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Transnational Effects of Political Trauma
The Affect of Egypt’s Counter-Revolutionary Politics on the National Identity
of the Egyptian Diaspora in the West
Gul-Reza Khan Tareen 12263346
University of Amsterdam
Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) MSc Political Science: International Relations Supervisor: Dr Nel Vandekerckhove
Second Reader: Dr Vivienne Matthies-Boon 26th June 2020
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Acknowledgments
I would firstly like to thank my supervisor Dr Nel Vandekerckhove for her guidance and support throughout the writing of my thesis. I would further like to thank Dr Vivienne Matthies-Boon for sparking my interest in Egyptian politics. I would also like to thank my respondents for sharing their stories and placing their trust in me. Finally, a big thank you to my family and friends for their continued support and encouragement.
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Table of Contents
1 Introduction 5
1.1 Relevance and Objectives of Research 6
1.2 Thesis Outline 7
2 Theoretical Framework 8
2.1 Egypt’s Counter-Revolutionary Politics 8
2.1.1 Politics of Traumatisation 10
2.1.2 Counter-Revolutionary Politics and National Identity 11
2.2 Identity 13
2.2.1 National Identity 14
2.3 Trauma and Identity 16
2.3.1 Trauma and National Identity 17
2.4 Well-Being 18
2.4.1 Well-Being and National Identity 19
2.5 Egyptian Diaspora in the West 21
3 Methodology 22
3.1 Research Design 23
3.2 Research Method 23
3.3 Limitations and Ethical Considerations 24
3.4 Overview of Respondents 26
4 Introduction to Themes 27
4.1 Layout of Themes 27
5 Autonomy 28
5.1 Presence of Trauma 28
5.2 Deterioration and Distrust 30
5.3 Trauma and Well-Being 31
5.4 Egalitarianism and Justice 32
6 Morality 33
6.1 Perception of Egyptian Politics 34
4 6.2 Subjective Morality 36 6.3 Stance 37 7 Utility 39 7.1 Psychological Utility 40 7.1.1 Belonging 40 7.1.2 Pride 42 7.2 Material Utility 43
7.2.1 The Diaspora and Economics 44
7.3 Utility and Counter-Revolutionary Politics 45
8 Conclusion 46
8.1 Summary of Findings 47
8.2 State of Debate 49
9 Bibliography 50
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1. Introduction
In 2011 the world saw a surge of mass protests across the Middle East, which eventually came to be commonly known as the Arab Spring (Khondker 2011). Egypt had just seen the reign of Mubarak, who was an autocrat in power for almost 30 years at the time of the protests, before his inevitable replacement (El-Khalili 2013). However, the elation of the revolution in Egypt was short lived, as the successive elected president attempted dictatorial feats and was eventually overthrown in a coup d'etat which led to the return of the military establishment, through sham elections with a 96.9 percent victory for Abdul Fatah el-Sisi (Levine 2018; Aly and Monem 2014). The ‘election’ of ex-Director of Military Intelligence, el-Sisi, was a mere rebranding of the old regime, namely an oppressive military dictatorship which continues to reign over Egypt and its people (Roll 2016). The 2011 revolution then, is popularly said to have failed, as it did not achieve the popular aims by which it was mobilised, namely the advancement of human rights and democracy and more generally, the abolition of the old establishment, which to a certain extent, still reigns (Moghadam 2013; Louis 2017; Roll 2016). It has been nine years since the initial revolution and seven years since el-Sisi has been in power, the current politics are often described as counter revolutionary, as another revolution is precisely what they aim to subdue. The failed revolution and the current harsh socio-political circumstances are therefore realities embedded within Egypt’s collective national memory and attached to the national identities of the Egyptian diaspora.
National identity is a phenomenon that encompasses a variety of characteristics, such as culture, food, language, people and of course politics. National identity and common myths of ancestry become ingrained in individuals (Smith 1991), often in old age those who immigrated return to their country of origin, to live out their years of pension (Djajić 2008). However, through immigration, the diaspora become exposed to other national identities and their own often becomes dynamic through the
integrating of new societies into their own identity, especially when that new society provides them with benefits (Davis 1999; Kelman 1997; Schatz and Lavine 2007). The Egyptian diaspora and Egyptian politics then, represent a unique case through a partially failed revolution, the reminder of which is constant through Egypt’s counter-revolutionary politics and thus presents an interesting query as to whether the nature of Egyptian politics permeates Egypt’s geographical boundaries by affecting the Egyptian diasporas sense of national identity. A focus on the Egyptian diaspora in the West as opposed to the East is further of specific interest, as western societies embody and endorse human rights and democracy, a complete juxtaposition to Egyptian politics, which in Eastern demographics such as in the Gulf , where many Egyptians reside, is not the case (Donnelly and Whelan 2020; CAPMAS 2008). Furthermore, the West permits the diaspora to permanently resettle, something which again Gulf countries do not provide (CAPMAS 2008). As the Egyptian diaspora in the West then, become exposed to multiple national identities and gain citizenship elsewhere in
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nations that embody what they had hoped their revolution would give them, it becomes interesting to see what affect counter-revolutionary politics would have on their own sense of national identity?
1.1 Relevance and Objectives of Research
Scholars have investigated the state of Egyptian politics and have further established the presence of what has been described as a ‘politics of traumatisation’, a reality of Egyptian counter-revolutionary politics (Matthies-Boon 2017; Matthies-Boon and Head 2018). However, research has yet to
investigate whether this politics of traumatisation has any evident transnational effects on the diaspora, specifically whether they affect the diasporas sense of national identity. The aim of this thesis then, is to fill that gap in the literature relating to the transnational effects of Egypt’s counter-revolutionary politics on the national identities of the Egyptian diaspora who reside in alternate political systems, in this case, western democracies. The findings of this study may well be applicable to countries who operate under similar regimes and their respective diaspora communities. This research further aims to add to the currently underdeveloped literature on the link between trauma and national identity.
To investigate the above phenomenon, this thesis is centred around answering the following research question (RQ):
How do counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt affect the national identities of the Egyptian diaspora in the West?
This research question is further supported by three research sub questions (RSQ) which aim to assist in the answering of the broader RQ. These sub questions are as follows:
- Is the counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt traumatising?
- How does the Egyptian diaspora perceive Egyptian politics?
- Does the Egyptian diaspora’s perception of Egyptian politics affect their own sense of national identity?
The theoretical framework and chapters thereafter, highlight the relevant theories and divulge the stories of the diaspora as framed by, and in answer to, the above research sub questions. For these reasons, my theoretical framework addresses the nature of counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt and explores the literature sourinding the politics of traumatisation. It then investigates the literature surrounding national identity and investigates the existing links in the literature between trauma and
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identity. It furthermore links the conceptualisation of national identity to well-being and discloses why the focus is on the Egyptian diaspora residing in the West as opposed to elsewhere.
This thesis does not employ grand theories, but rather takes an interdisciplinary approach to tell the stories of the diaspora by utilising theories from politics, psychology, well-being, human geography and trauma studies.
