Leiden University
Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs Final thesis
The nature and size of
homicides in the context of
organized crime, 5667-569:
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Colofon
Master thesis Crisis and Security Management
Name J. van Leerdam
Student number s1753304
E-mail j.van.leerdam@umail.leidenuniv.nl
Leiden University – Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs Turfmarkt 99
2511 DP The Hague
Supervisor dr. M.C.A. Liem Second reader dr. G.M. van Buuren
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Preface
This thesis serves as the final examination for the master Crisis and Security Management from Leiden University in The Hague. It aims to describe and explore how conflict resolution homicides shaped the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. I worked on this thesis from September 2016 until January 2017.
The research conducted for this thesis was sometimes complex and time consuming, but always educational and interesting. It is safe to say that writing this thesis has contributed to my knowledge and my ambitions for the future. The extended quantitative research has allowed me to get an understanding about the nature and size of homicide in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands.
I would like to thank my supervisor, dr. Liem, for her excellent guidance during this process. Her expertise has taught me a lot. Also, I would like to thank dr. van Buuren for his time and effort to assess this thesis. Additionally, I would like to take the opportunity to thank Bas Derks from Elsevier for his contribution to examined dataset. Furthermore, I would like to thank Gerlof Leistra, since he offered me the opportunity to work at the Elsevier office in Amsterdam. Their contribution added great value to the quality of this thesis and to my personal learning experience.
Jacky van Leerdam
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Summary
Series of homicides in the context of organized crime in the last ten to fifteen years strengthened the idea that the use of violence forms an explicit part of organized crime in the Netherlands (Kruisbergen et al., 2012). This thesis aims to explore how conflict resolution homicides play a role in homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. First, based on numeric data, the nature of homicides in the context of organized crime is examined. Second, content analysis resulted in an understanding on how conflict resolution shaped the nature of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
The basis of this thesis is the European Homicide Monitor (EHM), a homicide database on the European level. As a part of the EHM, the Netherlands established a database on homicides entitled the Monitor Lethal Violence, which is established according the same criteria and purposes as the EHM. It includes information on all homicides committed in the Netherlands from 2009 to 2014, but for the purpose of this research, all homicides for the year 2015 are included. Based on the information in the Monitor Lethal Violence, additional data, and content analysis, the results reveal that roughly 22 per cent of the homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed in the context of organized crime. 70 of these cases were solved. 34 per cent of these homicides were committed to resolve conflicts.
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Table of contents
Preface ______________________________________________________________ 3 Summary _____________________________________________________________ 4 Table of contents _______________________________________________________ 5 Figures _______________________________________________________________ 6 Tables _______________________________________________________________ 7 Introduction ___________________________________________________________ 8 Reading guide ______________________________________________________ 10 Literature review ______________________________________________________ 11 Empirical research on homicide in the context of organized crime ______________ 11 Academic research on homicides in the context of organized crime _____________ 18 Methodology _________________________________________________________ 23 Used definitions _____________________________________________________ 23 Type of research ____________________________________________________ 25 Research techniques _________________________________________________ 26 Validity of the research _______________________________________________ 28 Processing of the results ______________________________________________ 28 Results ______________________________________________________________ 30 Size and nature of organized crime in the Netherlands, 2009-2015 _____________ 30 Conflict resolution homicides ___________________________________________ 48 Conclusion and discussion ______________________________________________ 51 Limitations _________________________________________________________ 53 Suggestions for future research _________________________________________ 55 Possible prevention strategies _________________________________________ 55 References __________________________________________________________ 56 Appendixes __________________________________________________________ 64 Appendix 1: Definitions organized crime __________________________________ 64 Appendix 2: Variable importance of cluster analysis _________________________ 67 Appendix 3: Victims that can be attributed to the Mocro War, 2009-2015 _________ 68 Appendix 4: Conflict resolution homicides, 2009-2015 _______________________ 72 Appendix 5: Syntax __________________________________________________ 77Page 6 of 90
Figures
Figure 3: Prevalence of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 ____ 31 Figure 4: Annual distribution of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015
________________________________________________________________ 32 Figure 5: Weekly distributions of homicides in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 ____________________________________________________________ 33 Figure 6: Daily distribution of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 33 Figure 7: Nuts 2-region the homicide is committed in, 2009-2015 ________________ 34 Figure 8: Homicides in the context of organized crime per large city, 2009-2015 _____ 35 Figure 9: Police region the homicide is committed in over year, 2009-2015 _________ 36 Figure 10: Crime scene divided by type of homicide in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 _______________________________________________________ 37 Figure 11: Location divided by type of homicide in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 ____________________________________________________________ 38 Figure 12: Used violence divided by type of homicide in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 _______________________________________________________ 39 Figure 13: Number of perpetrators divided by type of homicide in the context of
organized crime, 2009-2015 __________________________________________ 39 Figure 14: Birth country of victims of homicides in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 ___________________________________________________________ 43 Figure 15: Birth Country of the victim (clusters) ______________________________ 45 Figure 16: Victims attributed to the Mocro War _______________________________ 47
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Tables
Table 1: Empirical research homicides in the context of organized crime since 2000 _ 17 Table 2: Proportion of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 ______ 31 Table 3: Homicide cases by the number of victims and perpetrators, 2009-2015 _____ 32 Table 4: Location of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 _______ 36 Table 5: Type of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 __________ 37 Table 6: Type of violence that is used to commit homicide in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 __________________________________________________ 38 Table 7: Gender of perpetrators of homicides in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 ____________________________________________________________ 41 Table 8: Age of the perpetrators of homicide in the context of organized crime,
2009-2015 ____________________________________________________________ 41 Table 9: Gender of victims of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 42 Table 10: Age of victims of homicides in the context of organized crime, 2009-2015 __ 42 Table 11: Clusters, 2009-2015 ___________________________________________ 44
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Introduction
This chapter introduces the topic of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands. In order to do so, it first identifies the nature of organized crime in the Netherlands. Secondly, it offers a reflection on the reasons for members of organized crime to use (lethal) violence. Thirdly, this chapter elaborates on the societal and academic relevance of this research. The chapter concludes with the research question of this thesis.
