Forten en vestingsteden Onder water te zetten gebied
Name:
CONOR COREY
Chapter Title
Introduction
History of the New Dutch Waterline
Context in the Netherlands
Theoretical Framework
Research Design
Case Study 1: Fort Uitermeer
Case Study 2: Fort Vechten
Case Study 3: Slot Loevestein
Conclusion
Bibliography
Appendices
Alex Bishop
Koen Raats
Rob Zakee
Marieke Muilwijk
Peter Kuypers
Ien Stijns
Jeroen Bootsma
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CONTENTS
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CHAPTER 1
CHAPTER 1
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CHAPTER 1 - Introduction
ABSTRACT
Originally meant for strategically flooding the land to protect the west of the Netherlands, the advent of aerial warfare in World War II has meant that the original use of the New Dutch Waterline is now redundant. The large number of fortifications which were built along the Waterline’s vast expanse have since found new uses which focus on a wide range of activities. A small number of these sites remain vacant, and the government actively seeks new owners.
The New Dutch Waterline presents a fascinating and unique opportunity to investigate the somewhat paradoxical concepts of conservation and development. In order to do this, it is important to understand how these fortifications are framed and reframed by the various stakeholders who are involved in their use, management or protection. These fortifications are highly symbolic and hold a different meaning to each group.
INTRODUCTION The New Dutch Waterline
The New Dutch Waterline (the Waterline) covers an expanse of eighty five kilometres in the Netherlands, running through five different provinces and twenty five municipalities; and also lies within the jurisdiction of five different water board districts. Despite this, it is one of the best kept secrets in the history of the Netherlands. Adding even more to the intrigue and charm is that it was deliberately designed to be concealed or invisible wherever possible. Originally intended and effectively used to strategically flood the land to impede enemy movement and protect the Western cities for centuries, the Waterline would lose its defensive function after WWII.
Across the Waterline a large number of fortifications were constructed, and as their original military and defence purposes became redundant, most have since found a combination of new uses. Of even more interest to this research project, is that there are four vacant sites for which the government are actively seeking new users. While there are currently no clear decision making processes for who exactly these new users might be, a number of the other sites have some development ongoing or planned for the near future.
This is quite a recent development because after years in the political wilderness, the Waterline would really come to reach the status of national policy agenda in The Netherlands in 1999 with the creation of
The Belvedere Memorandum. The Belvedere Memorandum was an attempt to highlight the importance
of cultural history in Dutch Planning, and the Waterline was one of the focuses. The bill emphasized the theme of ‘conservation through development’, an argument that the best approach for preserving cultural historical sites, buildings and landscapes for the future was through development and to give them a contemporary meaning.
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CHAPTER 1 - Introduction
Heritage Paradox
Van der Valk (2013) would term this the heritage paradox, arguing that conservation and development are two concepts which on the surface cannot go together, but striking the correct balance may be the best preservation strategy. This consideration of this paradox is an essential element of this research and this will be addressed throughout this document. Indeed, it can also be argued that it is somewhat contradictory to draw attention to the existence of the Waterline as it was deliberately designed to be invisible.
Most of the fortifications have been redeveloped, and with the government wishing to do the same with the vacant sites, by following the intriguing mantra of conservation through development. The effort to balance these contradictory ideals of conservation and development is quite challenging and therefore it would be extremely worthwhile to see if a balance is always sought or if one ideal is favoured at the expense of the other. However, is it possible to defy the heritage paradox by creating a balance between the two ideals? Can it be possible to truly promote the conservation of a site through development and all of the factors that this entails such as heavy construction and the creation of accompanying infrastructure etc.? The converse is also applicable: is it possible to develop a historic fortification while being considerate of its historic and cultural value?
One way of examining this would be to look at an outcome of the decision making process for those sites which are undergoing development or soon to be developed. This outcome is the process of framing and reframing, which will show the framing of a fortification by stakeholders initially, and how they subsequently reframed the fortification during that decision making process.
Why Investigate Heritage?
In the Netherlands, in recent decades there has been an ever growing interest in cultural heritage among public discourse and government policy. Whereas heritage was once handled through development control; which is a more traditional form of spatial planning focused on restrictions and prohibitions; the discourse has shifted to development planning, which focuses more on promoting desired projects and public collaboration.
Doevendans et al. (2007) discuss how the very meaning of landscape as countryside has changed in the Netherlands over the past century, as this land which was once designated for agricultural productivity has now become orientated around recreational use. Land was once interpreted according to two different viewpoints; firstly from a pragmatic view which saw the land as a resource which could be exploited and manipulated for economic and military purposes. The second perspective saw the land as therapeutic and restorative for the human spirit, and the landscape developed as a mystic entity. These two perspectives, the rational and the romantic, somewhat surprisingly, developed at the same times.
CHAPTER 1 - Introduction
However, the authors examine another interpretation of the caring for and preservation of the land, “The
landscape is a construction, a project, a product, an artefact- which includes more intrinsic values than the one time result of a plan or design” (Doevendans et al. 2007: 336). Humanity’s attachment to the
landscape is ever evolving; it is constantly written and re-written throughout the ages. The landscape carries physical traces and marks that have accumulated over time, some of which are more visible than others.
In their investigation into landscape structures in Latvia, Nikodemus et al. (2005) stress the importance of understanding the factors that have influenced land use in a particular place at a particular time, particularly the social, economic and environmental aspects. They argue that this will allow for better prediction of the future impact of land use changes.
Stakeholder Involvement
Research has been conducted by Edelenbos et al. (2009) into interactive policy making in the Netherlands. This is a concept where all levels of government (local, provincial and nation) and also NGOs, ordinary citizens and the private sector work together in every stage of policy formulation, implementation and evaluation. This trend is emerging in all Western democracies and appears under labels such citizen participation, community governance and also stakeholder involvements.
Janssen et al. (2012) looked at the events in depth that would lead to The Belvedere Memorandum’s implementation. They identified how the discourse has changed thanks to ten years of academic and practical experiments within the program. The most significant shifts have seen the definition of heritage broadening to encompass more of the in-tangible, a new focus on post-war heritage, the increase in public participation (or ‘non-experts’) and the growing interest in finding new uses for old buildings. At the same time, the Belvedere Memorandum seeks to achieve a balance between conservation and development, and in doing so has created a particular frame for these issues. This framing would be carried over in the publication of the National Waterline Project - Panorama Krayenhoff.