1.2 Thesis Outline
This first chapter has endeavoured to provide some context as to the scope of this research, as well as make clear the aims, objectives, and relevance of this research. The following chapter consists of the theoretical framework, which examines the literature surrounding the variables to be considered in answering my research question and research sub questions. It therefore highlights the nature and realities of counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt and examines the literature surrounding its politics of traumatisation, as well as establishing links through literature between the politics of Egypt and national identity. It then addresses literature regarding my RSQ on how to establish whether Egyptian politics is traumatising, regarding its possible effects on national identity of the diaspora. It then goes on to conceptualise national identity, linking this to the concepts of trauma and well-being. The last point of address within the theoretical framework is the focus on the specificity of the Egyptian diaspora in the West as opposed to elsewhere in the world.
The third chapter addresses the methodology of this thesis, elaborating on the research design, method, limitations, ethical considerations, and participant profiles. After establishing the
methodology, we move to chapter 4, which is a very brief guide regarding how to read the following chapters of data analysis, as each chapter thereafter addresses and answers each of my research sub questions in the form of themes. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 then, showcase my findings regarding my research sub questions in the form of themes, namely those of autonomy, morality, and utility. Chapter 5 on autonomy focuses on the presence of trauma amongst the diaspora and divulges this through telling the stories and experiences of the diaspora as well as addressing the phenomenon of continuous traumatic stress. After establishing the presence of trauma, chapter 6 focuses on morality, addressing the perceptions of Egyptian politics amongst the diaspora and shedding light on the varying and subjective nature of the diasporas perceptions that are based around individual values and background, as well as notions of political apathy. Chapter 7 addresses the theme of utility,
showcasing how the perceptions of Egyptian politics amongst the diaspora affect their national identity, through concepts of psychological and material utility that is connected to their Egyptian national identity, which focuses on the value that their national identity provides them. Lastly, the chapter 8 concludes this thesis by summarising my findings in answer to my research question and makes suggestions as to future research and policy. I conclude by arguing that counter-revolutionary
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politics of Egypt induces trauma that transcends its borders and detrimentally impacts the Egyptian diasporas sense of national identity by making them lose their affinity to their Egyptian national identity.
2. Theoretical Framework
This theoretical framework is guided by the overarching research question:
How do counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt affect the national identities of the Egyptian diaspora in the West?
The three sub questions which guide this overarching research question, are further addressed in this theoretical framework. Firstly, the questions of, is the counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt traumatising? And, how does the Egyptian diaspora perceive Egyptian politics? Are addressed in the section within this theoretical framework on Egypt’s counter-revolutionary politics which divulges the pre-existing literature regarding the prevalent Egyptian politics of traumatisation, and the links
between counter-revolutionary politics and national identity. The third sub question, namely, does the Egyptian diasporas perception of Egyptian politics affect their own sense of national identity? Is addressed in the links between trauma and national identity, as well as the links between well-being and national identity, which is lastly contextualised by the socio-political reality, in which the Egyptian diaspora in the West find themselves. This theoretical framework does not make use of grand theories but rather takes an inter-disciplinary approach by drawing on research from the fields of politics, psychology, well-being, human geography, and research regarding trauma.
2.1 Egypt’s Counter-Revolutionary Politics
Counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt prevails due to its extreme censorship and control over domestic and international narratives as dictated by the regime. Through this monopoly on narratives, the regime can operate at its discretion and is unable to be held to account, whilst simultaneously appeasing the international community of its democratic status, through enforcing narratives thereof. To highlight this extreme monopoly on narratives, various instances are now addressed, firstly, the discourse surrounding the coup d'état of 2013, which was reframed to the army acting on the will of the people, with the regime further renaming Rabaa Square - where the regime had previously
committed a massacre - after a heroic judicial figure to erase the atrocity that was committed from the narratives (van de Bildt 2015). The regime continued to use narratives such as their ‘war on terror’ thereby allowing themselves to libel and persecute their political opposition, the Muslim Brotherhood, by framing them as terrorists (van de Bildt 2015). However, the extent of their “dictatorship of
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opinion” (van de Bildt 2015: 258), goes beyond political space and is forced into the social and even religious discourses, as mosques were given scripts to adhere to, thereby attempting to close any and all space for free discourse (van de Bildt 2015). The media further fell victim to this extreme
censorship as in 2015, three journalists were given life sentences for being accused of “fabricating pictures and scenes that imply fatalities and injuries among demonstrators, preparing statements in foreign languages and publishing all of this outside Egypt to imply that security forces used excessive force and violated human rights” (CPJ 2017: 28). Further journalists, whose only crime has been to do their job and report, have been incarcerated for over two years without having been sentenced (CPJ 2017). Looking past their narratives, it is clear to see that Egypt’s counter-revolutionary politics clearly resembles an authoritarian dictatorship as opposed to their supposed neoliberal democracy. This façade of democracy and human rights is being portrayed to the world so that Egypt can be accepted by the international community, specifically by the West and profit from investments. The World Bank has already invested a total of US $5.5bn (World Bank 2015) into the Egyptian economy, however, as these investors champion human rights and democracy, this was something Egypt had to ensure it portrayed to gain their continued investment. However, in reality, what Egypt looks like on paper is not reflected in how the regime operates (Forster 2017) as elections are not free and fair under El-Sisi’s reign, as can inferred by his election victory of 96.9 percent (Aly and Monem 2014: 2). Democratic rights then, are not insured but in fact actively violated by the state, with no
repercussions or measures of accountability against those in charge due to a lack of opposition. The neoliberal system is further thwarted by corruption, as deals of privatisation exchange between the hands of the already privileged and only serve to consolidate the power of the political and economic elites (Bogaert 2013) rather than to benefit Egyptians, hence Egypt’s economy is often referred to as “crony capitalism” (Joya 2017: 343). On top of this, the rich are given tax cuts, thereby growing the level of inequality (Ayyad 2014), however this inequality is not merely fiscal, as the general
population is physically and psychologically oppressed in order to deter and prevent a rise of liberal movements (Selim 2015). These measures of counter-revolutionary politics are all largely to the benefit of the ruling elite, who continue to hold the economic and political power of Egypt by maintaining the status quo. The extreme censorship and controlling of narratives further serve to create social polarity and thus a lack of solidarity amongst Egyptians as some believe the enforced narratives, whilst others frame them as propaganda (El-Khalili 2013). The closure of public spaces and public discourse further extenuate this social polarity as it creates little opportunity for change or challenge to the regime (Matthies-Boon and Head 2018). This is further ensured by the prevalence of spies, thereby creating an atmosphere of mistrust, resulting in silence from the citizens due to fear (Kandil 2014). It becomes clear then that counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt is orchestrated in such a way that it serves those at the top and controls those at the bottom.
10 2.1.1 Politics of Traumatisation
Whilst the enforced narratives are clear then, the methods for enforcing this status quo, according to literature, comes in the form of Egypt’s politics of traumatisation (Boon 2017; Matthies-Boon and Head 2018). Trauma is a product of power dynamics, namely the victim losing their power (Herman 1998), which is precisely what counter-revolutionary politics demonstrates. A more precise description of trauma as applied to the Egyptian politics of traumatisation, is that it “shatters one’s assumptive world as it confronts one with the fragility of existence and the possibility of immediate death” (Matthies-Boon 2017: 620). Counter-revolutionary policies, whilst not official, ensure the use of harassment, imprisonment without trial, torture, rape and even death of Egyptian citizens
(Matthies-Boon 2017; Hafez 2014; Hellyer 2017), it becomes clear then, that Egyptian counter-revolutionary politics indeed embodies a politics of traumatisation.