Organized crime is a relatively new phenomenon in the Netherlands. The term was introduced in the late 1980s to identify criminal groups who were involved in the large-scale import of soft drugs and it featured a prominent place on the political agenda in the Netherlands in the 1990s (Kruisbergen, Van de Bunt, & Kleemans, 2012; Spapens, Kilthoff, & Stol, 2016). Before that time, organized crime was perceived as an exotic, external threat; something that occurred outside the Netherlands and was reserved for countries such as Italy and the United States of America (Kruisbergen et al., 2012). In the early stages, the perception of organized crime in the Netherlands was highly influenced by ideas about the Mafia in Italy and America and the way organized crime was manifested in these societies (Kruisbergen et al., 2012). In these societies, organized crime has been a major threat to state stability, both because it directly challenges political institutions (Moro, Patrella & Sberna, 2016). However, the nature of organized crime in the Netherlands has always been different; it can best be described as transit crime (Kruisbergen et al., 2012): profitable, international illegal activities, in which the Netherlands acts as production country, transit country or country of destination (Van Koppen, De Poot, Kleemans, & Nieuwbeerta, 2009; Kruisbergen et al., 2012). Most of those illegal activities are drug-related, but also human smuggling, arms trafficking, money laundering, and prostitution are prevalent in the Netherlands (Van Koppen et al., 2009). However, the size of these types of organized crime activities is significantly smaller (Buro Janssen & Janssen, n.d.).
Page 9 of 90 It is predominantly due to the geographical position of the Netherlands and the presence of Schiphol airport and the port of Rotterdam that offenders of organized crime operate in and through the Netherlands (Politie, 2012). Besides the open borders to neighboring countries, criminal activities are conducted through the Netherlands because of the favorable financial environment and its international orientation (Politie, n.d.a). The port of Rotterdam serves as an important gateway for drug trafficking (Spapens et al., 2016).
Series of homicides in the context of organized crime in the last ten to fifteen years strengthened the idea that the use of violence forms an explicit part of organized crime in the Netherlands (Kruisbergen et al., 2012). Based on 150 cases, Kruisbergen and his colleagues (2012) determined that homicides in the context of organized crime are often committed to resolve conflicts. Because of the illegal character of the activities members of organized crime conduct, they cannot use formal mechanisms of social control to solve their conflicts (Black, 1976; Cooney, 1998; Van de Port, 2001; Kruisbergen et al., 2012). Therefore, conflicts must be resolved by the participants themselves and this may result in the use of (lethal) violence by the participants (Cooney, 1998).
Most studies to homicide in general and homicide in the context of organized crime in particular are merely descriptive in nature because they are aimed at the static features of the homicide, such as the age of the victim, the method of violence that is used, and the location of the homicide (Zahn, Brownstein, & Jackson, 2004; Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007; Granath et al., 2011). This thesis, however, is more explorative in nature because it discusses the dynamic interactions that were leading up to the homicide.
This thesis contributes to the multidisciplinary field of crisis and security management, because the outcomes of the thesis provide a scientific understanding on the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands from 2009 to 2015. The size and nature of homicides in the context of organized crime can serve as a predictor for developments in organized crime (Van de Port, 2001).
Page 10 of 90 This thesis focuses on the extent to which homicide as conflict resolution, as described by Luckenbill (1977) and Levi (1980), occurred in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. Therefore, the following research question will be answered: How did conflict resolution homicides shape the nature and prevalence of homicide in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015? To answer the research question, the following sub questions are formulated:
1. What is the definition of organized crime? 2. What is the definition of homicide?
3. How can homicide within the context of organized crime be defined?
4. How does conflict resolution play a role in committing homicide in the context of organized crime according to academic literature?
5. What was the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015?
6. What was the prevalence of conflict resolution homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015?
The first four questions will be answered by exploring empirical research on homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands and reviewing academic literature on conflict resolution homicides. The last two questions will be answered by analyzing and interpreting the data in the Monitor on Lethal Violence.
Reading guide
Chapter 1 introduced the topic on homicide in the context of organized crime. The empirical and academic literature that is devoted to the topic is presented in Chapter 2. The way the data is gathered, analyzed, and interpreted is described in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 shows the results of this research. The answer to the research question will be provided in Chapter 5. The results are interpreted in Chapter 6. Additionally, Chapter 6 suggests opportunities for future research, and the limitations of this research.
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Literature review
This chapter provides an overview of the literature concerning homicides, specifically in the context of organized crime. It provides possible explanations for how and why homicides in the context of organized crime occur in the Netherlands. The chapter consists of two parts. The first part of the chapter provides a reflection on the empirical research on homicide in the context of organized crime. The second part presents the academic literature with regards to homicide as conflict resolution.
Empirical research on homicide in the context of organized crime
This part of the literature review is focused on available empirical literature from West-European and Scandinavian countries, since these countries are comparable to the Netherlands, which is the focus of this thesis. Only recent sources are used, which is understood as sources published since the year 2000 and onwards. An extensive search of the literature on homicide in the context of organized crime resulted in 11 empirical studies devoted to this topic (presented in Table 1, page 18). The following key words are used in the Leiden University Library and Google Scholar, including: ‘lethal violence’, ‘homicidal violence’, ‘violence’, ‘violent crime’, ‘homicide’, ‘organized crime’, ‘georganiseerde misdaad’, ‘dodelijk geweld’, ‘drug homicides’, ‘liquidaties’, ‘assassinations in organized crime’, and ‘drug violence’.Organized crime
There is a lack of consensus on the definition of organized crime. What is mostly associated by the term organized crime refers to the provision of illegal goods and services (Von Lampe, 2016a). Especially in the global context of organized crime, the illicit trade of drugs is the main problem (Europol, 2013; Von Lampe, 2016a). Worldwide, there are approximately 180 definitions of organized crime in circulation (Von Lampe, 2016b). These definitions do not only differ across countries, but there are also different definitions of organized crime within countries. The definitions on
Page 12 of 90 organized crime in Belgium, Germany, Great Britain, and the Netherlands are presented in Appendix 1. Most of these definitions are formulated in the form of mere descriptions on what organized crime entails, and are shaped by practical and political considerations or by individual preferences (Von Lampe, 2016a).
