance, they could know that through their capitals, they were able to restart a life there instead of waiting years for an asylum request to be processed while they had their lives at risk. Regarding class, Van Hear claims that those with better conditions are able to, “buy a better quality of asylum”(2004, 28). Brazil can be considered a better quality as it offers a fast decision from Lebanon, a safe trip from the Middle East, documents protecting them, papers allowing them to work and endows them the same rights as other national citizens. For those who initially just wanted to save their lives, that meant a lot. When asked if he knew Brazil was not providing any assistance for refugees, Mohamad told:
“In a first moment you just do not think about that, that will be a further step. At that moment, you just want to escape and save your life.”
Even with no financial assistance provided, refugees in a short term, as expressed by all the interviewees, had some form of capital that would allow them to restart their lives, which they did.
Ghassan Youssef, President of theAdministrative Council at the Orthodox Church in Curitiba, Brazil.
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According to Ahmet Içduygu, for many refugees it is really hard to have a job without working papers, leading them to accept bad payments and conditions(2015, 8). That can be linked to many Syrians who decided to go to Lebanon and try a life there. According to Nadia:
“Lebanon was an option, but my parents would not let me live there. People are exploited and you listen many bad stories about Syrians performing the same job as a Lebanese and making less money. But the Syrians do it because they need the money to pay their bills.” As stated by the Amnesty International report (2016, 33), “Irregular status and the inability to work regularly leaves refugees at risk of exploitation from employers.” Besides, it is even worse for women, usually being harassed but not being able to report it to any legal command (Amnesty International 2016, 8)
According to Içduygu, the Syrian case should be seen as an humanitarian crisis(2015, 2). Luckily, Brazil views it as such, as shown through the Open-ended Humanitarian visa Programme, allowing 2.298 Syrians to live in Brazil (until March 2016) and having more 597 requests to process, corresponding to 3.41% of all the asylum requests in Brazil. In total, there were 3.460 requests coming from Syrian refugees, being in the group of the five nationalities that most requested asylum in Brazil and being the biggest group of refugees in the South American country. Also, the project was created to open the borders for refugees in 2013 has been extended for 2 more years in 2015, allowing them to come and request asylum until 2017(UNHCR Brazil 2016, 5-11).
When it comes to networking, most of the interviewees had a prior contact in Brazil. Such as Nadia, who said:
“I had a cousin in Brazil that came before me and I decided to go there as well.” Nour says:
“My husband’s family had an acquaintance in Curitiba and he told them about the open borders for Syrians. My sister in law had come one month before us.”
According to Castles et al (2014, 40) “the choices made by pioneer migrants or recruiters influence the location choices of subsequent migrants.” In many aspects this can be related to Syrians interviewed in Brazil. When the options they preferred were not available, they then realized that a legal way was not going to happen, but through networking many of them found out Brazil was open. This was the case of Samaan:
Dalia said:
“Through Facebook I found out Karim, who also is from Aleppo, and he was the only one I knew when I arrived in Brazil. My husband and I decided to live in Curitiba because at least we knew someone there, Karim.”
In every case mentioned, it is possible to see that through pioneer migrants or recruiters, Syrians chose Brazil because they knew someone there that could help them out and assist them if something was needed. Through a shepherd who was Karim’s friend, Dalia and her husband found out a house with an affordable price, good location and no deposit. When Nadia arrived in Brazil, she also stayed for almost two months at her cousin’s friend place. In the case of Mohamad and his family, when they arrived in Brazil without knowing anyone, they had difficulties. Whether this was through a family member that migrated before, someone from the same city or even a friend made through social media, in order to have more information about the place networking played a very important role in the international movement of those who picked Brazil. Through these connections, they have decided which city they would settle down in and how much support they would receive, whether it was emotional, financial or information. Especially if they did not speak Portuguese when they arrived, and none of them did, it confirms what Castles et al(2014, 40), argued in their book about networks alleviating some difficulties in migration. If analyzed, indeed, of all the 8 interviewees, those who did not know anybody suffered the most when in Brazil, from finding information, housing, to all the other things needed when they had to settle down in Curitiba or Sao Paulo.
Mohamad did not know anybody that could help him and his family, and when he looked for assistance in the Mosque, nobody was supportive. Again, a prior contact, or even someone that a refugee had never met in person, like in the cases of Dalia and Karim, it is very helpful and helps mitigate the hard moments in a new country. Through the archbishop, Samaan had a new country to live and a job when he arrived. Karim, through a religious institution, was also able to find a safe country to flee and also find a work. Nadia, through her cousin, could find a place to live in her first weeks in Brazil. Dalia and Nour could decide among many cities which one to choose. Also, since many have migrated, it increases the likelihood that other Syrians might come to the same place to settle down. Through networking, many people can choose Curitiba and stay put. The same thing happens in Sao Paulo, where it is even easier to have help from NGO’s and migrants do not pay for Portuguese lessons. According to Talal:
“I had Portuguese lessons in a Mosque and I didn't have to pay, there were volunteers teaching.”
As explained by Ciobanu and Elrick(2009, 101), networks in a certain city decrease the costs and possible bad situations that could arise. As examined in this research, not every case had
costs decrease, even with a network, but danger and bad decisions were mitigated because there was a Syrian there who migrated before and could assist them.
