Safety of children in two low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro
A qualitative study on the views of parents that live, and care providers that work, in two low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro on violence, safety and the role of parenting
Master Thesis Forensic Child and Youth Care Sciences Graduate school of Child Development and Education University of Amsterdam Z.I. van de Veen
6149529 Mw. dr. I.B. Wissink, mw. drs. E. Kornelis Amsterdam, July, 2015
Table of contents Abstract 2 Introduction 3 Method 10 Results 13 Discussion 22 References 29 Appendix 32
Abstract
This study examined views of parents and care providers in two low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro, on violence, safety and parenting. Two focus groups and eleven
semi-structured interviews were conducted. The results show that respondents perceived their community as a safe one. Violence carried out by police was shown to be a main source of fear in children. There were both parents who actively tried to develop a strong parent-child relationship and parents who did not make such an attempt. Additionally, parents applied aspects of an authoritarian disciplinary style. Finally, physically disciplining children seemed to be common. It is recommended to develop police trainings in which police officers learn to be mindful of the effects of police violence on children. Furthermore, it is advised that future interventions with parents focus specifically on promoting an active parenting role for fathers, on how to construct a strong parent-child relationship and on how to apply non-physical disciplinary skills.
Introduction
Brazil is one of the most violent countries in the world; homicides and robberies are an everyday occurrence (Sapori & Soares, 2014). Especially in the poorer urban Brazilian slums, called favelas, residents are faced with violence and insecurity. Drug trafficking and gang violence turned several favelas into ‘warzones’ that are being controlled by drug dealers and militias, groups of residents that have taken military tasks into their own hands. Since the pacification program that was initiated in 2008 in the state of Rio de Janeiro, progress has been made in turning favelas into more peaceful and safer areas and trying to bring back state power. Still, only around 40 of Rio de Janeiro’s over 1000 favelas are pacified by now and the continuation of the pacification program is being questioned (Saborio, 2013; Oosterbaan & Van Wijk, 2014).
Many Brazilian children grow up in this violent environment and may experience serious violence. These children might develop, and live for a vast amount of their lives with feelings of fear. Experiencing violence as a child and living with fear can have extremely damaging consequences (Proctor 2006; Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). In the prevention of children suffering from violence and promoting their feelings of safety, parents and care professionals active in the community, could be involved. The present study is part of the broader research project ‘Engaging parents to reduce violence against children and promoting children’s feelings of safety in low income settings in Rio de Janeiro’, carried out by the Brazilian non-governmental organization Promundo. The institute of Promundo conducts research and develops social interventions. Prior to starting an intervention focused on involving parents in the prevention of violence against children and promoting a sense of safety, this study aims to create a better understanding of the views of both parents and care providers that work with children on safety of children, the violence that they might encounter and the subject of parenting in these circumstances. The following research question will be answered: what are the views of parents that live, and care providers that work, in two low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro on (1) violence and safety with respect to children and (2) parenting? An answer to this question will be given by answering the following sub questions: how do parents and care providers think about violence and safety in their community, both in general and specifically regarding children? How do parents and care providers think about parent-child relationships? How do parents and care providers think about (physically) disciplining children? In both communities a focus group was held with parents that live in the
communities. An additional eleven semi-structured interviews were done with care providers that work with children in the communities. In the next paragraph, relevant studies on
violence in Brazil and the possible consequences of experiencing violence on children will be discussed. In addition, the role of parents and care professionals in the prevention of violence against children and promoting feelings of safety will be outlined.
Violence in de favelas of Rio
In the favelas of Rio de Janeiro residents are at great risk to become a witness or worse, a victim of violence (Oosterbaan & Van Wijk, 2014). Most of the violence consists of confrontations between armed criminals, who have had the power in many of Rio’s favelas for the last two decades, and the police. The violence between these two groups has often been referred to as ‘war’ and has had an extremely high mortality rate, comparable with civil wars worldwide (Jansen, 2014; Oosterbaan & Van Wijk, 2014). In 2008 Rio de Janeiro’s government made an attempt to end this permanent state of insecurity and installed the security program called the ‘Unidades de Policia Pacificadora’ (UPP) program. The goal of this pacification program is to take control back from drug criminals, restore state power in the favelas that have long been neglected by the government and to bring peace and safety (Jansen, 2014). The objectives of the program have been questioned by many; a much heard idea is that the UPP program will not continue after the events which generate high
international attention (the World Cup of 2014 and the Olympic Games in 2016) have taken place (Serrano-Berthet, 2012). Also, different statements have been made about the success of the pacification program so far. The number of lethal crimes and the number of people killed by police have fallen strongly since the initiation of the pacification program, and residents generally feel safer after a favela has been pacified (Oosterbaan & Van Wijk, 2014).
However, the process of pacifying a favela starts with the invasion of a special police force, named BOPE, which are known for their brutal and excessive violence. These invasions continue to end innocent lives in Rio’s favelas. Children that grow up in a favela in Rio de Janeiro might get exposed to different types of violence. Firstly the risk of becoming a witness or victim of community violence (of which the aforementioned police violence is an example) will be discussed and secondly, the risk of experiencing violence applied by parents.
Community violence is a big problem in the low-income urban areas of Brazil. What is considered community violence can vary from drugs deals and robberies on the street, to stabbings, fights and shootings (Fowler, Tompsett, Braciszewski, Jacques-Tiura & Baltes, 2009). In the urban areas of Brazil events like these happen on a daily basis (Sapori & Soares, 2014). A Brazilian study on community violence was conducted in Sao Paulo among
incarcerated adolescents and found that 95% of the 325 adolescents had witnessed one or more severe incidents of violence over the 12 months pre-incarceration (Huculak &
McLennan, 2010). While violence at home is often kept a secret, community violence is commonly discussed widely. Therefore, even if children did not directly witness acts of violence, they were still affected by hearing about it and forming their own mental imagery (Margolin & Gordis, 2000). Researchers of the Brazilian non-governmental organisation Promundo (Promundo, 2014) have collected data of 4-6 years old children in low-income communities on their feelings of safety, through activities like music and storytelling. The children abundantly made comments about violence they experienced in their communities, carried out by residents and by police. In the pacified favelas, where a permanent police force was present, the children reported less violence and more positive attitudes towards police, than in those not pacified. The consequences of experiencing community violence during childhood will be discussed later on.