There are some definitional controversies with regards to the definition of organized crime. First, some definitions emphasize a required number of participants to talk about organized crime (Huber, 2001; Black, Vander Beken, & Ruyver, 2000; Weenink, Huisman, & Van der Laan, 2004; Chibelushi, Sharp, & Shah, 2006; Kaldor, 2006; Tilley & Hopkins, 2008; Galeotti, 2009; Kirby & Penna, 2010; Bovenkerk, 2011), whereas others do not (Woodiwiss, 2001; Bundeskriminalamt, 2004). Second, there are also differences regarding the use of violence in the context of organized crime. Some authors mention the use of violence as a defining feature of organized crime (Black et al., 2000; Kaldor, 2006), but in other definitions, violence is not mentioned at all (Huber, 2001; Woodiwiss, 2001; Weenink et al., 2004; Chibelushi et al., 2006; Tilley & Hopkins, 2008; Galeotti, 2009; Gilmour, 2009; Kirby & Penna, 2010; Bovenkerk, 2011). Third, there are differences regarding the aim of organized crime. In some definitions, the aim to (financial) profit and power is acknowledged (Black et al., 2000; Woodiwiss, 2001; Huber, 2001; Bundeskriminalamt, 2004; Chibelushi et al., 2006; Kaldor, 2006; Galeotti, 2009; Bovenkerk, 2011). In other definitions, the (financial) aim is not considered to be important to define organized crime (Weenink et al., 2004; Tilley & Hopkins, 2008; Gilmour, 2009; Kirby & Penna, 2010).
As pointed out above, there are authors who formulated working definitions of organized crime. Although Abadinsky (2013) believes that formulating a concrete definition is challenging, he argues that there are some attributes that could serve as a basis for determining if something should be considered as organized crime (Von Lampe, 2016a). According to Abadinsky (2013), “organized crime has no political goals, is hierarchical, has a limited or exclusive membership, constitutes a unique sub culture,
Page 13 of 90 perpetuates itself, exhibits a willingness to use illegal violence, is monopolistic, and is governed by explicit rules and regulations” (p. 3).
The Research and Documentation Centre (WODC) in the Netherlands uses the following definition, which is descended from the definition of Fijnaut, Bovenkerk, Bruinsma, and Van de Bunt (1998)1: when groups primarily focused on illegal profits systematically commit crimes that adversely affect society and are capable of effectively shielding their activities, in particular by being willing to use physical violence or eliminate individuals by way of corruption (p. 26).
Homicide
Homicide is considered as the most serious of all crimes, because it threatens the one thing that is most valuable to us: life (Brookman, 2005; Granath et al., 2011; Smit, de Jong & Bijleveld, 2012). Also, homicide has a great effect on perceptions of insecurity in a society (Granath et al., 2011). Whilst homicide is severe, it holds for many interest, attention, and fascination – not only by the media, but it is also often the main genre in books and films (Brookman, 2005). In addition, compared to other types of crimes, homicide results in more attention and thorough investigations by the police. Usually, there is also more information available on homicide than on other types of crimes (Smit et al, 2012).
The meaning of homicide is not absolute, there is no universal consensus on what it means: it varies across countries and time periods (Brookman, 2005). The understanding of homicide – as with all types of crime – is accompanied with the creation of laws by a given society: the criminalization of actions of behaviors in a society. What a society criminalizes depends on the country and its reaction to these
1 This definition is not included in Appendix 1, since the source does not fall within the timeframe that is
Page 14 of 90 actions and behaviors (Brookman, 2005). This study uses data gathered in the European Homicide Monitor (EHM). In the EHM, homicide is defined as “an intentional criminal act of violence by one or more human beings resulting in the death of one or more other human beings” (Granath et al., 2011: 32). In the Netherlands, the definition of homicide covers the offences murder, manslaughter, infanticide, and assault leading to death (Granath et al., 2011).
Homicide in the context of organized crime
To date, there is little scientific understanding on homicide in the context of organized crime (Korsell & Larsson, 2011). According to former Head of the Department of Crime, Law Enforcement, and Punishment of the Research and Documentation Centre of the Ministry of Security and Justice in the Netherlands E.R. Kleemans, the reason for this is that conducted research is often confidential and not easy to publish publicly (Personal Communication, September 09, 2016). However, empirical literature provides valuable information on homicide, victim, and perpetrator characteristics in the context of organized crime.
Homicides in the context of organized crime made up for 13 per cent of all homicides in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). From 2003 to 2006, there were proportionately more homicides committed in the context of organized crime: 19 per cent of all homicides were committed in the context of organized crime (Nieuwbeerta & Smit, 2007; Granath et al., 2011). In these cases, the offenders and the victims are part of the criminal milieu and the criminal activities they conduct contributed to the homicide of the victim (Nieuwbeerta & Smit, 2007; Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). Most of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 were committed by 26 to 40-year-old men, and also the victims were predominantly men from that age category (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). Additionally, the firearm is the common used method of violence (Nieuwbeerta & Smit, 2007). 70 per cent of the victims of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 was killed by firearm and by multiple perpetrators (Nieuwbeerta
Page 15 of 90 & Leistra, 2007; Granath et al., 2011). 70 per cent of the victims and 66 per cent of the perpetrators of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 were ethnic minorities (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007).
Empirical research to homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 distinguishes three types of homicides in the context of organized crime: drug-related homicides, assassinations, and a residual category that includes all homicides in the context of organized crime that cannot be labeled as a drug-related homicide or as an assassination (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). The first type of homicide in the criminal milieu is the drug-related homicide (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). This is defined as “lethal violence that emerges in the functioning of drug markets” (Duran-Martinez, 2015: 1379). Reasons to commit a drug-related homicide are conflicts on the quality of drugs, and rip deals (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). The majority of the victims of drug-related homicides in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 was male. In two third of the homicides, there was only one victim and one perpetrator involved. In most cases, the firearm was the most commonly used method of violence. Most of the drug-related homicides in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 took place in Amsterdam, followed by Rotterdam, The Hague, Heerlen, and Maastricht. Additionally, half of the drug-related homicides took place in public spaces; other spaces where drug-related homicides took place were private homes and coffee shops. The age of the victims of drug-related homicides in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 was between 25 and 34 years old, while perpetrators of drug-related homicides are younger: the majority was 20 to 24 years old at the time of committing the homicide. People at greatest risk of homicide in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006 were people from the Netherland Antilles (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007).