The Belvedere Memorandum also encourages the multitude of actors and stakeholders to co-operate of which there are a very large number of concerned with and affected by any potential uses of these sites in the Waterline. Each of them understands and frames these fortifications in their own unique way through the symbology of what the Waterline and the fortifications mean to them. Any development will require some form of consensus between groups who believe in conflicting ideals, so it is necessary to understand how these groups have framed the fortifications, and how recent economic changes in the Netherlands may have affected this framing and potentially led to reframing of these fortifications in the face of financial uncertainty.
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CHAPTER 1 - Introduction
Global Financial Crisis
The effects of the global economic recession had a very significant impact (which will be discussed in greater detail later in this document), and by mid-2013 property prices in the Netherlands had dropped by twenty percent since 2008 and unemployment was at a nineteen year high (Kreijger, 2013). As a result, government funding would be diverted away from culture (and especially from cultural heritage) to other sectors which were deemed to be of much greater economic importance.
The Netherlands is only just beginning to recover from the effects of the global economic recession. This presents an opportunity to investigate the present day discourse towards cultural heritage in the face of shifting financial priorities and a post industrial economy where cities and regions are engaged in competition with one another through strategies such as place marketing.
The land is not merely a physical object; it is also a social, mental and cultural manifestation. While humanity has a profound effect over nature, the converse is also true, as the natural landscape has an enormous impact upon many different social groups. A multitude of actors and stakeholders; ranging from the government and legislators, industry and business, communities and citizens; all make different demands of the landscape while at the same time contributing to it (Palang et al. 2005). The Netherlands arguably has an even more intimate relationship with the water, which has lasted for centuries and is likely to continue well into the future. Throughout its history the Dutch have managed, manipulated and fought against the water, and it would be interesting to see if any potential marketing strategy of the Waterline or the individual fortifications is likely to reflect this relationship.
Research Design
It would take an incredible amount of time, effort and resources to perform an in-depth analysis of the entire Waterline. Therefore, this research will take the form of embedded case studies of three very carefully selected fortifications along the large expanse of the Waterline, specifically Fort Uitermeer in Noord-Holland, Fort Vechten in Utrecht and Slot Loevestein in Gelderland. The reasoning behind the selection of these three cases and the chosen research method of semi-structured interviews is explained in much greater detail within the body of this document. The research question is:
“How and why did different actors reframe the specific fortifications of the New Dutch Waterline during processes of redevelopment of vacant sites?”
In addressing this research question, it will also be considered how the actors initially framed the fortifications and how they subsequently reframed them during the decision making process. Furthermore, not only is it important to investigate how this reframing took place, but equally important are the reasons why.
CHAPTER 1 - Introduction
Why Investigate the New Dutch Waterline?
This may seem like a trivial question, but it is important to explain why the Waterline is worthy of research. The Waterline is perhaps unique among historical sites because of the large geographical area that it covers, that it crosses so many different political borders, and there are such an enormous amount of stakeholders with various interests in it. The Netherlands is also in a state of transition and it would be interesting to see how the Waterline is envisioned within the economic recovery of the country. The Waterline is one of several examples of grouped heritage assets, but this issue has received only limited academic investigation. Laing et al. (2014) investigate how heritage is used as a catalyst for encouraging tourist activity, especially in regional or rural communities. The authors identify a gap in this research, specifically how successful tourist experiences can be created around a set of heritage assets, and attempt to address it by examining the experiential value of various heritage assets in the city of Bendigo, Australia. The city wishes to collectively promote these assets to visitors, but some are more likely that others to be the focus of the tourist experience.
The authors acknowledge the difficulties inherent in trying to create an authentic tourism experience, in that authenticity is arguably entirely subjective and is judged by each individual, rather than it being possible to assess through some objective standard. They also acknowledge that the creation of such an objective standard is also arguably impossible, due to the disagreement among scholars on the concept and that so many different meanings or realities can be linked to events or artefacts (Laing et al. 2014).
Perhaps the most compelling answer as to what makes the New Dutch Waterline so interesting has been suggested by Eikelenboom (2005). She believes that it represents one of the oldest examples of Dutch ingenuity in manipulating the water, and in doing so using their greatest natural enemy to keep other enemies at bay. Perhaps now it can also represent an incredibly opportunity to understand how the various stakeholders frame and reframe the Waterline when faced with the difficulty and uncertainty of changing real world conditions.
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CHAPTER 2
CHAPTER 2
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CHAPTER 2 - History of New Dutch Waterline
HISTORY OF THE NEW DUTCH WATERLINE
Before investigating the framing and reframing of different fortifications, it is essential to give context to the Waterline in terms of its extensive and complex centuries old history, right up to its current place in the modern world. It is also important to make a distinction between the Old Dutch Waterline and the New Dutch Waterline. The origins of the New Dutch Waterline can be traced back to the sixteenth century, when the construction of the Old Dutch Waterline began. Firstly, it would be very useful to explain the very special relationship that the Netherlands shares with the water.
Relationship with the Water
Ever since 1000 AD the people living in the vicinity of the delta region in the areas around the Rhine, Waal and Maas rivers have lived with the constant threat of the encroaching water. This eternal enemy has shown its destructive power on several occasions, yet it has also been manipulated to serve the will of those people whose very existence is also threatened by it. From humble beginnings of using naturally elevated areas of land, to constructing elaborate networks of dames, dikes, sluices and storm surge barriers the Dutch people have always been at the forefront of hydro engineering and water management.
The Netherlands are particularly vulnerable to flooding because of five major reasons; firstly, it is very difficult to drain away excess surface water due to a combination of rising sea level and a sinking land mass. Secondly, the Dutch coastline has been radically transformed over the centuries and has grown from eight hundred kilometres to three thousand four hundred kilometres. The coast once consisted of small river estuaries and inlets, but thanks to a major storm that led to the creation of the Zuiderzee the coast is particularly susceptible to damage from heavy flooding (Shetter, 2001).