Besides the risk of becoming a witness of community violence, children in Brazilian urban areas are at great risk of becoming a victim or witness of violence applied by their parents. Reichenheim et al. (2011) consider psychological and physical violence against children by parents a major public health problem in Brazil. This is based on eleven Brazilian studies conducted on this subject, which showed a remarkably high number of these types of violence. A survey on physical punishment used by parents, which was conducted using 543 households in three low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro, showed that between 60 and 77% of parents said to have physical violence against children once or more often in the past month (Barker & Araujo, 2006). The violence mostly included slapping, spanking or beating and was most frequently used against children aged between 4 and 12 years old. Besides being direct victims of violence, many children were exposed to, and became witnesses of, violence in the home. In the same household survey, 22-44% of the households reported incidents of physical violence between adults (Barker & Araujo, 2006).
Taking the relatively high level of violence into consideration, both in the home and in the community, combined with the often inefficient and sometimes corrupt police in Brazil, feelings of insecurity among Brazilians can be expected (Reichenheim et al., 2011). The knowledge that the majority of committed crimes are left unpunished probably aggravates these feelings of insecurity. Extreme measures of parents living in low-income communities, like locking up kids at home because of the violent conditions in the community (Barker & Araujo, 2006), suggest that people are living with great feelings of fear. Barker and Araujo (2006), researchers with longstanding experience in low-income communities, made the observation that parents seem to use physical violence against their children to protect them from community violence. An example is hitting children because they are not responding to
warnings to come inside and to get away from violent situations, or locking up kids for the same reason. As a result, children may feel unsafe both in the public space and at home. Consequences of experiencing fear and violence during childhood
The aforementioned studies show that children living in low-income communities in Brazil are at great risk of experiencing and living with feelings of fear. Early exposure to violence and other circumstances that produce fear and chronic anxiety can have major consequences for children (Proctor 2006; Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). Most studies focus either on effects of community violence or on domestic violence. Starting with community violence, research has shown that children growing up in a violent community are more likely to
display violent behaviour in turn, like aggression and delinquency (Guerra, Huesmann, & Spindler, 2003; Margolin & Gordis, 2004). Research also tells us that children exposed to violence have higher rates of depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and difficulties in interpersonal relationships (Guerra & Dierkhising, 2012; Lynch, 2003;).
Children may have problems developing a secure sense of self because of not being confident enough to explore the environment as a child. Additionally, reviews on children’s exposure to community violence show empirical evidence for an association with diminished academic achievement and early onset of substance use (Margolin & Gordis, 2004; Proctor, 2006). Being exposed to community violence can especially increase children’s insecurities when they feel that they cannot express their fears towards their parents, or that their parents are not interested in them (Fox & Shonkoff, 2011).
In addition to growing up in a violent community, growing up in a violent home, as well, has a significantly negative effect on the development of children (Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt & Kenny, 2003). Not feeling safe at home, because of domestic violence or neglect, is a main factor for feelings of insecurity and instability in children (Ligthart, 2013; Shonkoff & Fox, 2011). The aforementioned Brazilian study (Promundo, 2014), which collected data on young children, found that children experienced feelings of fear, anger and sadness when subjected to physical punishment. Feeling safe is an essential factor for developing an affectional bond with a parent, which in turn serves as a basis for all future affectional ties. Having to live with insecurity and fear may cause long-term impairments of learning and development of children (Fox &Shonkoff, 2011). Children that have been witnesses of domestic violence can develop behavioural problems, social problems, posttraumatic stress disorder, reduced empathy and lower self-esteem (Holt, Buckley & Whelan, 2008). Brazilian research shows how domestic violence is highly associated with higher rates of probable psychiatric disorders among Brazilian children and teenagers (Fleitlich & Goodman, 2001).
Transferring violence from one generation to the next one is also a common phenomenon. Following Bandura’s social learning theory (1977), exposure to domestic violence is seen as a risk factor for using violence later in life (Lünnemann & Pels, 2013). Victims of domestic violence are also more often victims of violence in intimate relationships later in life. Lastly, besides significant psychological consequences, experiencing or witnessing violence as a child seems to have physical effects as well. Children who live in violent homes or communities have shown to have increased physical symptoms, such as headaches and stomach aches (Shonkoff, 2011). Furthermore, Alves, Santos, Feitosa and Barreto (2012) found an association between community violence and asthma symptoms.
The role of parents
Since violence against children and not feeling safe during infancy can have a major impact, we will now discuss the role of parents in preventing that children get affected by violence and insecurity. Parents play an important role in preventing violence against children and promoting children’s feelings of safety by offering a safe home, most importantly, where children do not witness or experience violence. From the perspective of attachment theory, developed by John Bowlby (1988), witnessing and experiencing violence threaten the
development of a securely attached child (Dijkstra, 2013). The way in which parents respond to their children, take care of them and treat them, shapes a relationship of attachment
between parent and child which will influence the child for the rest of their life. A parent providing a child with a secure base is highly important in order to enable the child to explore the world and to have a base to which he can return and receive physical and emotional care and support. This, in turn, is essential for healthy development. Throughout adult life the availability of an attachment figure will continue to be the source of a person’s feeling of security and safety. Witnessing and experiencing violence at home shows the child that parents lack the capability of offering safety and protection to the child. This can change a child’s view on the world, others and himself for the rest of his life. Concluding, not only witnessing or experiencing violence at home can cause feelings of insecurity in children. Also essential for healthy development and feelings of safety in children are parents who offer a secure, non-violent environment and the necessary care and support. The parent’s history and personality play a role as well in offering a secure base; parents that feel capable of coping with danger, are better able to transmit a sense of safety and confidence to children (Duncan, 1996).