The second type of homicide in the criminal milieu is the assassination. An assassination is defined as “planned killing of another person, with the perpetrator’s objective to obtain or maintain a position in the criminal milieu” (Van de Port, 2001;
Page 16 of 90 Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007: 112; Van Wely, 2016). It is hard to label an assassination as such, because many of the so-labeled assassinations remain unsolved. Therefore, the motive of the homicide is not known. According to Van de Port (2001), a victim of an assassination is not found, but made. It is an interpretation of reality. Based on available data, which is sometimes insufficient, a label is attached. Therefore, there are no numbers on the exact scope of assassinations, only presumptions. These presumptions reveal that the number of assassinations in the Netherlands is increasing (Leistra, 2015).
Assassinations are often perceived as an instrument held by criminals who act rationally to obtain or maintain a position in the criminal milieu (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). Considering that these criminals may not avail themselves to the police or court to resolve their conflicts, they resort to (lethal) violence (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007; Kruisbergen et al., 2012). However, this assumption does not always hold true. The milieu where these criminals operate in is tensed and explosive. Therefore, the use of (lethal) violence is unpredictable: an insult or a conflict can easily lead to violence. In that respect, criminals commit assassinations because they want to have a feeling of power and invulnerability (Van de Port, 2001). Therefore, they do not kill because of rational considerations, but often are driven by ambition, revenge, suspicion, and panic (Van de Port, 2001).
Considering that many assassinations are unsolved, the proportion of solved assassinations represented 13 per cent of all homicides in the Netherlands between 1992 and 2006. The majority of the victims and perpetrators were males, aged 20-45. 87 per cent of the victims were killed by firearms, on public roads (58 per cent). Other places where often assassinations took place or bodies were dumped are forests, parks, rivers, and bars, restaurants or shops. Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and The Hague were responsible for 55 per cent of all assassinations between 1992 and 2006. Many victims and perpetrators of solved assassinations are ethnic minorities (75 per cent). Especially Turks, Antilleans, and Surinamers are overrepresented. The proportion of
Page 17 of 90 victims and perpetrators from ethnic minorities versus natives reflects general crime statistics in the Netherlands (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007).
The third type of homicide in the context of organized crime is considered a residual category that includes all homicides in the context of organized crime that cannot be labeled as a drug-related homicide or as an assassination. It concerns homicides which are hard to classify, but these homicides have in common that the victims and perpetrators are involved in organized crime (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). 59 per cent of the victims in this category was killed by firearm. As with drug-related homicides, many other homicides in the criminal milieu took place in public spaces, private homes, and hotels, restaurants, and cafes (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007).
TABLE 1:EMPIRICAL RESEARCH HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME SINCE 2000
Study Geographical location Period Focus
Van de Port, 2001 The Netherlands 1993-1997 Academic and practical
understanding assassinations Kleemans et al.,
2002
The Netherlands 1996-2002 Nature
Korf et al., 2006 The Netherlands and
Belgium
2000-2006 Drug use
Nieuwbeerta & Smit, 2007
The Netherlands 1998,
2002-2004
Nature and size homicides in the criminal milieu
Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007
The Netherlands 1992-2006 Nature and size homicides in
criminal milieu
Granath et al., 2011 The Netherlands, Sweden
and Finland
2003-2006 Comparison homicide data
Scharrenberg, 2011 The Netherlands and
Belgium Recent and old cases Inside stories Kruisbergen et al., 2012
The Netherlands 1996-2012 Nature
Politie, 2012 The Netherlands 2007-2011 Criminal activities
Laumans & Schrijver, 2014
The Netherlands 2004-2014 Moroccan mafia
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Academic research on homicides in the context of organized crime
This section provides an overview of academic research on conflict resolution in the context of organized crime. This academic approach serves as a starting point to explore how homicide as conflict resolution shaped the nature of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.There are scholars on this topic who suggest that some individuals have a higher chance to become a victim of homicide than others (Hindelang, Tottfredson & Gorafalo, 1978; Cohen & Felson, 1978; Goldenstein, 1985). The risk of becoming a victim of violence in general and homicide in particular is closely interlinked with the lifestyle an individual adopts (Hindelang et al., 1978) and the activities the individual participates in (Cohen & Felson, 1978). Since individuals are most likely to interact with those who are like themselves, individuals’ victimization risk is directly proportional to the number of characteristics they share with offenders (Hindelang et al., 1978). That means that offenders are more likely than non-offenders to become victims, because their lifestyle frequently brings them in contact with other offenders (Hindelang et al., 1978).
For many researchers, the approach that is taken towards homicides in the context of organized crime, is that it is instrumental and different than other types of homicides, because they are “structured and directed” (Naylor, 1997: 5), “fundamentally used in the service of definite purposes” (Amir, 1995: 90), “to facilitate criminal activities”, and “to maintain monopoly control of markets” (Kenny & Finckenauer, 1995: 28). However, this approach is refuted by other researchers. Homicides in the context of organized crime are often a result of feelings as betrayal, humiliation, or insults to a member or to the whole group (Van de Port, 2001; Kruisbergen et al., 2012). To maintain their reputation and recover their losses, they seek revenge in the form of committing homicide (Topalli, Wright, & Fornango, 2002). These homicides are often planned and the offenders of these homicides often show little remorse (Brookman, 2005).
Page 19 of 90 Subsequently, Kruisbergen and his colleagues (2012) argued that (lethal) violence in the context of organized crime is often used as a tool to keep an offence from being exposed, as a response to deceit and betrayal, and as a way to resolve conflicts. Especially conflicts over busted, disappeared or stolen drugs lead to homicide in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands (Kruisbergen et al., 2012; Crimesite, 2016). The most commonly cited argument regarding homicides in the context of organized crime is that because of the illegal character of the activities the members conduct, they cannot use formal mechanisms of social control to solve their disputes (Black, 1976; Cooney, 1998; Van de Port, 2001; Kruisbergen et al., 2012). Therefore, disputes must be resolved by the participants themselves and this may result in the use of (lethal) violence by the participants (Black, 1983; Cooney, 1998). These homicides are the outcomes of longer lasting conflicts between members of organized crime (Nieuwbeerta & Smit, 2007; Kruisbergen et al., 2012).