Thirdly, the rivers that run through the Netherlands represent just as great a threat as the sea. Fourthly, around 25% of the Netherlands’ land mass is below sea level and around 65% of its surface is vulnerable to flooding (Figure 1). Fifth and finally, as the Netherlands is a delta formed by three major rivers, and during the Middle Ages are large proportion of the land was made up of peat bogs and these continued to grow because of the climate. When later drained these former peat bogs would sink, (even more ironically the more effectively that the land was drained, the faster it would sink) and this sinking continues to this day (Shetter, 2001).
The lowest point of Western Europe is in a peat bog outside of Gouda in the Netherlands, which is 6.74 meters below sea level and it is continuing to fall. Scientists in the Netherlands estimate that sea levels in the region will increase anywhere between twenty five and eighty five centimetres in the coming century, and at the same time the Netherlands continues to sink (at a rate of 0.2 centimetres annually in some areas) (Talbot, 2007).
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CHAPTER 2 - History of New Dutch Waterline
To deal with the water effectively a collaborative effort on a local, provincial and national scale was required and the Netherlands have had various forms of water management agencies over the centuries. Some of the current water boards in the Netherlands can trace their origins all the way back to the organisations from the twelfth century when various Dutch communities worked together to form the first water boards in order to manage flood control and drainage (Reuss, 2002). One of the most recognizable icons of the Netherlands is the windmill, which originated in the early 1400s and quickly spread across the Netherlands as they offered a very high amount of control over the water and were able to affect the water balance on a regional level (Kaijser, 2002).
TeBrake (2002) discusses how the Dutch have personified this natural threat as the waterwolf, which constantly stalks the land. The current generation may fear the very real threat that the waterwolf poses should they have experienced a recent flood first-hand or if a significant amount of time has passed without incident then the wolf may have slipped from public consciousness, but the threat is always there.
The Netherlands would feel the devastation of the water once again in the North Sea Flood when over eighteen hundred Dutch citizens (and a total of just over twenty five hundred people) lost their lives (Lintsen, 2002). In response the Delta Works Project was initiated in 1953, and by the time project was completed in 1997 these enormous infrastructure projects in the southwest of the Netherlands once again demonstrated the Dutch ingenuity and talent for manipulating the water (Deltawerken, 2014) [online].
The Old Dutch Waterline
During the Dutch War of Independence (also known as the Eighty Year’s War of 1568-1648), in 1589 Prince Maurits of Nassau was able to successfully break through the siege of Leiden by strategically flooding the areas around the city. He expanded upon this idea and envisioned a defence system which would extend from the Zuiderzee (the modern day Ijsselmeer) all the way down to the River Waal. Work on the actual Old Dutch Waterline (Figure 2) would begin in 1629 at the behest of his half-brother Prince Frederick Hendrik (Vink, 2009).
This Waterline was a defensive mechanism which was designed to protect the western cities of the Netherlands through the ingenious method of strategically flooding certain parts of the eastern polders. These low lying lands would be inundated with water which was deep enough to prevent enemy troops from walking over, yet this water would not be deep enough so that they would be able to sail across. Furthermore, once this happened it became almost impossible to differentiate between the flooded inundation fields and the existing ditches and canals. Certain points of the Waterline such as roads and railways which could not be flooded were instead defended by castles and fortresses. (Eikelenboom, 2005).
This Waterline would be employed in the defence of the Netherlands, firstly during the final years of the Eighty Years War. It would be utilized again during the Franco-Dutch War (1672-1678) in 1672, the Republic of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands were able to repel the armies of Louis XIV, although the enemy was almost able to successfully cross the flooded areas due to the water freezing in the winter. The defenders were saved once the thaw began and the French were forced to withdraw, before finally giving up and retreating; however, a fatal flaw in the defence system had been exposed. This flaw would later be fully exploited in the winter of 1794 by the invading revolutionary French armies who were able to march across the frozen water (Waterline Werelderfgoed, 2014).
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The New Dutch Waterline
Upon the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, the United Kingdom of the Netherlands was created. Advances in warfare meant that the Waterline would need to be significantly adapted and King William I would begin the modernization of the system, and work on the New Dutch Waterline began (Figure 3). Extensive work was carried out in order to move the actual line east of Utrecht (Figure 4). The New Dutch Waterline would ultimately cover an expanse of eighty five kilometres, running through five different provinces and twenty five different municipalities.
Although the line was mobilized during the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871) and World War I (1914-1918) it was never actually attacked. During the German invasion of the Netherlands at the beginning of World War II (1939-1945), the Dutch fought at the more eastern Grebbe Line with the New Dutch Waterline playing a secondary role. However, the advent of modern aerial warfare meant that the invading German army were easily able to circumvent these fixed defence lines and the Waterline was ultimately not used, so by 1940 it had become obsolete as a military defence mechanism (Eikelenboom, 2005). The Dutch Government did have plans for adapting the Waterline for a possible Soviet invasion by moving the line further east in Gelderland and in the Ijssel, but the plan was never tested and the Waterline’s military role officially ceases in 1963 (National Project Waterline, 2014).
These fortresses and other various constructions were (and to a large extent still are) the only visible signs of the existence of the Waterline. Even so, when they still retained their defensive function most were heavily camouflaged to obscure them from view or ensure that they blended into the surrounding landscape. All of the various ditches, dykes and canals that were dug, adjusted or specifically created were invisible to most, even to people living nearby, and this was one of the greatest strengths of the Waterline. This sudden flooding was meant to surprise the enemy, and also represents some of the greatest ingenuity of Dutch hydraulic engineering: using their oldest and most persistent natural enemy, namely the water, against land-borne human enemies. “The tacit existence of the New Dutch Waterline
might be one of its main assets; it is also one of the reasons for its long neglect” (Eikelenboom, 2005: 36).
CHAPTER 2 - History of New Dutch Waterline
Below Sea Level 0-1 Metres and Above 1 Metre and Above
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CHAPTER 2 - History of New Dutch Waterline
Oude Nederlandse Waterlinie
CHAPTER 2 - History of New Dutch Waterline
Nieuwe Nederlandse Waterlinie
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CHAPTER 3
Context In The Netherlands
CHAPTER 2 - History of New Dutch Waterline
Overlap Between Waterlines Nieuwe Nederlandse Waterlinie Oude Nederlandse Waterlinie
CHAPTER 3
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CONTEXT IN THE NETHERLANDS Early Government Policy
Two very important laws would have a significant impact on the Waterline and were focused on protecting its unity and character. The first was the ‘Kringenwet’ or ‘Circle Law’ of 1853 which placed limitations on what could be constructed or planted within the circular areas around the fortresses; the second was ‘The Defensive Flooding Operations Act 1896’ or ‘Inundation Law’ which formalized and regulated the process of land inundation and how exactly farmers would be compensated should their land be flooded. Only buildings that could easily be removed and that were constructed of wood we allowed in these areas (Eikelenboom, 2005).