In addition to the home sphere, parents play an important role in the prevention of children suffering from community violence. Parental support is important in helping children
who experience community violence to cope with stress (Duncan, 1996). Parents who are able to give their children the feeling of being understood, taken care of, and treated with respect can contribute to relieving fears or feelings of insecurity that children might experience due to witnessing community violence (Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). Research even indicates that having a trustful relationship with a caring adult, usually a parent, is the most important factor for protecting children from the negative effects of exposure to violence (Osofksy, 1999; Holt, Buckley & Wheland, 2008). It is important that parents are aware of signs and symptoms of feelings of insecurity in children so that they know how to cope with them and feel confident to do so (Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). This is especially the case for families in communities with high rates of violence, where parents’ capacity to care for their children may suffer greatly (Zavaschi, Benetti, Polanczyk, Solés & Sanchotene, 2002). Preserving strong families is an essential factor in the prevention of violence. Additionally, Barker et al. (2011) specifically stress the role of fathers in contributing to children’s sense of safety in low-income
communities in Brazil. Men who help with childcare can alleviate stress and relieve the burden from mothers. Non-stressed parents are less likely to use violence, which contributes in creating a sense of safety in children.
When engaging parents to improve children’s safety, parents’ own sense of safety needs to be addressed as well (Barker & Araujo, 2006). Research showed that living in low-income communities with high community violence and other factors related to difficult life conditions, puts adults under stress. As a reaction they tend to use more violent behaviour towards their children. Parents’ own feelings of safety are therefore important as they influence the feelings of children.
Besides parents, care professionals in the communities, such as teachers of nurseries and schools and local medical staff, are important to involve in the prevention of violence against children and the promotion of children’s feelings of safety. They play a role in identifying incidents of violence and in working towards interrupting the cycle of violence that characterizes the lives of people in these communities (Zavaschi et al., 2002). In order to prevent violence against children and promote children’s feelings of safety, violence
prevention programs are necessary. They should be focused on promoting non-violent relationships among parents, caregivers and children (Apostólico, Nóbrega, Guedes, Godoy Serpa da Fonseca & Egry 2012). It is advised that the common punishment-based and aggression-based disciplining of children in Brazil are replaced by strategies that promote dialogue and affection, by using campaigns that promote peace and disapprove of violence
(Reichenheim et al., 2011). Lünnemann and Pels (2013) found that offering support to parents in the process of raising children is crucial in preventing continuation of violence.
Whether it is from a parent, a teacher or medical staff of a local clinic, experiencing social support from an adult can function as a buffer against the development of negative effects of being exposed to both violence at home and community violence (Dijkstra 2001; Osofksy, 1999; Holt, Buckley &Wheland, 2008). Violence prevention programs in Brazil are necessary (Reichenheim et al., 2011) and it is important to involve the adults in children’s lives in these interventions. In order to start an intervention in low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro focused on involving parents and care providers in the prevention of violence against children and promoting senses of safety, it is necessary to first learn precisely how these adults think about violence and safety in their community, both in general and
specifically regarding children. Additionally, it is important to get to know these adults’ ideas on parent-child relationships, since the aforementioned importance of this relationship for children to feel safe. Lastly, we will focus on how parents and care providers think about disciplining, since it became clear that physically disciplining is a major concern in Brazil and this style of disciplining may cause fear in children, which can have damaging consequences (Proctor 2006; Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). Eventually, based on the current study’s findings (among others) the intervention that will be implemented in the communities will consist of a campaign meant to encourage parents to act as active and constructive, positive caregivers.
The present study aims to provide an insight into the safety of children in low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro. The results may also contribute to existing literature on the impact of the UPP safety program, as one of the communities studied is part of this program, in contrast to another that is not. Furthermore, the study will lead to knowledge on parent-child relationships in the communities and disciplining methods of parents. A qualitative research method was chosen to gain a broader understanding of the views of parents and care providers. By conducting focus groups and semi-structured interviews themes of violence, safety and parenting can be discussed with the respondents. Using open ended questions will enable participants to express their ideas on the issues of this study more expansively than is possible with quantitative methods. The results of the present study will infer which aspects of parenting should be emphasised during the development of a community intervention programme. This programme will aim at engaging parents to reduce violence against children and promote children’s feelings of safety.
Method Participants
Two focus groups (with parents) and eleven semi-structured interviews (with care providers) were conducted. The participants for both the focus group with parents in Community One (3 men, 4 women, Mage = 33 years, age range: 26-48 years) and the focus group with parents in Community Two (2 men, 6 women, Mage = 37, age range: 21-57 years) were recruited through stakeholders in communities where former projects of Promundo had been held. Initially four stakeholders in four different communities were asked to enlist parents for the focus groups. In three communities focus groups were held. Unfortunately in one group only four participants took part. Additionally, no interviews were held in this community. The other two focus groups consisted of a reasonable number of participants and in these communities additional interviews were also held, thus it was decided to use only data from these two communities for analysis. Participants were compensated with
refreshments on the day of participation.
The participants for the semi-structured interviews with care providers (11 women, Mage = 45,9 years, age range: 31-59 years) were also recruited through Promundo’s
community networks. Most of them provided mental care or worked at schools, whilst others worked in local health care clinics. Both the focus group participants and the interviewed care providers were guaranteed that the data were being collected and processed anonymously. For the participants’ profession and educational level, please see Table 1 below.
Table 1
Profession and educational level of the interviewed care providers
Interview Community Profession Highest educational
level
1 1 Teacher/social worker University
2 1 Social worker University
3 1 Social worker University
4 1 Teacher/social worker University
5 1 Child Protection Services
Counsellor University 6 1 President of community Residents Association High school 7 2 Dentist University
8 2 Nurse High school
Counsellor
10 2 School principal University
11 2 School principal University
Table 2
Participants focus group community 1
Participant Profession Highest educational level
1 Unknown University (incomplete)
2 Housekeeper High school
3 Housekeeper Middle school (incomplete)
4 Library assistant High school
5 Housewife Middle school (incomplete)
6 Surveyor University
7 Gardener Middle school (incomplete)
Table 3
Profession and educational level of the interviewed care providers
Participant Profession Highest educational level
1 Cook University (incomplete)
2 Educator University
3 Educational agent High school
4 Cashier High school (incomplete)
5 Unemployed Middle school (incomplete)
6 Civil aviation agent High school
7 8
Driver
Technical accountant
High school (incomplete) University (incomplete)
The data collection was carried out in two low-income communities Rio de Janeiro. Community One is a community in the city’s centre. In 2011 there was a Pacifying Police Unit (UPP) inaugurated in this community, which makes part of the city’s safety program that includes installing official police battalions in unsafe communities and combatting the
organised criminal groups associated with drug trafficking. Community Two is located in the northern area of Rio de Janeiro. This community is not included in the UPP program or in the program’s expansions plans. In Community Two the power is in the hands of drug traffickers. Materials and procedure
The focus group in Community One was held in a local community centre and in Community Two, in a school building. The interviews were conducted at participants’ workplaces. A Brazilian researcher of Promundo conducted the focus groups and the
interviews in Portuguese, by using a script designed by Promundo (see appendix 1). All content was recorded and later transcribed by native Portuguese speakers. The researcher writing this thesis speaks Portuguese and assisted in the data collection and conducted the analyses for the current study.