A study by Matthies-Boon (2017), involving 40 young Egyptian activists with varied political loyalties, including those who were pro military, pro Muslim Brotherhood and other varied political wings of liberalism and socialism, were all interviewed. Of this illustrative sample, over half stated that Egyptian political violence produced pervasive thoughts and feelings of death in their lives, over one fourth of the respondents were further injured or even tortured themselves. Further reports highlight how the army, alongside hired ununiformed forces, has raped and tortured protestor in efforts to traumatise and deter future participation in protests (Matthies-Boon and Head 2018; Hafez 2014; Tahrir Diaries 2011). Discourse surrounding the bodies of women, as enforced by the regime, further validated the rape of unveiled protestors and submitted many to virginity testing in further attempts to destroy the will of the people (Hafez 2014). The literature and testimonies regarding this politics of traumatisation is further illustrated by undeniable empirical realities, most notably in August of 2013, when the military murdered over 800 civilians in one sweep during a peaceful sit in protest at Rabaa Square (Hellyers 2017). These socio-political realities enforced by
counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt, create sentiments of an open-air prison, as simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time, can lead to your autonomy being violated by the state. The constant threat of trauma then, instils fear in civilians and ensures the closure of public space (Matthies-Boon and Head 2018).
The effects of this politics of traumatisation are vast and can be inferred by literature surrounding phenomena such as rape and torture, frequent weapons of choice in the prevalent politic of traumatisation within Egypt. Sexual torture, of which rape is a form, deprives the victim of their identity and aims to bring the victim into “extreme physical and psychological regression” (Agger 1989: 307). This violation of one’s autonomy and subsequent regressive psychological state due to the shattering of one’s assumptive world, creates disillusionment which in turn destroys hope, a necessary component for political mobilisation, as protestors must believe in the positive probability of success
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of their cause (Jung 1933; Downie 1963). In the eyes of the regime then, their politics of
traumatisation is a tool used to retain power and control, through preventing opposition by enforcing and threatening the use of trauma. However, for the citizens, it is an oppressive dictatorship that shatters the assumptive worlds of those directly affected by the politics of traumatisation (Matthies-Boon 2017). Therefore, Egypt’s counter-revolutionary politics of traumatisation is evident and enforced through the bodies of its citizens, which turns politics from an ideological phenomenon of progress towards a regressive monopoly on violence.
The ramification of this politics of traumatisation as induced by the regime, can be difficult to convey to those who have not experienced the same trauma, as even through imagination and empathy people won’t be able to hold the depth of understanding the victims hold (Matthies-Boon 2017; Scarry 1985; Dauphine 2007). This means those who have fallen victim can heal best together, this collective understanding and healing is how victims can avoid a crisis in identity and meaning by rebuilding their assumptive worlds together, which they are unlikely to be able to achieve in Egypt due to a lack of public space, which continues to render them apolitical as they deal with their trauma (Hutchinson 2018; Bracken 2002; Matthies-Boon 2017). We could therefore expect amongst the Egyptian diaspora there to be a possibility of reconciliation as public spaces remain open in the West, whilst they further have greater resources at their disposal which aids in working through traumas (Lerner 2018).
Therefore, whilst politics of traumatisation is evidently present in Egypt, the effects on the Egyptian diaspora are not as clear but are likely to be less severe.
Through the literature, it becomes evident that counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt is indeed one of traumatisation, enforced through a monopoly on violence and narratives enforced through body politics. Counter-revolutionary politics therefore disregards the human rights of its citizens with its unchallenged power which charades as its own legitimacy. In the wake of Egypt’s politics of traumatisation then lie the shattered assumptive worlds and inevitable disillusionment with politics amongst Egyptians, which we may see amongst the diaspora. However as opposed to Egypt, the West does have open public spaces to facilitate healing, which coupled with the physical distance between the diaspora and the regime may mean the presence of trauma is not as widespread, if present at all.
2.1.2 Counter-Revolutionary Politics and National Identity
The counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt then, is starkly contrasted with the socio-political realities in the West. The Egyptian diaspora therefore may face challenges within their identity as they
integrate two different national realities and may further be stirred by the knowledge or even effects of Egypt’s politics of traumatisation leading to a likely clash of values, amongst other things.
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Gender issues in Egypt will likely affect the identity of women and LGBTQ individuals, as they have been frequent targets of sexual violence and oppression by the state (Tahrir Diaries 2011; Huaman 2019). Religion is another core part of many people’s identity, Egypt being a predominantly Muslim country (CIA 2015), something that the west does not share (Pew Research Center 2017), this may challenge previously universally accepted ideas of religion within the diaspora. Furthermore, the Egyptian state penetrated mosques by controlling their narratives (van de Bildt 2015), thereby arguably tainting the purity of their practise even within Egypt. Religion therefore will certainly play a role in many of the diasporas core identities, which may have been altered firstly by the actions of the regime and or secondly, by their move to a more Christian or atheist country and community (Platt 2014). The issue of race and nationality are somewhat interlinked and relevant parts of people’s identities, as ethnicity and geography are often ingrained into people’s sense of identity and hold a high value (Jenkins 2008), as can be seen by many conflicts surrounding right of land based on heritage (Vandekerckhove 2009). Furthermore, being foreign in a country, as diaspora communities are, comes with unspoken hierarchies of belonging, due to the unorthodox mix of alternate geography and ethnicity (Kandylis et al. 2012). Politics and nationality further become intertwined as in Syria, political fear becomes part of what it means to be Syrian (Pearlman 2016), similar findings may be found within Egyptian identity amongst the diaspora in regard to the politics of traumatisation. When it comes to class, it often acts as a tool for division, providing privileges or handicaps, those with more privilege derived from being upper class may be able to keep a firmer hold on their identities than those who are not safeguarded and are ignored and marginalised by their state, leading to discrepancies in senses of belonging and thus identification with their country. People from higher classes often put more emphasis on the importance of their class to their identity (Aries and Seider 2007), we therefore may see differences in the diaspora in this respect between those who benefit and those who suffer from the regime. Lastly, we come to culture, which is a collective phenomenon (Gilbert 2010), encompassing many of the above factors and therefore playing a key role in people’s sense of identity. This includes Egyptian culture itself, as well the contrast of their new countries culture which may alter one’s sense of identity and more significantly the next generations sense of identity as the children of Egyptian diaspora look to find their safe place in the world which counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt does not provide.