These laws were also designed to ensure that the Waterline could be deployed quickly and effectively, but after World War II they were placed under increasing pressure, because of growth in urbanization and population levels in the Netherlands during this time. The Circle Law would finally be abolished in 1963 and former fields of fire were quickly developed. Although the Inundation Law is still in effect it has been changed, most recently in 1989 for the New Civil Code and in 1996 for the Act establishing the Coordination Act for National Emergencies (National Project Waterline, 2014).
The Ministry of Defence would have responsibility for maintenance of the fortifications until 1989, but once the Cold War came to an end the budget cuts forced the Ministry to begin selling these buildings as they could no longer afford the upkeep costs and ever since then fortifications have slowly been changing hands between various owners (Eikelenboom, 2005).
The Belvedere Memorandum
The next significant development would come in 1999 when the Waterline as a whole entered the national policy agenda, and although there had been ambitions to do something with the Waterline for decades at the local and provincial level, this tended to focus only on the fortresses themselves. In 1999 the Waterline was included in the Belvedere Memorandum, a joint collaboration between the Ministry of Education, Cultural Affairs and Science, the Ministry for Housing, Regional Development and the Environment, the Ministry of Transport and Public Works and also the Ministry of Agriculture, Nature management and Fisheries.
In its introduction this document acknowledges that the cultural landscape of the Netherlands has been created thanks to centuries of creativity between nature and humanity. These features may be smaller in scale such as the windmills or the old buildings beside a canal, or may represent significant altering of the landscape for water management or military defence. There are also more intangible elements such as archaeological information of an age gone by, and the Belvedere Memorandum recognizes these as the essential spatial and cultural elements of the Netherlands. As the world
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changes and civilization continues to develop, there is a persistent threat that these historic features will be lost, and the importance and difficulty of both moving forward and preserving the past is acknowledged.
“Planning, designing and building result in a new cultural quality, but paradoxically that is the greatest threat of all to the past qualities…We must seek strategies and solutions whereby development and conservation can go hand in hand wherever possible, whereby the links of past, present and future will be strengthened” (Belvedere Memorandum, 1999: 5).
The document discusses the complexity of the relationship cultural history and spatial planning, and that there will always be differences in the perspective and vision, there will always be conflicts and at time very difficult decisions will have to be made. However, to not act would be a missed opportunity and to ensure the continued existence of old structures, it will require the continual development of design principles and to find new forms of use for these historic sites. The Belvedere Memorandum is very specific in that it is not talking about ‘conservation’, but instead is attempting to strike a balance between retaining the past and developing for the future.
“‘Conservation through development’ is the motto. By seeking new uses, old landscapes and buildings can be saved. However, it is just as much a question of ‘development through conservation’. By using our cultural heritage in a frugal and responsible manner, we are investing in the development and strengthening of our identity, knowledge, comfort, business climate and potential for tourism” (Belvedere
Memorandum, 1999: 19).
The Belvedere Memorandum contained eight examples to represent the vision of the document, one of which was the Nieuwe Hollandse Waterlinie. Specifically the Waterline is nominated within this document as a ‘national project’ due to the very complex nature of its administrative and spatial issues. Multiple governmental projects planned or ongoing at this point included infrastructure, corridor development between Amsterdam and Utrecht, water management and preparation for the nomination of the Waterline for the UNESCO list of World Heritage Sites.
Panorama Krayenhoff
In 2004 ‘Panorama Krayenhoff: Linieperspectief’ (Figure 5) was created by the Stuurgroep Nationaal Project Nieuwe Hollandse Waterlinie, and would have an enormous impact upon the immediate future and the direction of development of the Waterline. This document would retain the ‘conservation
through development’ motto and its vision was spread across three different levels. On the global
level, the ambition was to reconstruct the typical Line profile, which would be a recognizable main defence line, flanked by open fields to the east (the former inundation fields) and greater urban density in the west (the protected areas). At the national level, the aim was to protect the coherence between the flood plain and articles and the development of sub regional fort ensembles. At the local
level, the goal was to establish a preliminary organisation and management structure for each fortification based on ownership, historic value, current condition, architectural quality, scenic location and potential use.
The essence of Panorama Krayenhoff is summarized in its eight aspirations; these eight goals would serve as the guidelines for achieving the broad vision of Panorama Krayenhoff and would direct and impact upon all future Waterline projects at the local, regional and national level:
1. The Waterline is in the experience of the Dutch and foreigners, in a cultural, historical and leisure respect a recognizable unit with some specific attractions,
2. For the major part of the inundation plains, the openness of landscape will safeguarded through spatial planning and where needed the openness should be restored.
3. The fortresses and hydrological works are restored and long term maintenance is safe guarded and either by bike, walking or by car you can reach them and they are interlinked,
4. Part of the fortresses new functions will be introduced that have a contribution to the communication and exploitation and maintenance of the fortresses,
5. In the rural area, the other spatial developments that could strengthen the continuity of the image of the New Dutch Waterline,
6. There is a location or several locations where the history and the way the New Dutch Waterline works can be demonstrated
7. There is an organisation that safeguards the maintenance and communication about the New Dutch Waterline,
8. The New Dutch Waterline should be added to the UNESCO World Heritage List.
Though Panorama Krayenhoff has followed the Belvedere Memorandum’s motto of conservation
through development, an analysis of the eight goals reveals that they are a mixture of these two
concepts, and the goals fall onto different parts of the spectrum. For instance, the sixth goal is to create locations to demonstrate the workings and history of the Waterline, and this would appear to focus more on development, whereas the eighth goal, which is to obtain UNESCO World Heritage Status, places an emphasis on conservation. Therefore, within the next chapter which is a theoretical framework, these concepts of conservation and development (and their many nuances and aspects) will be examined in much greater detail, as it is essential to better understand what the actually mean and what are the implications of their application.