The script for the focus groups and the semi-structured interviews wad an instrument developed in order to obtain clear answers to the research questions. The script consisted predominantly of open questions, with a few closed ones, and was originally used in Portuguese. This instrument was used for the data collection with both parents and care providers, though a different style of questioning for both groups was used for the subject of parenting. The main focus of the data collected on parents was on how they themselves experienced their relationship with their children and how they disciplined their children. The main focus with care providers, relating to parenting, was on how they viewed the parent-child relationships in the community in which they worked and what their ideas were on how parents in the community discipline their children.
Safety and violence. The first research question, which focused on the level of safety and violence in the community, was measured using the reactions on the following questions: what is your opinion on violence and safety in the community where you live/work? Do you think that the community where you live/work is more or less safe than an average income community, more or less violent? What is your opinion on the safety of children in the community where you live/work? Is it safe for children to play here in the community?
Parent-child relationships. The second research question, which focused on parent-child relationships, was measured using the reactions on the following questions. For care providers: what is your opinion on parent-child relationships in the community where you work? What is your opinion on the way that children are being raised here in the community where you work? In your opinion, what is the best way to raise children? For parents: what is your opinion on the relationship that you have with your child? In your opinion, what is the best way to raise children?
Disciplining. The third research question, which focused on disciplining, was measured using the reactions on the following questions. For care providers: what is your opinion on the way that parents discipline their children in the community where you work? What are your ideas on physical disciplining by parents in the community where you work? For parents: how do you discipline your children? Do you think it is necessary sometimes to spank children, to correct them? If yes, in what type of situations? If not, why not?
Analysis
The focus groups and interviews were recorded and the data were analysed in three phases. The data were first coded openly, then axially and finally, selectively (Boeije, 2005). In the first phase, relevant fragments of text were selected and codes were given to the different fragments. Fragments that applied to the same theme received the same code. In the second phase, the codes that were given in the previous phase were reconsidered. Codes that applied to the same theme were merged into clusters and codes with data that applied to different themes were split up. In the last phase, the selective coding phase, the codes and sub codes were structured into answers to the research questions. The software program for qualitative data analysis NVivo was used and the coding was done in English.
Results
In this study, as already described, an attempt was made to create a better
understanding of the ideas of parents and care providers on violence and safety in general as well as specifically regarding children, secondly on parent-child relationships and finally on (physically) disciplining. The results will be outlined consecutively for each research question.
Ideas on violence and safety in the community
During the phase of data analysis it became evident that there were clear differences between the two communities, with regard to how the respondents thought about violence and safety in their community. There were no clear differences between ideas of care providers and parents in each community. Accordingly, the results will be outlined consecutively for each community.
Community One on violence and safety. During the interviews with care providers and in the course of the focus groups with parents, the level of violence that one encountered when working or living in the two communities was discussed. Also the extent in which the respondents thought it was a safe community, both in general as for children, was debated. Almost all the care providers working and parents living in Community One, considered it a safe environment. They stated that it was a pleasant place to live, where members did not harm one another. One of the parents even described their community as a paradise to live in. Only two of the eleven care providers expressed a negative statement. One emphasized that the community was still a dangerous place prone to violence, while another interviewee claimed that no place in Brazil was safe.
The results indicated that the respondents stressed the positive changes in terms of safety and violence in the community since the entrance of the Pacifying Police Units in 2011.
The respondents said that they owed the safe conditions to the pacification of the favela (i.e. this is the pacification process ‘done right’, unlike favelas where the pacification process is associated with a long period of violent confrontations between gangs and police without making any progress). The following quote illustrates the change the community has gone through:
Care provider 6 (C11): “Before the pacification our children couldn’t play freely because of the risk of shootings. Today you can walk around with more safety, it is really pleasant. You can use the whole environment, it is your community”.
Even though the pacification process was successful for the residents of Community One, the operations in which the Pacifying Police Units (UPP) entered the favela did not run
peacefully. According to the respondents, the military police officers ‘invaded’ the community in an aggressive way2. While combatting violent drug gangs, police squads applied excessive violence. Shootouts between drug gangs and police were events that both parents and care providers referred to repeatedly. For some respondents, the police entered to inspect their houses. A few respondents claimed the UPP officers were worse than the former criminals in the community. They described how it looked as if several officers literally came to the community to torture and kill.
Several parents described that for their children the police invasions were a source of unsafe feelings and fear. Especially since shootings were several times situated around the community centre and crèche, with many children being present. Parents described how their children, after having witnessed a shooting, were crying unstoppably and were afraid to go back to the crèche the day after:
Parent (C1): “The police used the community centre and the nursery here as a shield. They were shooting bullets towards the centre while hiding in the back, to announce they arrived, it is absurd. Both the children at the crèche and the children at the community centre were unprotected”.
1C1=Community One, C2=Community Two
According to some of the respondents, Community One was not a pleasant place to live before the pacification process. Parents and care providers described how there used to be times when you could not let children go out and play because of shootings between
criminals. Shootings would also happen while parents were taking their children to school in the morning. Besides shootings, weapons were also highly visible in the community.
Nowadays, respondents stated, weapons are non-existent. One parent expressed that often parents realised this change and discussed how special it was that their kids could walk
around freely nowadays. The results also indicated that the new generation grows up with less public violence. Parents also mentioned that children have positive interactions with police officers present in the community, whereas before police was associated with fear. As one parent described the situation for children in Community One with regard to violence strikingly:
Parent (C1): “This generation doesn’t even know what a gunshot is”.