The state and nationhood in itself often have an identity of their own that has shared values concerning gender, religion, culture and more, which in turn make up their national identity
(Henderson and McEwen 2005); if your nations values clash with your own, one is left to form his or her own identity through alternate collectives with the factors that remain. Yet Egyptians, like all people, will remain unable to escape their ethnicity and thus may find it difficult to deny their Egyptian national identity even after assimilating in the West and or disagreeing with counter-revolutionary politics. However, whilst a nation can be a part of one’s identity, so can absence of a
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nation, which the diaspora to some extent have, as well as conflict with a nation, which counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt seems to invoke. Therefore, the literature regarding the effects of counter-revolutionary politics on the national identity of the diaspora is not concrete but merely suggestive.
2.2 Identity
Before dissecting the dynamics of national identity, we must first delve into the broader meaning and conceptualisation of identity. Identity, of which national identity is a derivative, is a complex social construct and is crucial to our grounding and orientation in the world, it encompasses a variety of factors, but ultimately refers to:
“The human capacity – rooted in language – to know ‘who’s who’ (and hence ‘what’s what’). This involves knowing who we are, us knowing who others are, them knowing who we are, us knowing who they think we are and so on. This is a multi-dimensional classification or mapping of the human world and our places in it, as individuals and as members of a collective” (Jenkins 2014: 5)
It has been identified that gender, religion, race, nationality, class, and culture are vital aspects that help shape one’s identity (Appiah 2018). To shape one’s identity based on the named factors; one must choose a position on them. Regarding national identity, one must choose a nation to identify with and further, the national identity itself consists of certain general traits as a collective identity, for example the religion of Islam forms part of the Egyptian national identity. The same parallels can be drawn with the other factors of race and culture, where does your individual identity land on that component and what do you accept of others in each of those components within your collective identity. Therefore, your values and collective identity are often closely interlinked as people often hold the same values of their nation (Smith 1991; Bar-Tal and Staub 1997). The values encompassed in national identities usually consist of the general cultural and political norms. Egyptian politics consists of a dictatorship and persecutes those of LGBTQ communities (Huaman 2019), this individual national identity, is nevertheless a collective identity of its citizens. However, a nations identity is unlikely be representative of all its people’s identities, especially if ruled by an elite group with vastly alternate socio-economic realities and values in comparison to the average citizen. Naturally then, when one does not feel represented by a collective identity, one steers away from it and seeks a new collective identity. However, whilst this may be true of a sports club or friendship group, it is far more complicated when it comes to the relationship between citizens and their nation. Firstly, there is the issue of economics, laws, and geography, which confine one in the framework of the nation, however whilst this does not confine the diaspora, Egypt’s censorship may reach them. But secondly, and arguably more importantly, there is the issue of generational ancestral heritage, a history of pride. Ethnicity and nationality have already been identified as integral parts of people’s
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identity (Appiah 2018), these aspects are further intertwined with Egyptian national identity and therefore to remove Egyptian national identity due to clashing values and ignoring the aspects of ethnicity and heritage attached to national identity is problematic and unlikely and thus we may see transformation in national identities, as opposed to eradication.
It is important to note that identity is not an objective truth, but rather as per its definition noted above, an understanding and placing of individuals and collectives in our social world and therefore remains a fluid concept that can change with time (Jenkins 2014).
2.2.1 National Identity
There is currently no theory that is exclusively dedicated to the understanding of national identity (Tartakovsky 2010). There are therefore a variety of conceptualisations; nationalists tend to define national identity based on objective criteria such as country of birth, race, descent, and language, (Blank and Schmidt 2003; Kosterman and Feshbach 1989). However, national identity is also seen as an emotional and cognitive manifestation of an individual’s connection with a nation (Barrett and Davis 2008; Blank and Schmidt 2003). Therefore, as opposed to the objective nature of nationality, national identity remains a subjective phenomenon (Tartakovsky 2010), “dynamic, contested, multiple and fluid” (Edensor 2002: 6) and susceptible to change depending on psychosocial circumstances (Davis 1999; Moscovici 1988).
As with most collective identities, national identity evokes feelings of pride and love as well as solidarity between those in the in-group, often through cultural homogeneity (Tajfel 1978; Jamali 2014). Edensor (2002) argues that national identity is a performative phenomenon, emphasising the importance of culture to the constitution and continued creation of one’s national identity. According to this, it would suggest that the Egyptian diaspora who continue to practise their cultural, and religious traditions will more likely retain a strong affinity to their Egyptian national identity. László (2013) further argues that historical texts, novels, tales, or stories from public memory, through media or direct conversation, are central in the formation of one’s national identity. This allows for the national identities of diasporic communities to be retained through generations by communicating and reaffirming the myths of common descent and destiny, thereby enhancing people's sense of belonging to a nation (Smith 1991). This social influence translates into a continued collective identity, a holding of similar beliefs, values, and expectations which align to their sense of national identity (Smith 1991; Bar-Tal and Staub 1997). Furthermore those who identify strongly with their nation often hold the national beliefs and values even dearer and actualise them in their daily life (Jussim and Wilder 2001), which in itself reaffirms their identification to the nation and creates a cyclical solidification of
national identity through discourse and performativity. In this regard then, we may find culture to be an important factor amongst the Egyptian diaspora in the retention of their Egyptian national identity.
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Two psychological theories which have been used to further explain the phenomenon of national identity, are social identity theory (SIT) and attachment theory (Tartakovsky 2010). Social identity theory believes that individuals belonging to a group create a collective identity, which integrates into their individual identity (Tajfel and Turner 1986). It also assumes that this process enhances
individual’s self-esteem through their holding of positive attitudes toward the collective they identify with. Barret (2005) used social identity theory to formulate the following theoretical hypothesis regarding national identity; firstly, the preference for their nation and belief of its superiority in some sense, secondly, a correlation between strength of identification and positivity in evaluation of the nation, and thirdly, those of economically poorer nations may admit to this fact but state that their nation is better on moral and social levels. According to Barret (2005) then, we should find a retention of the diasporas sense of Egyptian national identity and positive evaluations of Egypt amongst the diaspora irrespective of the counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt.
Attachment theory, as opposed to social identity theory, considers national identity to be a form of group attachment that benefits individuals by aiding their development and ensuring their survival by providing them security (Mikulincer and Shaver 2007). However, aside from the survival aspect, nations also satisfy peoples need for belonging (Mack 1983). This attachment to the nation has since been split into two subcategories, namely instrumental attachment, and symbolic attachment (Herek 1986; Kelman 1997; Mack 1983; Schatz and Lavine 2007; Terhune 1964). Instrumental attachment is primarily concerned with the socio-political and economic benefits of the nation to provide them their needs and protection from external threats (Mack 1983; Schatz and Lavine 2007). This has been solidified by research that found that adolescents cultivate a greater sense of positivity towards the country that best fulfils their instrumental needs (Davis 1999; Kelman 1997; Schatz and Lavine 2007). Symbolic attachment on the other hand emphasises the individuals need for belonging and reiterates SITs theory of self-esteem through identification with the nation (Herek 1986; Kelman 1997). Whilst studies have also confirmed this hypothesis, causality is not clear as positive attitudes may lead to identification rather than identification leading to biased positive attitudes (Tartakovsky 2010). Furthermore, it may be reductionist to think of self-esteem as a dominant factor, as it omits other psychological needs that may influence national identity, such as the human need for belonging to an in-group, knowing ones history, being distinct and having control and autonomy of self (Eaton 2002). Nevertheless, all theories agree that national identities serve a social purpose. According to
attachment theory we should see the diaspora be more attached to the national identity that better provides them with security, which upon analysis of the literate on counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt, is likely to be their western country of residence. However, according to symbolic attachment we may find that the diaspora identify with the nation that provides them with the greatest sense of belonging, which according to literature regarding the importance of culture and myths of common descent, may well be Egypt (Smith 1991; Tajfel 1978; Jamali 2014; László 2013).