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CHAPTER 3 - Context In The Netherlands
The Global Economic Recession
Due to a very complicated combination of macro and microeconomic factors, the property bubble in the United States continued to grow thanks to new financial instruments and poor regulation, which led to banks worldwide taking ever greater risks. After property prices had been soaring for many years, the property bubble burst and this started a chain reaction that led to the property market crashing in 2008 and this plunged the global economy into the deepest recession since World War II. This would lead to a contraction of the economy, a large increase in unemployment figures, and a 1% of GDP budget surplus from the previous year would reach a 2.8% deficit, and was expected to reach a deficit of 5.6% in 2010 (CPB, 2009). The effects of the economic crisis would be felt ever since and as of 2014, the Netherlands is beginning to recover, with falls in unemployment moderate inflation levels and for the first time since 2008 the deficit level has dropped to below 3% of GDP (CPB, 2014).
Initially there was large amount of financial support promised to the Waterline projects from the different levels of government, private investors, developers, entrepreneurs etc. However, this support was significantly altered because of economic conditions at a global scale, and the implications of these changing conditions will be revisited throughout this research paper.
CHAPTER 3 - Context In The Netherlands
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CHAPTER 4
CHAPTER 4
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CHAPTER 4 - Theoretical Framework
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The Belvedere Memorandum and Panorama Krayenhoff established a collective action frame for the multiple stakeholders involved in the Waterline, in that the Waterline and its many fortifications became a national project which is approached from the perspective of conservation through development and this has served as a starting point for the theoretical framework of this research paper. It is the intention of this chapter to further examine these concepts which were introduced in the first chapter.
Through an extensive literature review, several concepts and theories which are most closely related to framing, conservation and development have been identified, including symbology, eco-tourism, place
marketing and authenticity. Many of these concepts and theories are intertwined and closely related
with each other in various ways; and the first to be discussed is the concept of framing.
Framing
Framing is discussed by Rein and Laws (2000) who understand the concept as a particular way of representing knowledge, and give meaning and interpretation to situations. However different actors will have their own preferred understanding, with certain facts or characteristics being focused upon to strengthen this meaning and other aspects are played down or outright ignored. Benford and Snow (2000) also highlight the central role that framing plays within social movements, often inspiring and legitimating the actions of the group in the eyes of its members.
Frames can either take the form of written words (rhetorical) or from spoken words, acts, objects etc. (action). Frames may also be issue specific or generic, with issue specific frames focusing on the contents of a social phenomenon and attempt to explain the experience and understanding that people have (Rein and Laws, 2000).
However, frames do not always stay the same, and can be altered and adjusted in a number of ways and for a variety of reasons, and this process is known as reframing. Rein and Laws (2000) highlight how reframing may take place because framing can often be steeped in controversy, such as when different groups have conflicting frames. Despite limitations to each method, reframing is still possible by combining certain methods with discourse
The authors examine the relationship between policy frames and policy controversies in an attempt to better understand reframing, and identified several characteristics. Firstly, frames give order to experiences and direct subsequent action, and that where a problem is diagnosed a solution is offered. Secondly, frames depend on some form of institutional sponsor, with multiple actors involved who each have their own preferred frame, which they will promote. The outcome of these policy discourses require multiple sponsors interacting, rather than the actions of an individual. Thirdly,
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CHAPTER 4 - Theoretical Framework
frames will often merge facts and value to achieve a certain outcome; including factual content give frames some degree of empirical confirmation and agrees with certain characteristics of a situation when viewed from a particular angle. Alignment with a core value or identity can help to engage with an audience and offer resilience in the face of criticism.
Before examining the issue of framing further, it is necessary to better understand the concepts of conservation and development. Although the Belvedere Memorandum and Panorama Krayenhoff seek to strike a balance, it is important to distinguish between the two extremes of the concepts of the conservation versus development spectrum, so the latter will be investigated first.
The Concept of Development
For millennia humanity has been manipulating the environment to satisfy its basic needs (such as food or shelter) by way of farming, mining, manufacturing, construction etc. However, it was not until the late eighteenth century that it became possible to efficiently utilize the world’s abundant natural resources. The industrial revolution saw a shift from a primarily rural and agrarian based economy, to an urban and industrial based economy. Mass production enabled an increase in human consumption as good could be produced in greater quantities at cheaper prices. At the same time there was both an improvement in the standard of living and massive increases in the global population. This would have the direct effects of the depletion of natural resources and environmental degradation (Mohan Das Gandhi et al. 2006). The primary driving force behind development was economic growth and any damage or pollution produced was “an inevitable by-product of an economic system and utilize the natural environment as
a sink for the pollution, since the economic growth ethic dictates the path of research and technology and focus on productivity” (Mohan Das Gandhi et al. 2006). However, this is completely unsustainable
in the long run, and development at its absolute extreme represents the desire of humanity to satisfy its wants and needs with absolutely no regard for the impact that this will have on the natural environment and will prevent future generations from being able to meet their needs. Luckily however, the threat that unrestricted development would pose was recognized and humanity began to appreciate its impact, and this led to many important pieces of legislation, one of which was the Brundtland Report which discussed the concept of sustainable development, which was defined as:
“Humanity has the ability to make development sustainable to ensure that it meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. The concept of sustainable development does imply limits - not absolute limits but limitations imposed by the present state of technology and social organization on environmental resources and by the ability of the biosphere to absorb the effects of human activities” (UNWCED, 1987).
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One case has been identified where there existed little motivation for preservation when economic considerations took priority, backed by governmental centralization of conservation mechanisms. Cheng and Ma (2009) examined the efforts to save the Dragon Garden in Hong Kong by private donations, and the role played by volunteers in built heritage conservation when both the state and the market have no motivation to do so.
Hong Kong had a very strong desire for development, and did not have a problem with demolishing old buildings for the sake of economic progress. This is because it is not easy to determine the value of built heritage by observing the market, and also as the state has traditionally been responsible for heritage conservation it will substitute the market to provide this good. However, this commitment tends to waver when land prices are high and a non-interventionist governance model is utilized. However, when plans to demolish several historical landmarks were unveiled in the early 2000s, this stance was contested and “Collective memory, other than official history, has been articulated as a vital cause for
conservation” (Cheng and Ma, 2009: 512).