Community Two on violence and safety. Even though the respondents in Community Two were more negative when it came to safety and violence than in Community One, they made many statements about their community being a safe one. The participating parents all stated they felt very safe in their community. They remarked that violent situations like shootings were very rare in their community. A parent stated she would not move to a different neighbourhood even when she would have had the money, because of the social control and security that was maintained in their community. Like in Community One, Community Two was as well defined as a paradise to live in by one of the respondents, especially compared to other favelas. Also for children the parents said it was safe in their community. They did not worry when their children were playing outside and they did not mind to leave the house shortly while their kids were asleep. There was also no danger according to most of the parents.
Besides the positive statements about safety in the community, the respondents as well mentioned dangers that existed in their community. It became clear that in Community Two the power was in the hands of drug traffickers. One of the risks and dangers that respondents mentioned with regard to children, was associated with drug traffic. Drug trafficking was mentioned as a dangerous activity in which adolescents could easily get involved. Most of the youngsters in the community visited the popular favela parties, which were according to some parents settings where they could easily fall prey to attempts of drug traffickers, trying to get
children to work for them. A mother mentioned how, even though her children were working and studying, she still was afraid they would someday fall for the temptations of easy money making by drug trafficking. Additional to the danger of getting involved in drug trafficking, some care providers mentioned actual drug use as another danger in the community.
Besides the risk of getting involved in drug trafficking, parents stated the environment became less safe at the borders of the community. They described there existed a clear
difference between ‘up the hill’ and down the favela, where it connected to other
communities. Here, according to the parents, risks with regard to violence existed. Children had to go down their community every day to go to their schools, which were located outside their community. A mother stated how once the children walked inside the community, they behaved because they knew ‘the boss’ was keeping an eye on them. The boss was a local leader who is considered the community’s boss. Residents, both adults and children, realized that nothing went unnoticed and bad behaviour inside the community got punished. However, once youngsters found themselves outside the community’s borders, they were free and according to parents got across unsafe situations.
The parents especially perceived the schools, and the public space around schools, as a place full of dangers. First of all they were worried about violence at schools between
adolescents. According to the parents, adolescents were more violent to each other than in the time they were young themselves. They described fighting, bullying and children getting beat up. Parents also mentioned the dangers of drug use and sexual activity at a young age. One mother remarked how she tried to get her child placed at a school outside the low-income region where they lived, because of the dangers of drug trafficking and violence. One participant noted how the violence between students in public space could also affect young children that were leaving nurseries and became witnesses, or even victims, of public violence.
Besides the dangers with regard to drug trafficking and violence at schools, many respondents touched upon the subject of police violence, similar to the respondents in Community One. Care providers and parents recalled how police violence started when criminals moved to their community because of the police invasion in a big community nearby. Whereas Community Two used to be quiet before, criminals brought with them many police invasions and violent confrontations between gangs and police. Every once in a while police squads entered the favela with the purpose of conducting arrests of gang members. Shootings between these two groups and police cars driving around with machine guns sticking out the windows, were events that respondents find shocking. They claimed that the
police squads did not take points of time when children walked around, into account. According to the residents this caused fear amongst residents, especially with children. Parent-child relationship
The second theme that was widely discussed with parents and care providers was the relationships between parents and children in the community where the respondents either worked or lived. With the parents the main focus was on how they themselves experienced their relationship with their children. With the care providers the focus was on how they viewed the parent-child relationships in the community in which they worked. During the phase of data analysis it became evident that there did not seem to be significant differences between the two communities, with regard to how the respondents thought about parent-child relationship. However, differences did arise between the group of care providers and the group of parents within both communities. Accordingly, the results with respect to parent-child relationship will be outlined while differentiating between both groups of respondents (please see below).
Care providers on parent-child relationship. The interviewed care providers in the two communities observed positive and negative aspects of the relationship between parents and children in their workspace. Several respondents stated that parents were more present in the lives of children than before. They described how they saw that parents tried to talk to their children more, accompanied them to school and truly tried to educate them. The interviewed local dentist referred to the well-maintained teeth of the children, illustrating adequate caregiving by parents. One of the interviewed school principals specifically
mentioned improvement in attendance of school meetings by parents. The other interviewed school principal described how she saw a big change, especially concerning mothers, compared with a decade ago:
Care provider 10 (C2): “What I see today, in comparison with twelve years ago, when I arrived here, is that it is really different, the mothers are more present and try to take better care of their children, you know? Educate”.
Nevertheless, the interviewed care providers expressed worries, as well, with regard to parent-child relationships. A negative facet that they identified was the apparent lack of authority of many parents over their children. The interviewees said to have observed numerous (young) children alone on the streets, without their parents’ knowledge of where they were and with whom. Words such as ‘distant’ and ‘irresponsible’ were used to describe these parents. One of
the interviewees believed that some parents did not want the responsibility of the children, whereas another care provider mentioned that extensive working hours of parents lead to children being left on their own. Interviewee 3, who worked with children in a community centre, described what children told her about going home to their parents at the end of the day:
Care provider 3 (C1): “The children at the centre tell me: you are going home now and your child will be waiting for you. But with me, I don’t know when my mother will come home, I don’t see my mother”.
The interviewed nurse working in a local health clinic expressed her observations of the relationships between parents and children in the quote below:
Care provider 8 (C2): “In many cases we cannot speak of a relation between parent and child because it simply doesn’t exist”
Not only were parents described as absent at home, respondents such as the dentist and the Child Protection Services counsellor indicated that numerous parents failed to attend formal appointments.
Regarding important facets in parent-child relationships, the consensus was that dialogue was a critical factor. The care providers described how listening to what children had to say and explaining to children why their actions were approved or not were
fundamental. Other words that care providers associated with a good parent-child relationship were affection, love, respect, attention and non-violent punishment.
Parents on parent-child relationship. The parents that participated in the focus groups did not seem to represent the absent and uninvolved parents described by some of the interviewed care providers. Moreover, the observation made by some other care providers that parents were more present these days seemed to be confirmed by the data collected from parents. The parents spoke very lovingly about their children and expressed in many different ways how they wanted the best for them. This became clear, for example, through statements of several parents about how they thought that parents should be more involved in monitoring the use of social media, like Facebook and WhatsApp, by their children - an often recurring theme. They thought it was damaging because of the sexually or violently loaded messages
contained in the media that children could potentially share. One respondent decided to delete WhatsApp from her son’s phone.