16 2.3 Trauma and Identity
The previous theories of national identity do not consider trauma inflicted by the politics associated with one’s national identity. As highlighted in the literature surrounding Egypt’s
counter-revolutionary politics, trauma is a prevalent reality in the socio-political environment of those living under the current counter-revolutionary regime in Egypt, purposefully inflicted upon Egyptian
citizens by the state itself (Matthies-Boon 2017). This is significant as research has shown that beyond the foundational factors that create people’s identities, traumatic experiences play a huge role in shaping, transforming, and reinventing people’s identity (Berman 2016).
Research has shown that trauma often leaves people in need of reshaping meaning, as one questions their previous conception of reality as the borders between what is inside and outside become
distorted through the destruction of one’s assumptive world (Matthies-Boon 2017); politically induced trauma is therefore capable of shifting and shaping people’s identities and subsequent conceptions of community (Hutchinson 2018). This also means that it can unite new communities through shared trauma, creating a common understanding and new collective identities (Berger 2010), one of which can be identified as the feminist movement within Egypt, many of whom state they have been oppressed by the patriarchy of Egypt’s political and social system and stand against the values of the state (Eltahawy 2019). We may find similar groups amongst the Egyptian diaspora, who are now free to speak out in the West, outside the reach of Egypt’s politics.
Direct physical trauma is undeniably present in Egypt’s counter-revolutionary body politics; however, it is not the only type of trauma present. Research has shown the significance of more subtle and consistent forms of trauma, otherwise known as continuous traumatic stress (CTS), which is prevalent in circumstances of prolonged social and political climates of mistrust which cause a sense of betrayal by the institutions that are not serving their supposed function (Eagle et al. 2013; Straker and Gillian 2013). The corruption, polarisation, censorship, human rights violations and general climate of fear, disconcertingly satisfy the conditions for CTS to be a widespread phenomenon amongst Egyptians worldwide, who may never be free of it unless they are certain of never returning to Egypt again, or at least, so long as such as a regime such as el-Sisi’s reigns. Whilst reasons for immigrating differ amongst the Egyptian diaspora, it is evident that some immigrated under traumatic circumstances, whether they were fleeing persecution or simply the fear of an imagined future of worsening circumstances and inevitable persecution (Zohry and Debnath 2010). Not feeling like you belong or worse, not being welcome or accepted in one’s own ethnic and geographical home country can confront one with existential loneliness and an internal conflict of one’s identity, as identity itself, is a product of society and your place within it (Jenkins 2014; Gilbert 2010), which now becomes
uncertain. This type of CTS can further trickle down the generations without them having to personally witness or experience the traumatic stress themselves. This is otherwise known as
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generational trauma and can have an impact in the formation of the identity of the children of those who have experienced said trauma (Dickson-Gómez 2002). If parental figures have experienced such trauma, whether direct or through prolonged betrayal by institutions of power, it is likely that the children’s assumptive world has integrated the reality of their parents trauma and though they have not experienced these injustices themselves, may feel them to be existent nonetheless. This occurs through both hearing the words and views of your parents, as well as modelling their behaviours and attitudes towards things such as political institutions (Dickson-Gómez 2002). This therefore has the potential to affect the national identity of newer generations of Egyptian diaspora, who may hold more positive attitudes towards their country of birth, rather than their country of ethnic origin.
2.3.1 Trauma and National Identity
Traumatic experiences can not only shape identities but also become part of an identity. Egypt has long seen human rights violations and the 30-year rule of Mubarak undoubtedly saw similar politics of traumatisation (Hassan 2011). Nevertheless, new, or old, trauma is prevalent amongst Egyptians today, and per CTS means it only gets worse through continuation of time and therefore it is likely that generational trauma will soon become part of the Egyptian identity. Trauma integrates into collective identities through shared experiences and solidarity and understanding thereof, usually it serves to make bonds stronger, but only when there is unity. An example of this is the trauma of persecution and the holocaust which has led to an ingrained notion of trauma into the Jewish identity and the nation of Israel (Startton 2008). Similarly, found in Syria, fear has been found to be part of what it means to be Syrian (Pearlman 2016). Whilst the effects on Egyptians are not as universally spread, the social polarity only serves to extenuate the trauma rather than reconcile it (Matthies-Boon 2017), yet there may be pockets of new collective identities amongst the diaspora, who have
experienced such ordeals and have found reconciliation outside Egypt’s borders.
Trauma is not a prerequisite for the creation of people’s identity, but if present, an indefinite influence of inevitable change in one’s identity. Therefore, for a variety of reasons deriving from direct
traumatic experiences and CTS, it becomes highly likely that Egypt’s counter-revolutionary politics is affecting the diasporas sense of national identity in the world by scorching their ethnic homeland with climates of severe oppression and thus alienating them from Egyptian politics and society. Trauma amongst the diaspora could therefore manifest itself in distrust of political institutions, especially evident if this remains their views towards institutions of western countries. It could further manifest in a new collective identity of Egyptian diasporic communities in the West who have weak links and severe dislikes towards the Egyptian state. It could further lead to an increased attempt of integration and identification with their new nation of residence and a weaker affinity towards Egypt and perhaps
18 a disconnect from Egyptian politics completely.
2.4 Well-Being
Well-being is largely defined as an ongoing process that beyond freedom of illness, concerns itself with prosperity, increasingly more so from a psychosomatic perspective. Whilst well-being is a vastly disputed topic, some principles of agreement are that well-being is a “social process with material, relational and subjective dimensions” (White 2010: 158). As with most politicised issues, politicians attempted to quantify well-being through the material process with objective monetary means. However, attempts to objectively define poverty, became a subjective matter, and did little in providing a holistic understanding of well-being. The reductionist nature of capital as a standard indicator of well-being has led the field to reject the accuracy and reliability of economics as a means of indicating social development (Smith and Reid 2017). Whilst the subjective dimensions will likely never be conquered due to the unlikelihood of an accurate universal objective definition for human well-being, the relational aspect (of which there is broadly a consensus), provides ample opportunity for the advancement of understanding the optimum conditions for the cultivation of well-being. Social sciences are currently focusing on the innate human questions regarding well-being that transcend the relatively new phenomenon of money and are increasingly going back to the forefront of these discussion.