The authors examine the struggle between the entrenched governmental agenda and those civil conservation movements which emerged by examining relevant media reports and governmental responses along with first-hand personal interviews. Despite the efforts to save the Dragon Garden ultimately being in vain, the research highlighted that build heritage conservation is in a very unfavourable position in a market-based economy, especially when land prices are high. However, the study also shows the positive role and influence that civil groups can play when they have “contributed their
expertise and resources to enable government actions to be monitored, advocated appropriate policies, mobilized participation, and initiated proposals” (Cheng and Ma, 2009: 525).
As the western economies have increasingly moved away from heavy industries they are instead looking towards tertiary sectors such as tourism and hospitality as a means to stimulate the economy, this represents a new form of development. The definition of development in the Brundtland Report asks that humanity be conscious of the impact that development can have but at the same time does not outright prohibit or deter the desires of humanity to satisfy its needs. However, the concept of
conservation is the polar opposite to development and is placed at the other end of the spectrum.
The Concept of Conservation
The concept of conservation has an extensive history, and the evolution of conservation principles in an international context is well documented; for example Ahmad (2006) discusses the establishment and adaption of these principles by international organisations such as UNESCO and ICOMOS. The Venice Charter 1964 has helped to clarify the concept of historic buildings.
Antrop (2005) looks at how humanity has considered its impact on the natural world and the devastation this can bring. He also is interested in why landscapes hold value, arguing that people
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integrate what they perceive with what they know and remember, and each landscape, place or monument has its own unique sense and value within space in time, and therefore demand our preservation and protection.
Ahmad (2006) highlights the evolution of the interpretation of heritage at international level. Since the Venice Charter 1964 there has been an increasing concern for physical heritage such as historic monuments and buildings, urban and regional centres to non-physical heritage such as environments, social factors and also intangible values. The term ‘historic monument’ lacked a definition in the Venice Charter 1964 and was only given one a year later by ICOMOS.
“The term ‘monument’ shall include all real property… whether they contain buildings or not, having archaeological, architectural, historic or ethnographical interest and may include besides the furnishing preserved within them. The term ‘site’ shall be defined as a group of elements, either natural or man-made, or combinations of the two, which it is in the public interest to conserve” (Ahmad, 2006: 294).
Janssen highlights that Western Europe has tended to focus its conservation efforts on lived-in working landscapes, and that these richly varied cultural and natural areas “lie at the heart of the identity of rural
Europe” (2009 a: 37). However, each country has its own geographical and historical characteristics,
planning culture, social structure and political organizations, and (although there are some overlaps) all take their own particular approach.
According to Catsadorakis (2001) it is not possible to provide a definition of conservation in practice, because the subjects of conservation are constantly in flux and because there is no scientific way to decide exactly what to conserve, there can never be unequivocal, objective answers. The authors feel that conservation should cover both site protection and site management and should consider genes, species, habitats and landscapes, but they argue that only species and habitats receive enough international attention.
Natural heritage is also related to a specific place and time period, and because ecosystems are continuously changing along with the human impact upon them, therefore natural heritage is constantly changing. Cultural heritage is comprised of both the tangible and the intangible; and the intangible refers to the language, legends, myths, norms, perceptions, customs etc. Cultural heritage is also able to change as a concept much more quickly than natural heritage.
Multiple Forms of Conservation
There is still an ongoing debate concerning the best method for preserving human made structures,
“A philosophical divide exists between those who advocate maintaining historic structures as close to their original state as possible and those who acknowledge that adapting structures to contemporary
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uses is necessary or even desirable” (Alberts et al. 2010: 62). Four distinct approaches across the
spectrum of conservation have been identified.
The first is preservation or conservation which strives to maintain a site in its original state as much as is feasibly possible, and any measures which are taken are only performed to prevent further damage. The second is restoration which aims to return a structure to an earlier (or indeed the original) state and it is always preferable to keep any original elements even if they are damaged, rather attempting to replicate them.
The goal of the reconstruction, the third approach, will attempt to create a new structure based on historic designs, and this is usually done when a historical structure has been extensively damaged but it is necessary to give context to the site. The fourth approach, adaption, will modify historic structures to give them contemporary uses.
The investigation of these various academic sources demonstrates that there are multiple interpretations of the concepts of conservation and development. Even within each concept there is significant debate between interpretation and meaning, and this can be explained through the process of framing. At this point it would be very useful to explore concepts which are very closely linked with framing.
Symbology
The concept of framing is very closely tied with symbology, as symbols are one of the most common and important aspects of framing. The New Dutch Waterline has been investigated from a number of different perspectives including symbology. Eikelenboom (2005) for instance was interested in how the Waterline meant different things to different people, and how this meaning can be interpreted in many ways through different symbols and stories. The impact of this interpretation on policy and agenda setting was the subject of her research.
Eikelenboom goes further in linking symbols to the theory of framing, arguing that when people use symbols to give meaning, they are shaping the definition of a problem. This problem definition follows from a specific framing which determines the reasoning of the actors. Symbols are framed by different groups according to their interpretation of an issue, with some symbols being able to simplify events and others refer to historical events or myths; and symbols hold great power and persuasiveness in their ability to focus attention upon a particular problem definition.
Van der Valk shares the argument on role that symbology has played, saying that this change can best be expressed as “through a novel re-conceptualization of planning and design as ‘persuasive
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Often these concepts and theories are interlinked in a number of creative and interesting ways; for example Lichrou et al. (2007) discuss how tourist destinations are often marketed (or framed) as products but they would benefit more from being marketed as narratives. By focusing merely on the destination as a product, the more intangible elements (such as the meanings of a place) are neglected but these have tremendous value.
Dembski (2012) uses the example of the Rotterdam Rijnmond area to discuss the concept of Zwischenstadt (in-between city), where the city merges both physically and functionally with the surrounding countryside. Symbolic markers (in the form of planning imagery, iconic architecture, landmarks etc.) are symbolic projects which are used as part of a wider strategy and signify a better understanding of in-between spaces. These symbolic markers are tasked with addressing an audience (the private sector, civic groups, residents etc.) in order to persuade the audience and shape public discourse, so that this projected meaning is accepted as the reality.