Several parents expressed their involvement in the lives of their children through statements about how they took their children to school, picked them up and attended all school meetings. Several parents mentioned how they enjoyed taking care of their children. For example a mother explained that she enjoyed taking her children to school, ballet or other courses that they attended. Another mother explained that since switching employment she had enjoyed the benefit of more time for her children and the ability to take better care of them.
Besides being merely involved in children’s lives, friendship seemed to be pursued by parents in their relationship with their children. The majority of parents agreed that as a parent, you had to be ‘a friend’ to your child. They described that when you were close to your child, like a friend, this benefitted the relationship. Some parents expressed that they thought that children were more open to a parent if the parent-child relationship was one of friendship and when the child felt confident.
Lastly, participants in Community Two added that besides the role of the parent-child relationship in the upbringing of children, peers had a major influence. For some parents this caused difficulties with regard to parenting, since they had the feeling that what they taught their children became irrelevant once the youngsters entered the streets and were exposed to completely different norms and values.
Disciplining
Similar to how the theme of parent-child relationship was discussed with the
respondents, while discussing the theme of disciplining with parents and care providers the main focus was different for each group. With the parents the main focus was on how they themselves disciplined their children whilst with care providers the focus was on what their ideas were on how parents in the community disciplined their children. Furthermore, the results with respect to disciplining will be outlined while differentiating between both groups of respondents.
Care providers on disciplining. When asked about disciplining, most of the care providers touched upon physical disciplining as a way of disciplining children by parents. Except for one of the interviewees, who said to think that it happened rarely, all the care providers said to have witnessed parents using violence against their children. An interviewee who was active at a community centre said that she had children arriving to activities with burned hands or bruised faces, due to being beaten by their mothers. Additionally, the
interviewed dentist witnessed violent behaviour of parents against children, especially beating and screaming. However, she wanted to emphasize that she equally saw many parents who took good care of their children.
Care provider 7 (C2): “The fact that this is a slum does not automatically mean parents do not take care.”
Besides physical disciplining, the interviewee that worked at the community centre said to witness parents using psychological punishment. She described how parents used the activities at the community centre as a means of threatening. Parents told their children to listen to them or to carry out commands, while making them aware that if they refused, they were not allowed go to activities at the community centre. The same interviewee said to call parents who did this and talked to them about alternative ways of disciplining.
The Child Protection Services counsellor also discussed methods of disciplining with parents. According to the counsellor, physical disciplining was a true social issue in Brazil. Parents who were beaten by their parents believed that it was acceptable to physically punish children, since they themselves survived their violent childhood. She argued her work was to break this vicious circle of violence. The interviewed counsellor also reckoned that parents seemed to use violence against their children when they did not know how to set limits to their children’s behaviour. She never felt that parents were using violence with torture as a goal. The respondents did not agree on whether it was the father or the mother who most frequently applied physical disciplining; some respondents specifically spoke about mothers who beat their children, others more about fathers.
Parents on disciplining. The parents that participated in the two focus groups named several methods of how to discipline their children. Many parents uttered they threatened with consequences. When disciplining with regard to behaving properly at home or with respect to school functioning, parents said they threatened with withdrawing objects, like a child’s mobile phone, or prohibiting activities, like watching television. One mother emphasized how it was important to not solely take away something from the child, but also explained to the child why this punishment needed to happen.
Besides threatening with withdrawing objects or prohibiting activities, several mothers confirmed that sometimes they threatened with calling the child’s father. They explained how generally fathers applied a more aggressive way of punishing. According to the mothers, this was part of society’s structure. Fathers seemed to have more authority. Mothers sometimes
needed to repeat certain requests to children several times, while fathers were able to make the children obey with asking just one time.
When asked whether the parents ever applied physical disciplining, some parents stated they had slapped their child in the past. A father explained how in the past he felt forced to slap his daughter due to her stubborn behaviour. However, overall, the parents agreed that physical disciplining was not an adequate way to discipline children. The parents named two reasons for abstaining from violence. A father from Community One expressed the first reason to avoid physical disciplining against children as follows:
Parents (C1): “Beating a child hurts a child’s body and heart, and it hurts the parent who gave the slap as well.”
That parents got affected when physically punishing a child, was emphasized by another parent, who recalled that after slapping, she felt so bad that she did not manage to sleep at night.
The second reason to avoid physical disciplining against children, according to parents, was that beating is ineffective. A mother explained how she used to spank her oldest child. With her youngest child she decided to not apply physical disciplining anymore because it did not seem to have the same effect on her. She claimed that it was better to take things away from the child as a consequence of unwanted behaviour. Two other parents also explained how hitting your child did not achieve the desired goal. According to them, the pain of hitting would pass and in that sense, the child failed to learn something from the
punishment. By using physical disciplining children became afraid of the slap, or the slipper, which is a commonly used object to spank children with in Brazil. According to the parents, in that way they grew respect for the slipper instead of for the parent.
In sum the results of this research made clear that with respect to violence and safety there were differences between the two communities. In the pacified Community One the respondents stated their community is a safe one and for children, a safe environment to grow up in. They emphasized that the safety in their community is a direct result of the pacification, in 2011. However, the pacification process itself, with excessive police violence, caused feelings of fear in children. Like in Community One, the parents in Community Two stated their community was a safe one as well but they clearly mentioned more dangers for children and adolescents who were growing up here. Drug use, getting involved in drug trafficking, violence amongst adolescents at both schools and the public space around schools were
referred to as dangers in Community Two and police violence was said to have caused feelings of fear in children.
The second topic that was discussed with respondents for this research was parenting. First of all, with regard to parent-child relations, some care providers said parents were more present and involved in their children’s lives than before, others mostly emphasized the absence of parents. The participating parents in both communities said to be involved and present in their children’s lives. In sum we can conclude that the respondents expressed that there are both parents in the two communities who are actively trying to construct a strong parent-child relationship and parents who are not making this attempt.