The role of politics in influencing well-being or what Aristotle framed “the good life” (Aristotle 2013: 11) has long been known. Aristotle’s Eudaimonia principles, Epicureans hedonism, and Epictetus’ stoicism all spoke of conditions to achieve well-being. Whilst framed differently, these thinkers were all concerned with what we now term as human well-being, the longevity and prominence of this issue speaks volume as to the importance of well-being. The virtues of Eudaimonia as stated by Aristotle in Nicomachean Ethics were the pathway to achieving well-being and rising above suffering, these included courage, justice, moderation, honesty, greatness of soul, hospitality, cultivation of knowledge, proper judgement and practical wisdom (Aristotle 2013), many of these virtues are defended till this day. The Epicureans school of thought advocated eudaimonia through a modest hedonistic approach, by cultivating skills and knowledge to pursue pleasure and avoid pain. Stoicism advocated for resilience in the face of everything life throws at you, a complete control of oneself, initially written by the slave Epictetus and similarly modelled by the emperor Marcus Aurelius. These branches of thought have persisted and have been expanded upon as can be seen by the moulding of hedonism into utilitarianism (Mill and Bentham 1987), advocating the greatest good for the greatest number and the pursuit of pleasure and avoidance of pain. However, modern
conceptualisations of well-being remain without a clear definitive consensus upon the nature, definition, or even most important aspects of well-being. Nevertheless, eight components of modern
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wellbeing as identified by Stiglitz et al (2009) include material living standards, health, education, personal activities including work; political voice and governance, social connections and
relationships, environment, and economic and physical security. Furthermore, inclusivity of the need for experiencing pleasant emotions, low levels of negative moods and high life satisfaction seem to be oft recurring (Diener et al. 2002). Some scholars promote mental well-being and happiness (Layard 2005), others emphasise the relational aspect of well-being in promoting the mantra of living well together (Deneulin and McGregor 2010) and some promote the ideas of social justice (Wilkinson and Pickett 2010). Yet all seem to be taking positive political circumstances for granted. Hence, Sens capabilities approach (1999) puts emphasis on the freedoms people need to have, to lead the kind of life they have reason to value, what this stance gets right in respect to well-being, is that it highlights the political and socio-economic constraints that limit the ability for people to manifest their own well-being.
2.4.1 Well-Being and National Identity
National identity, being an abstract, socially constructed idea that you carry with you in spirit and imagination, nonetheless holds considerable significance towards one’s well-being with Smith (1992) stating that national identity was an extremely relevant socio-psychological phenomenon. A sense of belonging and having a collective consciousness constitute the innately psychological nature of national identity (Guibernau 2004), which further helps people to lead a meaningful life (Baumeister et al. 2013), through providing means of self-determination (Deaux 2001). This idea is supported by a study conducted by Grozdanovska (2016), consisting of 204 undergraduate students, which found a positive significant correlation between national identity, satisfaction with life and the presence of meaning in life. This has further been corroborated throughout studies of alternate cultures which indicate that strong feelings of national identity, are continually found to be associated with increased levels of well-being (Smith and Silva 2011; Dimitrova et al. 2013). National identity is a relational reality between people and the state (White 2010), if these relations are in order you can expect it to aid in ones well-being, however if they are rather than relational, dictatorial and constraining, possible benefits turn to probable negatives.
Furthermore, regarding Sens capabilities approach (1999), one can see how the ancient Greek philosophical principles in the quest for well-being, focus on the actions of the individual and omit to consider socio-economic and political facts of the modern age, in other words, structural determinants (Tomlinson and Kelly 2013). Freedoms required for people to manifest and achieve their well-being, are not present in the society of Egypt. In terms of Aristotle’s Eudaimonia, how can one embody the virtue of justice in a corrupt state? How is one to embody the virtue of honesty, if proclaiming your sexual orientation gets you persecuted? How can one cultivate knowledge when censorship is rife?
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Epicurean principles and more modern principles of hedonism advise one to seek maximum pleasure and freedom from pain, which may be problematic as going after maximum pleasure might lead to maximum pain inflicted by the state, especially so in the counter-revolutionary body politics of Egypt. Therefore, many theories regarding the cultivation of human well-being presume extensive measures of freedom, usually associated with the liberal democracies of the West. It is clear then that
environmental factors dictated by nation states, limit the ability to manifest one’s own ‘good life’. Thus, we come to the power of nations and in turn one’s national identification which has direct impacts on your ability to cultivate your own well-being. Stoicism is perhaps one of the only philosophies that operates irrespective of political atmospheres or socio-economic circumstances as they argue for resilience in the face of everything is the key, however, its universal application has been criticised through its relation to psychopathic tendencies (Sutton 2013), therefore to achieve well-being irrespective of one’s external environment is unlikely and uncommon.
The problem here is the Eurocentric aspect of knowledge production, to which well-being is no exception, the effect of this means a large fraction of world population are left out. Bache and Scotts (2018) book on wellbeing and politics, whilst providing great insights, operated exclusively on the presumption of a liberal democracy. Whilst this is limiting it also highlights, the need for further research or perhaps the importance of democracy to well-being. Levels of well-being in relation to the national identities of diasporic communities who come from countries of authoritarian rule has not been researched and contrasted to other diasporic communities of democratic countries, therefore the data is extremely limited and effects unknown. However, Egyptian diaspora in the West is largely free to cultivate their own well-being as Egypt’s laws and power do not reach into external borders. Nevertheless, the knowledge of two worlds with differing laws and freedom, coupled with a likely preference for western principles in achieving well-being, may decrease affinity towards their country of origin and in turn their Egyptian national identity. Research has indeed shown that those who are unhappy with their identity may leave their group (Brown 2000), this is especially so if they are no longer able to make favourable comparison between their own ingroup and the ‘other’ and they wish to maintain a positive social identity (Tajfel and Turner 1986). However, this too is shown to be bad for ones well-being as research shows that a strong and secure feeling towards one’s own ethnic identity is known to positively impact ones psychological well-being (Liebkind 1996; Nesdale et al. 1997; Phinney et al. 1997). In fact what has been shown as optimum for the well-being of immigrant minorities is integration through retention of one’s own ethnic cultural heritage whilst also adapting to one’s current society (Berry 1997; Berry et al. 1987; Berry and Sam 1997; Phinney 1990). Therefore, for the Egyptian diaspora in the West, it seems probable that the counter-revolutionary politics within Egypt may have transnational effects upon their national identity as they begin to favour the West in attempts to cultivate their well-being. However, due to the well-being associated with one’s ethnic
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identity, which is also attached to Egyptian national identity, it may cancel out the effects of the favourable environment of well-being in the West.
Therefore what can largely be agreed upon in the amalgamation of all literature, is the ability for the combination of politics and economics, to direct national environments towards those of social justice, equality, opportunity, community, safety, security and most importantly freedoms, thereby creating the best conditions for human well-being to thrive. It becomes very clear then, that the ability for individual well-being is largely at the mercy of one’s socio-political circumstances, and that whilst the inevitable burden of well-being falls on the individual, the relational reality of well-being makes the initial and most important responsibility fall on the structural determinants controlled by nation states, who must not only permit the cultivation of well-being, but encourage and facilitate it. The stark difference then in the counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt which according to literature does not allow for the cultivation of well-being and the western democracies which are most optimum for the cultivation of well-being, may lead the Egyptian diaspora to favour their western national identity. However, the literature is not decisive as the possible effects on the national identity of the Egyptian diaspora in regards to well-being remains split due to the evident well-being that ethnic in-groups provide (Liebkind 1996; Nesdale et al. 1997; Phinney et al. 1997) and well-being that favourable socio-political circumstances provide (Sen 1999) , leaving the effects on the diaspora’s national identity uncertain.