Conflicts, as argued by Lyman and Scott (1970), “including deadly engagements” (p. 97), occur in what may be seen as a game context. They note that a homicide develops in different stages, resulting in the death of the victim (Levi, 1980). Additionally, Luckenbill (1977) reasons that homicide is an outcome of a dynamic interaction involving a victim, a perpetrator, and the audience in front of whom these individuals play a role. He characterizes this dynamic interaction as a “a confrontation in which at least one but usually both (victim and offender) attempt to establish or save face at the other’s expense by standing steady in the face of adversity” (Luckenbill, 1977: 176). These dynamic interaction develops in six stages.
The first stage consists of an ‘opening move’ performed by the victim and defined by the offender as an offence to ‘face’ (Luckenbill, 1977). This opening move can be anything. It can be a verbal insult, but it can also be a robbery of the drugs of the perpetrator. “Violence is intrinsic to involvement with any illicit substance” (Goldenstein, 1985: 497). Due to operating outside the law, members of organized crime are less likely to seek legal assistance, which makes them an attractive target for other criminals to get robbed (Jacques & Allen, 2015). “The deterrent, compensatory, and retributive benefits of formal mechanisms of justice are unable for them” (Topalli et al., 2002: 337). The violence that is associated with the illicit
Page 20 of 90 drug markets is called systemic violence, defined as the “traditionally aggressive patterns of interaction within the system of drug distribution and use” (Goldenstein, 1985: 497) and account for most of the homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands (Ramaekers et al., 2016). It is one of the connections Goldenstein (1985) makes between drugs and violence. It includes robbery violence associated with the social ecology of drug markets and violent responses to normative violations within these markets, such as failure to pay back drug debts or disputes over territory (Dickinson, 2015). Another example of systemic violence ensues when, in the perception of the perpetrator, an individual that used to be involved in criminal activities is suspected to be turning into an informer for the police. As Polk (1995) noted, “the individual who is seen as crossing over to the other side with information invites thereby the most extreme punishments that criminal groups can mete out” (p. 103).
The second stage occurs when the offender interprets the victim’s opening move as offensive. As noted by Topalli and his colleagues (2002), victimization brings out embarrassment, shame, and humiliation to the person itself, and to the whole group. The feeling of being humiliated or embarrassed is a strong motivator to satisfy the anger by restoring the balance or getting even (Topalli et al., 2002). The use of violence is commonly viewed as an inherent attribute of the drug trade (Duran-Martinez, 2015). Whereas law-abiding citizens can seek legal assistance from the police when they have a conflict, there are several reasons members of organized crime choose not to invoke legal assistance. First, they can be perceived as a traitor by other members of the group (Jacques & Allen, 2015). Second, they risk having their own unlawful activities being discovered, which results in being punished themselves (Jacques & Allen, 2015). Third, the police and prosecutors are known to less vigorously pursue the apprehension and punishment of persons who victimize criminals (Klinger, 1997; Moskos, 2008). Since invoking legal assistance does not appear to be beneficial to them, members of organized crime pursue informal justice to restore the balance or get even, which often involves (lethal) violence. This is what Cooney (1998) terms “virtual anarchy”.
Page 21 of 90 In the third stage, the offender responds with a “retaliatory move aimed at restoring face and demonstrating strong character” (Luckenbill, 1997: 181). The degree of violence that is used to restore the balance is dependent on how the victim is influenced by the action of the future victim (Levi, 1980; Topalli et al., 2002). Victims who do not retaliate against their offenders do not want to labelled as ‘soft’, making them, again, attractive targets for future attacks (Topalli et al., 2002). The offender can respond to victimization in different ways (Topalli et al., 2002; Jacques & Allen, 2015), yet it’s preferred to respond through retaliation, because it serves three important goals: (1) retribution, in the form of vengeance, (2) deterrence, in the form of reputation maintenance, and (3) compensation, in the form of loss recovery (Topalli et al., 2002). In the case of a robbery, they can choose to rob another criminal’s possessions or take their own possessions back, they can move in another drug seller’s territory or market share (Jacques & Allen, 2015), or they may restore to (lethal) violence (Politie, 2012). Additionally, when a member of an organized crime group does defect to the ‘Upper World’, by for example turning into a police informant, this is seen as a threat for the criminal organization. Evidence of its illegal activities and group members are at risk of exposure. In this stage the offender protects the group and himself for an offence from being exposed by killing the victim who is seen as posing the threat. Thus, the homicide is motivated by the intent to remove the evidence of previous criminal activities (Polk, 1995; Kruisbergen et al., 2012).
There are two ways of retaliation (Luckenbill, 1997). The first is a verbal or physical challenge to the victim. The second way is by a physical retaliation. For the latter pattern, this third stage marked the battle ending the death of the victim. According to Kruisbergen and his colleagues (2012), this cause of violence in the context of organized crime is not registered often in the Netherlands. This does not mean that it is not there; it means that these cases remain undiscovered (Kruisbergen et al., 2012).
In the fourth stage, the victim of the confrontation has been placed in a problematic position by the challenge laid down by the offender. In the fifth stage, the offender and victim are committed to battle. In the sixth stage, the victim is defeated
Page 22 of 90 (Luckenbill, 1977). Within the subject of this research, the battle ended with the death of the victim. Therefore, these last three stages are not elaborated on much further. Additionally, not all interactions develop visibly through all six stages and the development of the stages may be extended over time (Luckenbill, 1977). This means that an opening move that is perceived as an insult some years ago, may still be the motivator for someone to ‘face’ this insult later in his life.
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Methodology
This chapter presents the way the data for this thesis is gathered, analyzed and interpreted. The first paragraph contains an overview of the definitions that are used in this thesis. The second paragraph shows the type of research and the methods that are used to gather and analyze the data. The last paragraph outlines how the available data is processed in order to answer the research question of this thesis.