Secondly, whereas the care providers named dialogue as an important facet in parent-child relationships that needed to be pursued, parents mostly mentioned the importance of friendship between parent and child (openness, being close and confidence). Thirdly, with regard to disciplining children, both groups stated that parents threatened with withdrawing objects or prohibiting activities. Whereas care providers emphasized the importance of dialogue, only one parent emphasized the importance of explaining to the child why a certain punishment is being applied. Lastly, care providers said physical disciplining by parents was a common phenomenon in the communities. However, parents said they perceived physical disciplining as an ineffective and hurtful method of disciplining.
Discussion
This qualitative study aimed to create a better understanding of the ideas of parents living, and care providers working, in two low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro, on the subject of violence and safety on one hand and parenting on the other. The results show firstly that in both communities police violence was a main source of fear in children. In general, however, the respondents did perceive their community as a relatively safe one, both for themselves and for children. Nevertheless, in the non-pacified Community Two, respondents mentioned more dangers with respect to children’s surroundings than in the pacified
community. With regard to parenting, the results show that there were parents in both
communities who actively tried to develop a strong parent-child relationship and parents who did not seem to make such an attempt. Additionally, parents appeared to apply several aspects of an authoritarian disciplinary style, which was more prevalent in the behaviour of fathers than of mothers. Finally, physically disciplining children seemed to be common.
Violence and safety
With respect to violence and safety, the results showed that, in general, respondents in both communities felt safe. They said that their community was a safe one both for
themselves and for children growing up. However, there were several differences concerning the respondents’ ideas within the two communities. The respondents in the pacified
Community One emphasized that the safety in their community was a direct result of the pacification program (UPP) that began in 2011. This program was developed in the city of Rio de Janeiro to increase security in low-income communities by restoring state control. Similar to the findings of the present study, other studies on the impact of the UPP program showed an increase in safety for both adults and children in pacified communities (Cano, 2012; Oosterbaan & Van Wijk, 2014; Serrano-Berthet, 2012). Since Community Two is not included in the pacification program, the respondents in this community did not say to owe their safety to police control.
Another difference between the communities was that the respondents in the non-pacified Community Two mentioned more dangers and risks with respect to children growing up in this low-income community than the respondents in Community One. Drug use, getting involved in drug trafficking and violence amongst adolescents at both schools and the public space around schools were referred to as dangers in Community Two. Besides the presence of UPP, another explanation for the differences regarding violence and safety, described above, could be the location of the communities. Whereas Community One is situated centrally in a touristic, middle class area, Community Two falls within a deprived area in the more remote northern part of the city. Consequently, public violence and drug trafficking in Community Two may be more difficult to quell, as it is in the government’s interest to maintain peace and safety in areas surrounding the city’s centre, more so than in remote communities.
Although the respondents in both communities perceived their community as
relatively safe for children in general, they expressed that the previously violent actions of the police had been a major source of fear in children. In the pacified Community One this
violence took place during the initiation of the pacification program, in the attempts to clear the community of armed drug criminals. However, in the non-pacified Community Two police violence was related to attempts to arrest drug criminals that had escaped to Community Two after police invasions in a community nearby3. Police violence, with a significant number of civilians killed by Brazilian police, has been a problem in Brazil for decades (Caldeira, 2002; Ahnen, 2007). Oosterbaan and Van Wijk (2014) also drew attention to the violent invasions during the pacification process described by respondents of the present study. Oosterbaan & Van Wijk (2014) stress the particularly brutal way the police
3
Criminals that flee and continue their activities elsewhere as soon as the authorities have tackled them, is a phenomenon known in the literature as the ‘waterbed effect’ (Oosterbaan & Van Wijk, 2014).
entered the favelas and the negative effect this had on their relationship with the residents. Remarkably, the newly installed Pacifiying Police Units were designed to eventually reverse the history of violent policing and to create security in Rio’s violent low-income communities (Tierney, 2012; Oosterbaan & van Wijk, 2014).
The fact that the present study’s results show that police violence is a main source of fear in children is alarming; experiencing violence as a child and living with fear can have extremely damaging consequences (Proctor 2006; Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). The knowledge that police invasions in both pacified and non-pacified communities are an everyday occurrence in Rio de Janeiro makes interventions necessary to protect children from the harmful consequences of these events. A possible intervention could consist of police training programs. An intervention developed by a UK-based non-governmental organisation (CSC) consisted of a series of projects, including follow-up projects, during which police officers in Guatamala and Ethiopia received training in children’s rights and child protection. The intervention received positive feedback from the participating police officers and showed that police practice with street children improved after the training (Wernham, Geerinckx & Jackson, 2005). Based on the evaluation of the program CSC developed a handbook called “Police Training on Child Rights & Child Protection: Lessons Learned and Manual”. In this case the police training was specifically pointed at behaviour towards street children but the methodologies and group activities used in the program could possibly be adapted to the Brazilian context. An intervention could be developed by Promundo in which Brazilian police officers receive training in how to cope with children during police invasions in Rio de
Janeiro’s low-income communities. A police-training program similar to the aforementioned may help to create greater awareness with police officers on the consequences of witnessing police violence as a child and to prevent children from suffering from police violence. Parent-child relationships
With regard to parent-child relationships, as already mentioned the findings suggest that there are both parents in the communities who are actively trying to construct a strong parent-child relationship and parents who do not seem to make this attempt (monitoring, being involved and close in contrast to lacking authority and being distant). Several
respondents also stated that they saw a change in terms of parent-child relationships; parents seemed to be more involved recently than they used to be. The latter finding is in line with literature on parent-child relationships in Brazilian middle-class families, which states that a close relationship between parents and children has become more important in parents’ opinions (Auxiliadora Dessen & Torres, 2011). Since more and more families in low-income
communities can be seen as middle-class families this could be applicable for the respondents of the present study, as well. However, many families still live in precarious conditions. Daily life in these families usually reflects pressing economic necessities which could explain the finding that a number of parents in the communities appeared to not make attempts at building a strong parent-child relationship (Auxiliadora Dessen & Torres, 2011). These parents may not feel that a strong parent-child relationship is as much of a priority as maintaining the family finances. Furthermore, it is common that in communities with high rates of violence, parents’ capacity to care for their children suffers greatly (Zavaschi et al., 2002), which could also partly explain the absence of strong parent-child relationships in these current communities.