2.5 The Egyptian Diaspora in the West
The term diaspora has been defined as “any people or ethnic population that leave their traditional ethnic homelands, being dispersed throughout other parts of the world” (Perruchoud 2004: 19). Further definitions of diaspora specifying it is “resulting from either voluntary or forced migration, whose members regard themselves as of the same ethno-national origin and who permanently reside as minorities in one or several host countries” (Sheffer 2003: 10-11). This study will look at the diaspora of Egyptian ethno-national origin as applied to the above definition of diaspora. Therefore, the Egyptian diaspora is any individual who regards themselves as a descendant of, and or part of, the same ethno-national origin of Egypt, and who now reside in a country other than Egypt itself.
The Egyptian diaspora can be largely identified as heterogeneous, with two distinct groupings, namely those in the Arab gulf and those in the industrialised West, Egypt’s Central Agency for Public
Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS) recognises these groupings and has in turn labelled the Egyptian diaspora in the west as ‘permanent’ due to the ability for long term stay and even
naturalisation, whereas Egyptian diaspora in the Arab gulf countries are labelled as ‘temporary’ due to their work contracts which are often under the Kafeel system (a local sponsorship program) which does not allow for indefinite stay nor citizenship privileges, marking their inevitable return to Egypt
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(CAPMAS 2008). In terms of their dynamics, the Egyptian diaspora in the West are largely highly educated with 47% holding a university degree, compared to only 9.59% of those in Egypt (CAPMAS 2008). Furthermore, the Egyptian diaspora in the West has an almost equal weighting of gender with 57.6% being men and 42.4% being women, in comparison the Egyptian diaspora in the Gulf
countries, such as in Kuwait, are largely male with 81% (CAPMAS 2008), supporting the heterogenous dynamics of the diaspora through temporary labour migration in the Arab Gulf as opposed to long term resettlement of the diaspora in the West.
The profile of the Egyptian diaspora in the West is therefore largely educated, with an almost equal waiting of gender and likelihood of long term if not permanent resettlement, whereas the Egyptian diaspora in the Gulf are more frequently short term labour and economic immigrants that seek to make money and return to Egypt. This is significant to this research as it is the reasoning behind the distinction and focus upon the Egyptian diaspora in the West. This distinction is two-fold, firstly, as their national identity is able to be more fluid as they have an alternate nation to identify with in a permanent manner which has the ability to replace their Egyptian national identity as they can permanently resettle in the west and have the option of naturalisation, something other Egyptian diaspora may not be able to do. Secondly, the political systems in the industrialised West are
juxtaposed to the Egyptian political system, as they operate under laws and freedoms promoting and enforcing human rights and democracy, something Gulf countries do not universally share. Therefore this research and theoretical framework would not be generalisable to Egyptian diaspora residing outside of western democracies.
3. Methodology
This thesis seeks to answer the following research question:
How do counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt affect the national identities of the Egyptian diaspora in the West?
This chapter will focus on the methods used to answer this research question, firstly by laying out the research design, secondly the research methods, and lastly the limitations and ethical considerations, followed by an overview of the respondents.
23 3.1 Research Design
I aimed to find out whether the counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt affected the Egyptian
diasporas sense of national identity, I therefore endeavoured to let them tell their stories, emotions and perceptions in their quest to integrate and retain their multiple and fluid national identities. For this purpose, this study takes a qualitative approach, collecting primary data through interviews with open-ended questions and employs thematic analysis as it is a method that identifies, analyses and reports patterns (in the form of themes) within data and describes this data in rich detail by illuminating the stories behind it (Braun and Clarke 2006). Thematic analysis was further employed to extend beyond the main research question by answering my sub-questions, which each theme attempts to address (Boyatzis, 1998).
3.2 Research Method Strategy
I chose to conduct interviews, preferably through means of zoom or skype, but also through email. I successfully completed four of ten interviews through utilising zoom and skype. The other six were in depth written interviews with open ended questions conducted through email. The interview guide can be found in the appendix. Out of this data, themes were created from a vast set of codes that
represented important points within the data in relation to the research question, whilst patterns were included within the formation of themes, themes were not solely created through quantification, such as only including factors frequently mentioned throughout the dataset, as I aimed to convey the nuanced stories of the diaspora.
Data Analysis
After conducting my interviews, I manually transcribed and began to code the data with the eventual creation of themes using thematic analysis. Thematic analysis has no universally agreed upon method of conduct and can differ from research to research (Attride-Stirling, 2001; Boyatzis, 1998; Tuckett, 2005). However, my method broadly follows those outlined in Braun and Clarkes (2006) article on using thematic analysis. My thematic analysis takes a constructionist approach, and thus examines the ways in which discourses within society, create the events, realities, meanings, and experiences of the diaspora. I therefore take a constructivist ontological stance and interpretivist epistemological stance in my research. I further endeavoured to take an inductive analysis approach, thereby coding my data without attempting to fit the results into a predetermined framework of my preconceptions and knowledge of the topic. This data-driven method as opposed to theoretically driven method allowed for new and more original themes to be created.
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My thematic analysis further took a latent method, meaning that the creation of themes was done through interpretative work by looking beyond the surface level and thus instead of merely describing, the analysis it is also theorized (as in Burr, 1995). This latent method is of importance to my research due to the constructivist nature of my approach. The final product of the created themes seeks to convey insightful ‘stories’ in themselves, as told by the Egyptian diaspora, as well as add to the bigger ‘story’ of the research and the findings (Braun and Clarke 2006). My method of analysis has therefore been driven by a combination of my research question, inductive data analysis and supporting
theoretical insights to draw open-minded and supported conclusions.
Participants
Due to the outbreak of COVID-19, which resulted in the World Health Organisation declaring a pandemic, thereby institutions followed in enforcing and encouragng social distancing measures to stop the spread of the virus (Cucinotta and Vanelli 2020), I was left only with the means to find my participants online through social media. I employed non-probability sampling in the form of convenience sampling which relied on participants availability and willingness to participate and snowball sampling due to the difficulty of reaching willing participants. I managed to obtain four verbal video interviews, and six written email interviews, as many participants were uncomfortable with video or verbal interviews, I hence collected a total of ten interviews. I reached seven
participants through twitter, one through Instagram and two through snowball sampling, by asking my respondents if they knew anyone else that may be interested and willing to take part in my research, thereby achieving two successful referrals. By searching key phrases and hashtags such as “Egyptian diaspora” and messaging accounts that had Egyptian flags in their biographies as well as going through the networks (following and followers) of Egyptian diasporas accounts, I was able to find the majority of my participants. I further received some participants through tweeting out for willing participants. The only prerequisites for my respondents was that they were above the age of 18, resided in the West and were of Egyptian descent.