According to Massey et al (1994, 1495), people from a community known for sending many abroad can be connected to those who stay put and could be further migrants. Those who have already gone are able to give information about a possible new country. This social capital can change the decisions of those who are about to migrate, especially internationally. If someone practiced the movement of coming back from a country that was not successful, possible migrants may be deterred and change their decisions to move somewhere else. As also mentioned by Massey et al(1994, 1497), those who migrate first will suffer more as they do not have any practical knowledge about how things work in the new country, and they are the first to explore a new destination. They do not know the language, can be exploited, work for a low wage, not knowing their rights and it could happen to many. However, none of the Syrian interviewees were exploited in any job, as they had their working papers as soon as they arrived and could work legally, while also maintaining their rights as other Brazilians.
The risks are smaller if a path of a previous migrant is followed, with some assistance. Even if Syrians were not aware that there was network involved, those who left Brazil and those who were established for a long term, still had a relative or friend settling down in South America and illustrates that the network went on. Krissman mentions, “a network could expand still further whenever migrants return home with new information to share about the migratory process”(2005, 9). However, the opposite can also happen, as seen when someone brings information that is not expected, or returns without money nor good stories. This influences potential migrants who could decide to stay put or choose another place. When Mohamad discussed the situation about his friend, the doctor that was not able to work and decided to go back to Syria, it shows that such an act of returning may prevent other people from choosing Brazil.
For Krissman, migration can be influenced by other people that could migrated before(2005,9), such as the case of Brazil. However, migration does not entirely depend on networking as not every decision taken was due to a prior network comprised of those who migrated. Some refugees, such as Mohamad, simply did not have anyone to rely on as soon as he arrived in Brazil nor did he know anyone in Syria that had been there before. He did not know much about the country, but the went.
Nevertheless, according to Collyer (2005, 713), refugees take advantage of their networking just like other migrants, especially in the short term. It is plausible to agree with that, such as when they want to flee and the legal options are not available. Instead, they contact people they know abroad to have more knowledge about the circumstances that would affect the migration process. They can also contact those who went and got back, and the family or friend of those who went. That affirmation can be applied to some of the Syrians interviewed, as they had family or friends in Brazil, and if they did not, they made one, such was Dalia’s case. They needed reliable information, and somewhere they could seek assistance. It is important to mention that Collyer emphasizes that migrants also look for economic safety(2005, 714). Refugees in Brazil, however, did not get any contribution from the government, the opposite when compared to countries in Europe. Many of the
interviewees said they preferred to go to Europe, but it was not possible. Then they decided to go to Brazil, where they could be granted asylum, be safe and at least they could have legal protection.
It is interesting to observe how networking and class have had a decisive role on migrants choices. For many of them, it was easier to pick Brazil as next destination because they had a prior contact there. For others, even without any connection, they still were able to go on this journey because their socio-economic background allowed them to do so. However, it was not just about having a network or financial means to arrive in South America; it was about safety. Most of the interviewed migrants did not want to take the risk. They did not want to find or pay a smuggler, or cross the Aegean Sea or probably suffering further consequences and not being sure about their future once they were in Europe. They wanted to be legal, keep working and being safe throughout the journey. Regarding State Policies and help, Brazil has opened its borders without offering further assistance; it is a clear sign that there is a selection, meaning that only those well-off will have the chance to afford tickets and restart their lives without the Government support. The help usually comes from religious institutions - whether it is to pay rent, make an appointment at the Federal Police or offering Portuguese lessons for free, these institutions facilitate not just the migration process, but also the integration of refugees in Brazil. Now that the topic is becoming widespread, more people are willing to help and the Government is looking more carefully at the situation, providing special amendments.
Another point that must be mentioned is that bigger cities, such as Sao Paulo, are more prepared to welcome migrants. The structure is a lot better if compared to smaller cities, such as Curitiba, where most of the participants live at. Sao Paulo offers in different locations the possibility to study Portuguese for free, it has more job offers and more organizations willing to help. However, in Curitiba, it was important to see that prior connections have made many other migrate to the same place, even if it did not offer the best conditions for refugees regarding assistance for free. Yet, as mentioned before, those who have arrived in Brazil have the financial means to afford the journey and usually a few weeks without working. They all had their capitals, or transformed the capitals they had, in order to make the migration to South America possible and escape the conflict back in Syria. When fleeing, the migrants from Syria were looking for safety, and a chance to keep leaving away from violence. Apart from having prior connections in Brazil (most of them), safety was a key work that they were still looking for after leaving Syria, leading many of them not to look for crossing at the Aegean Sea in order to arrive in Europe; that could be a lethal risk they could embark on and they were not willing to assume that risk; especially for those who had a family. The money they would pay for tickets to Brazil was basically the same amount they would pay to a smuggler. However, there was no guarantee that they would make it with safety to reach Europe, whereas in Brazil there was a guarantee of safe journey and legal rights when in the national territory. Especially for those that had a prior contact, that would be another reason to migrate. As seen before, prior connections facilitate the integration and minimize the risks and the assimilation process, making a new country more attractive for those who need to migrate somewhere else. Thus, reuniting the unfriendly policies of the European Union, the open borders in Brazil, the fear of embarking in a dangerous journey ,social contacts available and the good