It is the aim of the broader program encompassing the current study to develop an intervention focusing on involving parents in the prevention of violence against children and promoting a sense of safety. With such an intervention, it is our advice that the ideas of parents and care providers with respect to parent-child relationships are taken into account. A strong parent-child relationship is very important for children to feel safe and for a child’s healthy development (Bowlby, 1988 cited by Dijkstra, 2013). Moreover, the relationship between parent and child is highly important in preventing children that witnessed violence from suffering from harmful consequences (Duncan, 1996; Fok & Shonkoff, 2011; Holy, Buckley & Wheland, 2008).
Disciplining
With respect to disciplining methods, the respondents of this study mostly referred to the use of threats and punishment. Applying power assertion methods like threats and punishment characterize an authoritarian style of disciplining (Pels, Distelbrink & Postma, 2009). As the findings on parents’ ideas on disciplining showed, there did not seem to be an emphasis on dialogue or, as referred to in the common literature, reasoning. These findings align with research on disciplinary practices in non-western countries. Disciplining methods of parents in non-western countries more often stem from an authoritarian way of
disciplining, whereas parents in western countries seem to make more use of an authoritative style. The authoritative style consists of offering freedom to children while at the same time imposing restrictions by making use of reasoning (Pels, Distelbrink & Postma, 2009). Research shows that parents who are able to give their children the idea of being understood and treated with respect can contribute to relieving fears in children that have witnessed community violence (Fox & Shonkoff, 2011). This stresses the importance of reasoning in parenting. In contrast to the absence of an emphasis on reasoning e in the data collected with
parents in the current study, the interviewed care providers did express the importance of reasoning in disciplining. The educational level and professions of the care providers could offer an explanation for the aforementioned difference in findings following from the parents and the care providers.
With regard to threatening, the mothers in the current study often elicited the threat of calling the father. This finding could be explained by the role of the father in contemporary Brazilian families, who in the literature on this subject is considered to exert authority
(Romanelli, 2000 referred to by Auxiliadora Dessen & Torres, 2011). Furthermore, Brazilian fathers themselves might still consider disciplinary practices as central to their masculine roles (Da Cruz Benetti & Roopnarine, 2006). It is advised to call attention to the authoritarian role the father seems to have in these families, since fathers have a significant role in
contributing to children’s feelings of safety and in prevention of violence (Barker & Araujo, 2006).
The findings of the current study further suggest that physical discipline is still a common method used by parents, which equals findings of a previous study conducted on the use of physical punishment in low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro (Barker & Araujo, 2006). Even though parents said to disapprove of violence against children, several parents stated to have applied physical punishment in the past. Moreover, the interviewed care providers perceived that physically disciplining children is commonly implemented by
parents. It is plausible that parents were not fully open as to whether they physically discipline their children. Nonetheless, physically disciplining children is prohibited by Brazilian law and can have harmful effects on children (Shonkoff, 2011; Alves et al., 2012; Kitzmann et al., 2003). In order to contribute to preventing violence against children, training parents in disciplinary skills seems necessary. Research showed that training parents in disciplinary skills has positive results with regard to decreasing physically disciplining (Lazere & Kuhn, 2005).
The institute of Promundo has a widespread experience in implementing social interventions in low-income communities worldwide. The institute developed programs, which consist of evidence-based group education activities such as role-playing to practice skills, and group discussions (Verma et al., 2006; Peacock & Barker, 2012). Until today these programs aimed specifically at involving men in caregiving and changing men’s (gender) norms associated with violence against children and women. By adjusting this program it can be turned into a program with a focus on both fathers and mothers, with the aim to engage them in prevention of violence against children and promote children’s sense of safety.
Limitations
The results of this study should be considered in the light of some limitations. Firstly, the parents that participated in the focus groups and the care providers who were interviewed were recruited through the stakeholders in the communities. Parents not approached for participation or not willing to participate were not included in this research. Nevertheless, it was expected that if the recruitment of participants did not go through the stakeholders, less people would have been willing to participate. Due to the relatively small number of
participants of this study, the sample of this study may not be entirely representative of all parents and care providers in these two low-income communities of Rio de Janeiro. However, it has not been the aim to make generalizable claims. Yet for following research, it is advised to approach more stakeholders in more communities to recruit participants, in order to offer a buffer against high drop out percentages. Secondly, it is expected that parents may not have felt comfortable to be entirely open as to whether they physically punish their children. A bias with regard to the level of physically disciplining in the communities could be the result. Furthermore, several interviewed care providers seemed to be intimidated by the voice recorder. Especially in Community Two, where drug criminals function as local leaders, participants may not have been completely open with regard to the level of violence and safety in the community. Even though the respondents of the presents study may not have been completely transparent, the results offered sufficient information for recommendations on the future intervention. Finally, the findings could have been influenced by the
predominantly feminine respondents of this study. Masculine participants were harder to find. For future research it is advised to aim at including more men as well.
Notwithstanding these limitations, the results of the present study lead to important recommendations. Firstly, the study shows that violence carried out by the police is a main source of fear in children, which can have extremely damaging consequences. It is
recommended to politicians and policymakers to take into account the consequences of police violence on children. Suggested is to invest in police trainings focused on training police officers to be mindful of the effects of police violence on children. Promundo could develop such an intervention. Secondly, to prevent children from suffering from violence and to promote their feelings of safety, parents are advised to engage with them. Promundo will develop an intervention focused on engaging parents in the prevention of violence against children and promoting children’s feelings of safety. The current study’s results indicate that such an intervention should specifically focus on certain aspects of parenting. Firstly, one needs to address how to construct a strong parent-child relationship since such a relationship
is very important for children to feel safe and for a child’s healthy development. Secondly, the results signal that parents should be offered support in disciplinary skills. It is important to stress the use of reasoning when disciplining children and to train parents in when and how to use other non-physical disciplinary skills. The way in which parents discipline their children may have an effect on relieving fears in children that have witnessed public violence.
Additionally, an active parenting role for fathers should be promoted as fathers have a significant role in contributing to children’s feelings of safety and prevention of violence.
In practice it is advised to create a program for parents that consists of group activities, such as role-playing, and group discussions. Promundo’s program manual (Promundo, 2002), developed to engage fathers as active caregivers, includes evidence-based group education activities and could serve as a framework for developing an intervention focused on the aforementioned aspects of parenting.
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