3.3 Limitations and Ethical Considerations Limitations
The sensitive nature of my research regarding the very possible repercussions that participants could face upon return to Egypt if their participation in this research was known, meant that it was
extremely challenging to find willing participants. This difficulty was further exasperated by the outbreak of COVID-19, which resulted in my inability to attend functions and events for Egyptian diaspora as had previously been planned. This was unfortunate as face to face interactions to establish
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rapport was something highly desirable as these interviews require a certain level of trust which became much harder to establish online.
Furthermore, a large bulk of the participants were naturally those who already openly identified as being Egyptian in their bio or interacted with Egyptians or Egyptian topics online, as this was how I was able to find them. Therefore, the sample is not necessarily representative as the Egyptian diaspora in the West who, firstly don’t have social media, and secondly, may not openly identify with or interact with Egyptian content, are not included in this study as I had no means of finding them. It could therefore be argued that the Egyptian diaspora included in this study are those who already have a stronger sense of their Egyptian national identity as they remain openly and actively involved in it. There may be an issue of honesty and openness, due to the very real and extensive repercussions participants could face when opposing the Egyptian regime, it is therefore possible that many did not speak as freely as they may have liked to, so as to remain diplomatic in their speech. This became evident when after finishing one of the interviews and stopping the recording, a respondent asked me whether they had said anything explicitly harsh and negative about the regime and mentioned how they are very careful about what they say. Whilst I attempted to address this by reminding and ensuring all my participants of their complete anonymity, it cannot be ruled out that they did not speak as freely as they may have liked.
Whilst inductive analysis was the aim, it is important to note that my theoretical framework held some assumptions regarding the nature of the data, namely that trauma is prevalent in counter-revolutionary politics in Egypt and that counter-revolutionary politics is likely to have some effect on the diasporas national identity as opposed to none. Knowing this I made sure to check my assumptions and keep deductive analysis to a minimum, which I believe I managed to do so successfully, however no research can be done in an epistemological vacuum (Braun and Clarke 2006). Nevertheless, this may not be entirely negative as engagement with the literature can enhance analysis as one may notice more niche aspects embedded within the data (Tuckett, 2005).
Ethical Considerations
Due to the sensitive nature of this research regarding possible repercussions enacted by the Egyptian state on those who voice political opposition, it has remained of utmost importance to ensure
complete anonymity of the respondents. For this reason, names have not been saved anywhere and instead replaced by aliases. Furthermore, for those interviews that were recorded, I ensured to obtain verbal permission for the voice recording of the interview and use of the contents for my research. One participant asked for a specific aspect of their interview to remain private regarding a personal relation of theirs, which I have ensured to omit in the analysis. Whilst this research endeavours to tell the stories of the Egyptian diaspora, the welfare of participants comes before any other objectives.
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Voluntary participation and informed consent have been ensured by pre-emptively explaining the purpose of my research and their participation in it. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic I further reminded the interviewees that they were free to stop the interview whenever they wished.
Furthermore, I made sure all participants were above the age of 18, to ensure their ability to able to give informed consent to partake in the research.
3.4 Overview of Respondents
Due to the sensitive nature of my research all participants have been given an alias and information in the below table has been kept to a minimum so as to provide adequate oversight of the respondents whilst ensuring their anonymity.
Table 1. Respondents Alias
Name
Sex Age Country of residence
Education Religion Diaspora Generation
Time spent in Egypt Zara Female 25 United
Kingdom University Degree Muslim 2nd Generation Multiple extended periods of 2-3 months at a time Leila Female 26 United States University
Degree
Muslim 2nd
Generation
1 year
Amna Female 29 Netherlands University Degree
Muslim 1st
Generation
25 years
Ahmed Male 22 Netherlands University Degree
Muslim 2nd
Generation
5 years
Jane Female 25 United States University Degree
Muslim 2nd
Generation
Visits every year Rosa Female 19 United States Undergraduate
student Coptic Orthodox Christian 2nd Generation Visited once
Anne Female 24 United States University Degree
Muslim 2nd
Generation
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Sebastian Male 22 Canada University Degree Coptic Orthodox Christian 2nd Generation Visited once
Maria Female 27 United States University Degree Spiritual rather than religious 2nd Generation Every year for 2-3 months for the last 20 years Abraham Male 22 Netherlands University
Degree
Muslim 2nd
Generation
5 years
4. Introduction to Themes
This chapter briefly highlights the format of the data analysis and how best to understand and read the following themes.
4.1 Layout of Themes
This research employs three research sub questions; each theme focuses upon one of these sub questions, which in combination answers the broader research question.
Chapter 5 is on the theme of Autonomy, which comes in answer to the research sub question: Is the counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt traumatising?
Chapter 6 regards the theme of Morality, and comes in answer to the research sub question: How does the Egyptian diaspora perceive Egyptian politics?
Lastly, chapter 7 is on the theme of Utility, which comes in answer to the research sub question: Does the Egyptian diaspora’s perception of Egyptian politics affect their own sense of national identity?
The issue of traumatisation is the first research sub question that is addressed to understand the presence, reach, and effects of Egypt’s politics of traumatisation. This is followed by the theme of morality in answer to the second research sub question of the diasporas perception of Egyptian politics, which after establishing whether Egypt’s politics is traumatising, enlightens the story of how the diaspora perceive Egypt’s politics as a whole, factoring in the knowledge of the previous theme. This is lastly followed by the theme of Utility, as we unravel the stories surrounding whether these
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perceptions of Egyptian politics amongst the diaspora have any affect on their sense of national identity. In this way, the themes address the issues as one continuous story, as opposed to three separate issues.
The following three chapters, present the stories of my respondents surrounding and in answer to the three research sub-questions, which in combination ultimately answer the broader overall research question of
How do counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt affect the national identities of the Egyptian diaspora in the West?
5. Autonomy
The theme of autonomy aims to tell the story of the diaspora in answer to my research sub question, is the counter-revolutionary politics of Egypt traumatising? Trauma violates autonomy, as it is the loss of power and control over one’s autonomy which creates trauma (Herman 1998). Through the data, it became evident that autonomy is what the diaspora seeks, autonomy over their physical and emotional well-being, as well as their socio-economic and political circumstances. Egyptian
counter-revolutionary politics of traumatisation and fear, combined with the instability and lack of opportunity for growth, has led to the destruction of trust, widespread pessimism and has invariably encouraged the creation of further Egyptian diaspora. These feelings, I argue, are direct results of traumatic violations of the autonomy of Egyptians, caused by the counter-revolutionary politics operating within Egypt with clear transnational effects.
5.1 Presence of Trauma
The prevalence of trauma within counter-revolutionary politics was perhaps one of the few deductive assumptions I held due to my theoretical framework, which was highlighted by the research
conducted by Matthies-Boon (2017) and Matthies-Boon and Head (2018). However, whilst this research focused on trauma within Egypt’s borders, we here focus on whether this trauma transcends the borders, which upon evaluation of the stories told by the diaspora, it does and is further
widespread and varied in intensity, according to its proximity to their lives. Some of the testimonies are showcased below:
“My cousin died during the attack at Rab3a Square. I have had several cousins go to prison and several family members who have fled Egypt. This knowledge and experience has caused a lot of