Critically there is a difference between construction and reconstruction. Symbol construction concerns the introduction of new markers which symbolize patterns of disconnected transformation, which reconstruction highlights processes of symbolization which build on the history of a place to build a new future, “The acceptance of the intervention is related to whether the imagination satisfies the sense of
place inculcated in the audience” (Dembski, 2012: 5).
Edson (2004) stresses the importance of remembering that no view of history can be considered absolute, and that every single consideration, regardless of the perspective or preference will assign a personal value to every element of a historical process. While history and heritage are often assumed to go hand in hand with one another, the concept of heritage will usually have a greater symbolic meaning than the actual object, the time, the place, or what can be considered the historical reference. Human behaviour is either learned or modified by social conditions, and the fulfilment of desire will often be the motivation behind assimilated or invented heritage and in turn group agreement on the value of its members are reinforced as part of the physical or natural environment.
“There was probably never a time in the history of humankind when heritage was not subject to invention, restoration, or adaption to meet the social, political, spiritual, or financial requirements of the subject community” (Edson, 2004: 339).
Hodge discusses different discourses of heritage, and how heritage is increasingly being framed as
memory work, which she states is an interdependent process of remembering and forgetting. Memory,
whether it be the memory of the individual or of a collective groups, never remains stable; while memory
work does not involve the retrieval of a past truth, rather it is about reconstructing the past’s present
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The fortifications are the most (or arguable the only) visible sign of the Waterline’s existence and the various stakeholders may understand these symbolic markers in many different ways, and this will be examined further in the research hypothesis. Nevertheless, the Waterline has been framed as a marketing opportunity by the national, provincial and regional governments and it is necessary to understand heritage assets are being framed in such a way. As previously mentioned, western economies are continually focusing on the opportunities presented by the tourism and hospitality industries. Not only is tourism increasingly emphasized for the Waterline, but this may be further enhanced by the prospective UNESCO World Heritage Nomination.
Tourism
Alberts et al. (2010) conducted a study into the efforts of UNESCO and their efforts to preserve historically significant sites, and in doing so, examine the nature of authenticity which is often integral to a UNESCO World Heritage status. The authors argue that authenticity is a social construct, whose meaning fluctuates according to different people in different places at different times (authenticity will be discussed in greater detail further on).
The authors identify how these different approaches represent the different attitudes towards authenticity and integrity. For example preservation and restoration allow the sustaining of the authenticity of a site, while reconstruction focuses upon the integrity. Even then there are tensions between these two demands, because steps to reconstruct the appropriate contextual material to enhance the integrity of a site may negatively affect its authenticity. UNESCO World Heritage status focuses upon the preservation aspect of the spectrum, but also acknowledges that the concepts of authenticity and integrity and how they are applied by local authorities depend upon the site in question.
The matter is further complicated by tourism because of two very common challenges; the first is that visitors will often have some kind of preconceived notions about what they expect to see, and the people responsible for the management of the site may consciously or unconsciously try to meet these expectations even when it is at the expense of authenticity. The second challenge is that in order to meet the needs of the tourist this may require making allowances and providing services (such as restrooms, lighting, access routes etc.) which may conflict with the aspiration of preserving the authenticity of the site. This issue is further exasperated when dealing with local residents, who are also stakeholders and it will be necessary to negotiate with them in some form.
Place Marketing
According to Lichrou et al. (2007) framing and symbology play a central role in tourism, and stress the importance of tourism in contemporary society, especially in nations which have begun to invest
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heavily in tertiary industries such as hospitality and the heritage sector. One of their primary methods of doing so is through the process of place marketing.
This theory is discussed by Brown et al (2013), who argue that urban place marketing is practiced in one form or another by all urban areas in an effort to appeal to visitors, inhabitants and investors. Braun defines urban place marketing as “the coordinated use of marketing tools supported by a shared
customer-orientated philosophy, for creating communicating, delivering, and exchanging urban offerings that have value for the city’s customers and the city’s community at large” (2008: 43).
Tallon believes that as cities are forced to compete with each other due to globalization, this drives urban change and regeneration strategies. Urban place marketing presents a way of achieving this, although it an “emphasis on the projection of deliberately crafted images to external audiences and
local population” (2010: 120).
Nas conducted research into ‘urban symbolic ecology’, which refers to the study of the distribution of symbols in urban areas, and also to how these symbols are created and how they are distributed. These symbols represent the memory of the city, of which there are four types: collective (the names of important persons or institutions who had an important role at specific times), historic (the names of important persons or institutions in the national or general history), projective (the laying out of the city grid pattern) and finally cultural memory (natural and cultural attributes). “It is a cultural layer of
congealed time incorporating past, present and future, made up of urban symbols based on special objects and rituals” (1998: 546).
While this concept is related to urban areas, it is somewhat lacking in relation to rural areas. The Waterline may represent an opportunity to investigate rural cultural identity, and by that this researcher means the symbols of the rural and how they are created and distributed. Furthermore while urban
place marketing has received a lot of investigation, there exists little research into its rural counterpart.
Tallon (2010), in discussing urban place marketing acknowledges it is a necessity to treat the city as a commodity in order to stimulate competition and economic development to attract external investment, those images which are created and used for place promotion are often embellished, with the most desirable aspects selected and any which are deemed undesirable are excluded. The Waterline fortifications represent an opportunity to investigate how rural sites may be marketed as places. It will also be possible to examine which aspects or symbols are framed as the most important by the various stakeholders involved.
Hajer and Reijndorp (2004) discuss the efforts of Salzburg, Austria to market its historic inner city to tourists, by offering a glimpse into life in the past. The authors argue that this case demonstrates the discourse of historicism, in which “The way forward is to turn back” (2004: 2). Buildings which were
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once considered obstacles are now represent the heart of a revitalization strategy. Here Salzburg is an example of the production of place, which aims to cater to an emerging demand for the consumption of places and events. Cultural tourism offers the opportunity for ordinary citizens to have interesting experiences, and cities, and organizations are forced to compete with one another by producing these experiences. The authors believe that this mass cultural consumption has led to the definition of places being directly tied to the mobilization of cultural heritage.