Used definitions
Resulting from the literature review, this paragraph provides a selection of the definitions that are used in this thesis. These definitions are considered applicable to homicide in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands.
Homicide
In the European Homicide Monitor (EHM), homicide is defined as “an intentional criminal act of violence by one or more human beings resulting in the death of one or more other human beings” (Granath et al., 2011: 32). More specifically, in the Netherlands, the term homicide covers the offences murder, manslaughter, infanticide, and assault leading to death (art. 289, 287, 291, and 303 Dutch Code Criminal Law), together comprising the category homicide (Granath et al., 2011). Per Dutch criminal law, murder is the intentional and premeditated killing of another person. A homicide is considered manslaughter when another person is killed intentionally, but there is no premeditation. A parent that decides to kill her newborn child (up to twelve months) is guilty of infanticide. Since the EHM is the foundation of this thesis and the thesis is focused on homicides in the Netherlands, this is the definition for homicide that is used for this thesis.
Organized crime
The academic literature review revealed that there are definitional controversies regarding organized crime. In this thesis, the definition from Fijnaut et al. (1998) is used, since this is the definition of organized crime that is used by the Research and
Page 24 of 90 Documentation Centre (WODC). The WODC has been researching organized crime in the Netherlands since 1998 in an ongoing research to the subject, entitled: “The Monitor on Organized Crime” (Kleemans et al., 1998; 2002; Van de Bunt & Kleemans, 2007; Kruisbergen et al., 2012). Also, it advises the Ministry of Security and Justice on judicial policies (WODC, n.d.). Therefore, this definition is used for this thesis.
Fijnaut et al. (1998) defined organized crime as: when groups primarily focused on illegal profits systematically commit crimes that adversely affect society and are capable of effectively shielding their activities, in particular by being willing to use physical violence or eliminate individuals by way of corruption (p. 26).
Homicide in the context of organized crime
What counts as homicide in the context of organized crime is when both the perpetrator as the victim of the homicide are concerned with criminal activities and these criminal activities have contributed to the homicide (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007: 108). However, the connection between the criminal activities and the homicide is often unknown or unclear. In those cases, the method of violence that is used, in combination with the crime scene of the homicide, may offer a strong basis to draw conclusions from (G. Leistra, Personal communication, November 17, 2016). Prior research into the topic of homicide in general and homicide in the context of organized crime in particular used this definition of homicide in the context of organized crime (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). Therefore, this definition of homicide in the context of organized crime is used in this thesis.
Empirical research to homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands distinguishes three categories: assassinations, drug-related homicides, and a residual category that includes all homicides in the context of organized crime that cannot be labeled as a drug-related homicide or as an assassination (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007). However, the former two categories might not be mutually exclusive. The main feature of an assassination is that it is planned, with the objective to obtain or maintain a position in the criminal milieu (Nieuwbeerta & Leistra, 2007: 112).
Page 25 of 90 However, since the majority of organized crime in the Netherlands deals with drug-related activities (Van Koppen et al., 2009), and especially conflicts over busted, disappeared or stolen drugs lead to homicide in the context of organized crime (Crimesite, 2016), assassinations would often mistakenly be labeled as drug-related homicides. Consequently, this thesis differentiates the two types of homicide in the context of organized crime as that an assassination is planned and a drug-related homicide is not.
Type of research
The purpose of this thesis is two-fold. The first part of the research is merely descriptive: its objective is to provide an overview of the characteristics of homicides, victims, and perpetrators in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. The second part of the research is exploratory. Making use of existing theories, it explores how homicide as conflict resolution shaped the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
The research is considered an across-case research, since it provides data on all known homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. Additionally, the research focuses on preselected features across these cases. It is conducted at one point in time.
The methodological approach taken in this thesis is a mix between a quantitative and a qualitative approach. Quantitative, because the first part of the results is primarily built on numeric data and therefore not open for interpretation. Qualitative, because the second part of the results examines the content of the homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 more thorough to explore how conflict resolution homicides shaped the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime in that time period. These analyses are open for interpretation.
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Research techniques
Monitor Lethal Violence
The foundation of this study is the European Homicide Monitor (EHM), a homicide database on the European level. It offers unique data, which is used to compare homicide-related data from the Netherlands, Finland, and Sweden (Granath et al, 2012). As a part of the EHM, the Netherlands established a database on homicides entitled the Monitor Lethal Violence, which is drawn according the same criteria and purposes as the EHM. It includes information on all homicides that are committed in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2014. For the purpose of this thesis, the level of detail for homicides in the context of organized crime is expanded to the different types of homicides. Additionally, all homicides for the year 2015 are included.
The information in the Monitor Lethal Violence derives from media files, court files, police files, and Elsevier’s annual lists on homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
An advantage of the EHM, and therefore the Monitor Lethal Violence, is that it offers “standardized comparability for countries and regions to compare homicide characteristics, patterns, and trends” (Granath et al., 2012: 8). Additionally, the number of variables that are included in the monitor are well managed and categorized. It enables researchers to run a wide variety of analyses, which can be visualized quickly.
The EHM, and therefore the Monitor Lethal Violence, also has a disadvantage. Even with the dataset complemented, actualized, and improved, there will remain unknown values in the dataset. Roughly 25 per cent of the homicides in the Netherlands remain unsolved (Granath et al., 2011). This proportion of unknown values may cause an over- or underrepresentation of variables in favor of other.
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Analysis of primary sources
All homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 are examined and missing information is complemented by gathering additional information to determine the size and nature of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. To complement, actualize, and improve the data in the Monitor Lethal Violence, primary sources are collected, analyzed, and interpreted. The primary sources considered are: police data, court decisions, and media files, both locally and nationally. Court decisions and police data is deemed to be the most reliable, and therefore the most important. Where court decisions and police data were not available, media files were used. Additionally, a coding manual is used to classify the information on homicides in the context of organized crime into the Monitor Lethal Violence. This coding manual predetermined the values of 85 variables that are in the monitor and enhanced the comparability of the cases. However, additional variables are included to expand the level of detail for homicides in the context of organized crime.
The main advantage of this kind of research is that primary sources are more trustworthy and more accurate. However, it is time consuming and primary sources are more difficult to obtain than secondary sources (Verhoeven, 2011). Additionally, court decisions can change because of, for example, new evidence, appeals, or new incriminating statements. Therefore, the data will need further actualization n a regular basis.
Desk research: analysis of secondary sources
To understand how the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime is shaped by conflict resolution homicides, secondary sources are used. The collection, analysis, and interpretation of secondary sources establishes an understanding of the current state of affairs regarding homicide on the one hand, and homicide in the context of organized crime on the other. The sources are retrieved from scientific articles and books, accessible through Google Scholar and Leiden
Page 28 of 90 University’s catalogue. Additionally, journalistic literature is used to determine the nature of homicides in the context of organized crime.
Validity of the research
There are two types of validity: internal and external validity (Neuman, 2014). Internal validity occurs when the independent variable, and nothing else, influences the dependent variable (Neuman, 2014: 298). This type of validity is not applicable to this research, because it is not the purpose of this research to search for a causality or correlation between two variables. External validity is the effectiveness of generalizing experimental findings (Neuman, 2014: 306). The external validity of this research is assumed to be high. The main advantage of the EHM, and therefore the Monitor Lethal Violence, is that it offers “standardized comparability for countries and regions to compare homicide characteristics, patterns, and trends” (Granath et al., 2012: 8), which means that the results of this research are comparable with prior and future studies devoted to this topic.
Processing of the results
The research’s purpose is to provide a description of the nature and size of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 and to explore how conflict resolution homicides shaped this size and nature of these homicides.
Therefore, the first step is to examine all homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. The data on these homicides are processed in SPSS, which can perform highly complex data analysis and visualizes data in a systematic way. SPSS is a statistical analysis software used in social science research.
The second step is to only explore homicides that were committed in the context of organized crime. The third step is to run the analyses, based on homicide characteristics, victim characteristics, and perpetrator characteristics. The results will be structured accordingly. Homicide characteristics are understood as characteristics regarding the location of the homicide, the method of violence that is used, the
Page 29 of 90 annual, monthly, and weekly distribution of the homicide, the type of homicide . Victim characteristics are understood as characteristics that apply to the victim of the homicide, such as the age and the gender of the victim. The same holds for perpetrator characteristics. There will be more data for the victim characteristics than for the perpetrator characteristics, since the victim is always known, whereas the perpetrator is not.
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Results
This chapter presents the results of this thesis. It answers the fifth sub question of this thesis: What was the nature and prevalence of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015? The first part of the chapter describes the homicide, perpetrator, and victim characteristics of homicides in the context of organized crime between 2009 and 2015. The second part explores how homicides as conflict resolution shaped the nature of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
Size and nature of organized crime in the Netherlands, 2009-2015
Homicide characteristics
This section describes the main characteristics of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
Number of homicides
There were committed 987 homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. 180 homicides were committed in the context of organized crime (Table 2). Figure 3 shows that the number of homicide cases2 in the Netherlands has been decreasing between 2009 and 2015. In contrast, the number of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 fluctuated, but ended up at the same level in 2015 as in 2009. The proportion of homicides in the context of organized crime was the smallest in 2010 and the largest in 2013. The same holds for the homicide rate.
2
Page 31 of 90 TABLE 2:PROPORTION OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY INCIDENT)
All homicides Organized crime (rate) Proportion (%)
2009 158 25 (0,15) 15,8 2010 162 16 (0,09) 9,9 2011 143 25 (0,15) 17,5 2012 135 20 (0,12) 14,7 2013 136 35 (0,20) 25,7 2014 133 32 (0,19) 24,1 2015 110 27 (0,16) 24,5 Total 977 180 22
FIGURE 1:PREVALENCE OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY INCIDENT)
There were 191 victims involved in the 180 homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015. It is difficult to determine the exact number of perpetrators, since approximately 60 per cent of the homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 is unsolved. The remaining 40 per cent could be committed by only one perpetrator, but the homicide in the context of organized crime might as well be committed by multiple perpetrators. 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Ra te p er 10 0. 00 0 Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es Year
Page 32 of 90 The results in table 3 show that the majority, almost 94 per cent, of the homicides in the context of organized crime between 2009 and 2015 involved a single victim. In contrast, more than 50 per cent was committed by a single perpetrator. The remaining homicides were committed by multiple perpetrators.
TABLE 3:HOMICIDE CASES BY THE NUMBER OF VICTIMS AND PERPETRATORS,2009-2015(BY INCIDENT)
Homicide cases Valid percent
Single victims 169 93,9
Multiple victims 11 6,1
Single perpetrator 47 52,8
Multiple perpetrators 42 47,2
Annually, weekly, and daily distribution
The results presented in Figure 4 illustrate that most homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed in November and December. The least homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed from August to October.
FIGURE 2:ANNUAL DISTRIBUTION OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY INCIDENT)
17 14 11 15 12 15 16 10 11 8 19 29 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es Months
Page 33 of 90 As displayed in Figure 5, most homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed on Saturdays, Sundays, and Wednesdays.
FIGURE 3:WEEKLY DISTRIBUTIONS OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY INCIDENT)
Subsequently, most homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed in the evening and at night. The least homicides were committed in the morning (see Figure 6).
FIGURE 4:DAILY DISTRIBUTION OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY INCIDENT) 23 20 30 21 21 31 29 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday
Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es
Days of the week
10 8% 30 23% 50 38% 40 31% Morning (06:00-11:59) Afternoon (12:00-17:59) Evening (18:00-23:59) Night (00:00-05:59)
Page 34 of 90
Location of the homicide
The results presented in Figure 7 illustrate that most victims (42 per cent) of homicides in the context of organized crime between 2009 and 2015 were found in Noord-Holland, followed by 21 per cent in Zuid-Holland. Noord-Brabant ranked third with 25 victims of homicide in the context of organized crime in that time period. In contrast, there were no victims of homicide in the context of organized crime in Drenthe between 2009 and 2015.
Page 35 of 90 As presented in Figure 8, 32 per cent of the homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed in Amsterdam. Rotterdam ranks second with nine per cent. The Hague ranks third with three per cent of the homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 committed there.