The Waterline’s represents a great number of heritage assets spread over a large geographic area, and this is one of its greatest strengths, because it represents a marketing opportunity on a local, provincial and national level, and both the Belvedere Memorandum and Panorama Krayenhoff have reframed the Waterline fortifications as a collective, cohesive unit. However, this strength may also be its greatest weakness because of the large number of stakeholders involved who may have their own particular frames of the Waterline and getting so many different actors to cooperate may prove to be very challenging.
Authenticity
Authenticity is a concept which is very closely tied to tourism and place marketing, and is an integral part of a UNESCO World Heritage Status. Furthermore, it plays a very important role within the concept of
conservation through development. Authenticity is an essential driver behind the motivation of tourists
to visit distant places, and the search for authentic experiences is one of the most important trends in tourism, and is therefore extremely relevant to marketing strategies for cultural heritage sites. As Kolar et al. (2010) highlights, while authenticity is a very important issue, the concept itself is very problematic and has not been thoroughly explored, which hampers its application.
The concept of authenticity is not merely isolated to cultural heritage, as authors have researched the issue in relation to a very diverse range of fields; for example Peterson (2005), examines how authenticity is used in the marketing strategies of elite French wines, and how it is possible to manipulate the image of certain brands. In one instance, a group of Bordeaux based merchants who were not able to lower their price to compete with other retailers, instead focused on showing that their wines deserved to be a higher price. They accomplished this with tactics such as emphasizing that they use traditional methods of wine making, and down-playing all of the industrial processes which have been introduced. In this regard, authenticity can be seen as somewhat of a paradox, as it promotes historic values (the making of the wine) but is heavily reliant upon modern developments (the processing, distribution etc.). This analogy is also very applicable to the conservation through development debate in the heritage sector. The author cites many other fields which employ similar tactics, such as tea & coffee “Asserting
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products” (Peterson, 2005: 1084). Furthermore, authentication is a difficult subject, because when
verifying art or archaeological artefacts as ‘authentic’ by trained experts, this can greatly enhance the intrinsic and financial value; however, in Peterson’s research into country music, he found that authentication was not made by experts but by the consumers of the music, the fans. No one person or group authenticated the music, rather it was an ongoing cycle of authentication involving everyone active in the field.
McIntosh (1999) conducted a study into authenticity and its perception by tourists visiting three period theme parks, and how these visitors affirm authenticity through a number of processes, which are influenced by their own individual understandings and perceptions. The author found that attractions can be viewed as social spaces in which meaning can be assigned, and that each tourist will arrive at a cultural attraction with their own agenda and context based upon their own personal interests, knowledge and previous experience. These tourists may range from those who have a distinct motivation to visit the attraction, to those whose visit is incidental or accidental. These personal factors and expectations may tailor or alter the interpretation and experience, which may be different to the intended context provided at the cultural attraction.
Here the visitors have reframed the official meaning of the fortifications, based upon their own experiences and expectations. Among the ambitions of the National Waterline Strategy within Panorama Krayenhoff, there is a desire to increase the profile of the history and the existence of the Waterline, and this will mean that there will be an official frame created In order to give context to visitors. There is the possibility in the very near future that there could be a reframing of this context because another ambition of Panorama Krayenhoff is that the Waterline be added to the UNESCO World Heritage list.
UNESCO World Heritage Status
The concept of authenticity is very closely tied to the UNESCO World Heritage Status nomination of the Waterline, because authenticity is used as a judgement criteria in selecting which sites are worthy of the status. Furthermore, should the bid be successful, this represents a major international branding opportunity, and this could have significant implications upon the number of potential tourists who may want to visit the Waterline.
Donohoe (2011) took interest in the effect that World Heritage status from UNESCO can have on tourism, citing the correlation between this designation and the increasing number of international visitors. She also states that “heritage sites have evolved to serve dual priorities: to preserve heritage
while educating and entertaining the tourist” (2011: 122).
Donohoe also lists several concerns related to the marketing of heritage sites as potential tourist destinations; the first of which is that by treating sites as any other commodity they become trivialized
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and their true value is lost by becoming one-dimensional stereotypes. The second concern is the problem of an increasing number of tourists and the strain this can place upon the site, which threatens promises made by the managing agency to focus on preservation against the revenue generated by the ever growing number of visitors. Thirdly, the large number of stakeholders at different scales will all have different approaches to marketing goals and outcomes. Fourth and finally, marketing strategies that attempt to attract large numbers of tourists “have replaced the golden rules of conservation with
contradictory commercial values” (2011: 122).
Akagawa and Sirisrisak (2008) investigate imbalances in the World Heritage List and the problems that this can lead to, with a specific focus on the cultural landscape in Asia and the Pacific. The UNESCO World Heritage Centre defines heritage as “our legacy from the past, what we live with today, and what
we pass on to future generations. Our cultural and natural heritage are both irreplaceable sources of life and inspiration”. The Convention Concerning the Protection of the World and Natural Heritage
was adopted in 1972 and is a major international legal instrument which seeks to realise this ambition. According to the authors “Cultural heritage is an essential vehicle that conveys the message from the
past in both its positive and negative aspects, both of which should be enlightened as a lesson for future development” (2008: 188). Rather than treat cultural landscapes separately, it would be more effective
to integrate those landscapes into city planning and development.
Baird (2012) conducted a case study into the Tongariro National Park in Aotearoa/New Zealand which in 1993 became the first World Heritage cultural landscape. As a result the author’s belief that this UNESCO status will change the meaning of the area and as a result there will be increasing pressure from outsider experts and their knowledge. These new voices may drown out indigenous systems of knowledge, and block certain stakeholders from asserting their authority, so the author has identified a need to investigate the practice and management of heritage. Her study is based on interviews, institutional archives and also historiographies.
The author is very clear that when she refers to cultural heritage, she means both the tangible and intangible culture and also the various different values, practices and meanings that people engage with to form an understanding of this heritage, “For this reason, heritage is inherently political, engaging
stakeholders and practitioners in sometimes adversarial debate and struggle” (Baird, 2012: 328).
Beck (2006) conducted an in-depth study of several different kinds of heritage travel guidebooks in an effort to better understand global tourism and global heritage which are described as inextricably
linked. The author believes that as part of the process of creating tourist destinations, they are
promoted with an accompanying narrative. The author takes a specific interest in World Heritage Sites and their accompanying guidebooks, as this is a topic which has received little scientific interest in the past. The author emphasizes that there exists no absolute definition of world importance or