FIGURE 6:HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME G3,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Figure 9 illustrates that there were committed less homicides in the context of organized crime inside the G3 than outside the G3 from 2010 to 2012. In 2009 and from 2013 to 2015, there were committed more homicides in the context of organized crime inside the G3 than outside the G3. The disparity of the number of homicides in the context of organized crime that were committed inside the G3 and the number of homicides in the context of organized crime that were committed outside the G3 was largest in 2013.
61 32% 18 9% 5 3% 107 56% Amsterdam Rotterdam The Hague Other cities
Page 36 of 90 FIGURE 7:POLICE REGION THE HOMICIDE IS COMMITTED IN OVER YEAR,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
The results in Table 4 reveal that most homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed on the street or in private homes. The least homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed in the park or in a forest.
TABLE 4:LOCATION OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Crime scene Frequency Valid percent
Private homes 43 23,3
Private vehicle 28 15,6
Park or forest 4 2,2
Shop or restaurant 10 5,6
Street or other public places 90 50,0
Other 5 2,8
Total 180 100,0
Unknown 11
Total 191
Most homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were drug-related homicides, followed by assassinations (Table 5). The residual category contains homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 that cannot be labeled as a drug-related homicide or as an assassination. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es Year Outside G3 Inside G3
Page 37 of 90 TABLE 5:TYPE OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Homicide category Frequency Valid percent
Drug-related 32 42,1 Assassinations 28 36,8 Residual category 16 21,1 Total 76 100,0 Unknown 115 Total 191
Figure 10, 11, and 12 illustrate the differences among the distinct types of homicides.
Drug-related homicides in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed in private homes, in private vehicles, in parks, on the street or other public places, and other places (Figure 10). Additionally, they were more frequently committed outside the G3 than inside the G3 (Figure 11). In contrast, assassinations in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were more frequently committed on the street or in other public places, and less in private homes, private vehicles (Figure 10). Furthermore, assassinations were more often committed inside the G3 than outside the G3 (Figure 11). The homicides in the residual category were generally committed in private homes and on the street or other public places and inside the G3.
FIGURE 8:CRIME SCENE DIVIDED BY TYPE OF HOMICIDE IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM) 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18
Drug-related Assassinations Residual category
Nu mb er o f h o mi ci es Type of homicide
Private homes Private vehicle Park or forest
Page 38 of 90 FIGURE 9:LOCATION DIVIDED BY TYPE OF HOMICIDE IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Type of violence used
Table 6 shows that the firearm was the most common used weapon to commit homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015, with almost 80 per cent of the victims that were killed that way. The second most used type of violence was a knife or another sharp object or weapon. The least homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were committed by the use of physical violence.
TABLE 6:TYPE OF VIOLENCE THAT IS USED TO COMMIT HOMICIDE IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,
2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Method of violence Frequency Valid percent
Firearm 151 79,1
Knife or sharp object/weapon 20 10,5
Physical violence 5 2,6
Total 176 100,0
Unknown 15
Total 191
Drug-related homicides and homicides in the residual category were committed by firearm and by knife or another sharp object or weapon.. In contrast, assassinations were almost purely committed by firearm (Figure 12).
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
Drug-related Assassinations Residual category
Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es Type of homicide Inside G3 Outside G3
Page 39 of 90 FIGURE 10:USED VIOLENCE DIVIDED BY TYPE OF HOMICIDE IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Number of perpetrators
Drug-related and homicides in the residual category were more frequently committed by a single perpetrator than by multiple perpetrators (Figure 11). In contrast, assassinations were more frequently committed by multiple perpetrators than by a single perpetrator.
FIGURE 11:NUMBER OF PERPETRATORS DIVIDED BY TYPE OF HOMICIDE IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME, 2009-2015(BY INCIDENT) 0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Drug-related Assassinations Residual category
Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es Type of homicide
Firearm Knife or sharp object Physical violence
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18
Drug-related Assassinations Residual category
Nu mb er o f h o mi ci d es Type of homicide Single Multiple
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Number of victims
The majority of the homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 have a single victim. There is little difference between the different types of homicides.
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Perpetrator characteristics
This section describes the main characteristics of perpetrators of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
Gender and age of the perpetrator
The results in Table 7 reveal that homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were mostly committed by men.
TABLE 7:GENDER OF PERPETRATORS OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY PERPETRATOR)
Gender Frequency Valid percent
Male 186 97,9
Female 4 2,1
Total 190 100,0
Unknown 81
Total 271
Most perpetrators of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were between 25 and 39 years old (Table 8). Additionally, the youngest perpetrator was 16 years old at the time of the homicide; the oldest perpetrator was 70 years old at the time of the homicide. The average age of perpetrators of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 was 32 years.
TABLE 8:AGE OF THE PERPETRATORS OF HOMICIDE IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY PERPETRATOR)
Age category Frequency Valid percent
0-17 3 1,8
18-24 31 18,3
25-39 101 59,8
40-64 32 18,9
65+ 2 1,2
Mean (standard deviation) 31,98 (± 9,2)
Minimum age 16
Maximum age 70
Total 169 100,0
Unknown 102
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Victim characteristics
This section describes the main characteristics of victims of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015.
Gender and age of the victim
Similarly with the gender characteristics of the perpetrators, the victims are predominantly men.
TABLE 9:GENDER OF VICTIMS OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Gender Frequency Valid percent
Male 184 96,3
Female 7 3,7
Total 191 100,0
Most victims of homicides in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were between 25 and 39 year old. However, contrasting to the age of the perpetrators, many victims of homicide in the context of organized crime in the Netherlands between 2009 and 2015 were between 40 and 64 year old. The youngest victim of homicides in the context of organized crime was 6 years old; the oldest victim was 68 years old. On average, the victims were four years older their perpetrators.
TABLE 10:AGE OF VICTIMS OF HOMICIDES IN THE CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED CRIME,2009-2015(BY VICTIM)
Age category Frequency Valid percent
0-17 2 1,1
18-24 24 12,7
25-39 96 50,8
40-64 66 34,9
65+ 1 0,5
Mean (standard deviation) 35,75 (± 11,1)
Minimum age 6
Maximum age 68
Total 189 100,0
Unknown 2
