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Para Nosotros, Por Nosotros: An Autoethnography of Mexican Students Narratives in the Netherlands regarding Student Migration, Inclusion, and Perseverance
MSc Social and Cultural Anthropology Master's Thesis
Diana Noemi Chavez Student ID:12962562 Chavez.d.22@gmail.com Amsterdam, February 2021 Word Count: 22,180
Supervisor: Dr. C.H (Tina) Harris
Second Reader: Dr. F.E (Francio) Guadeloupe
Graduate School of Social Science
2 DECLARATION
I have read and understood the University of Amsterdam plagiarism policy
[http://student.uva.nl/mcsa/az/item/plagiarism-and-fraud.html?f=plagiarism]. I declare that this assignment is entirely my own work, all sources have been properly acknowledged, and that I have not previously submitted this work, or any version of it, for assessment in any other paper.
Amsterdam, February 2021 Diana Noemi Chavez
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Figure 1: La Perla (The Pearl): Tymon Ferenc de Laat is a visual artist and muralist. In his words, "This mural depicts an intercontinental woman stepping out of the frame amidst of Delfts economically lower-income area called the Buitenhof. With this mural, I hope to add a positive marker that inspires a young generation to grow out of what they are expected to be by society and reach for the skies." De Laat's work is greatly influenced by his admiration for Mexican culture. This is a picture of me in the "field" capturing my Mexican culture in the Netherlands. Coincidently, I share the name of the girl in the mural: Diana. Source: https://www.facebook.com/tymondelaat; (Photo courtesy: Yusef Abu Hamad, October 2020)
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Acknowledgments
In the words of Nelson Mandela, "It always seems impossible until it is done." Writing this thesis has been a life-changing experience for me. By sharing a piece of me, I learned about the power of collective narratives. I would not have been able to complete my thesis without the trust of my interlocutors. Thank you for entrusting me to share your story. Your stories allowed me to see how instrumental and necessary our personal experiences are in contributing to a more inclusive and diverse place within academia. Nosotros, los mexicanos, somos luchadores y juntos podemos seguir hacienda
nuestra marca en este mundo. Les agradezco su tiempo y confianza.
I want to share my deepest gratitude to my supervisor Tina Harris for encouraging and supporting me during my thesis journey. Tina, you are the best supervisor a student could ask for! In times of uncertainty, your compassion and care provided me with ease and comfort. I enjoyed every conversation we shared, and I look forward to the day I can repay you for your patience and guidance. Thank you for believing in me.
I want to thank my classmates, professors, and the UvA Anthropology faculty. Thank you for contributing to an unforgettable graduate experience. Marieke, thank you for your support, compassion, and for providing me with the resources, I needed to complete my degree. Miguel, you have taught me how important it is to challenge and be challenged by our
'anthropological grandfathers.' To Jess, Joy, Dilara, Shirin, Leila, and Rosa, thank you for checking in. Djuna, I appreciate you for motiving me to speak my mind. Csongor, thank you for your support. To Lauri, gracias for running this journey with me.
I want to thank my dear amigo Marco for sharing with me the wonders of anthropology. Through his academic journey, he sparked an interest in me to pursue my Master's degree with certainty in anthropology. Gracias Marco por tu apoyo.
To my best friend Margarita, your passion for equality in higher education for Latin Americans in STEM inspired me to work with Latin American students in the Netherlands. Gracias Margie por
todo.
Kim, I cannot thank you enough for your kindness, love, and support. Thank you for reminding me how important it is to use my voice and speak from the heart.
To Nicky, Ryan, and Anecia, I met all three of you during my fellowship in India. A place I intended to return to for this thesis, but as life continually reminds us, sometimes unexpected change comes with opportunities. Nicky, Thank you for treating me like one of your sisters. Ryan, I knew you were always a phone call away. Anecia, you got through your Master's degree during this pandemic. At the end of our fellowship, I remember standing together with confidence that we were both headed to graduate school. Now I stand in confidence with you knowing we both completed our degrees when nothing made sense.
Lastly, I need to thank mi madre. Without her sacrifices, I would not be where I am today; A Chicana living her ancestors wildest dreams. Mamá, gracias por tus sacrificios para mi educación. Eres mi vida y espero
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Abstract
This thesis shares Mexican students' personal narratives on their experiences and perceptions of navigating student life in the Netherlands. There is an increasing presence of Latina/o students in international higher education, yet few studies focus on Latin American students within international student mobility. Migrating to acquire education—student migration influences students' academic and social interactions. Through in-depth semi-structured interviews, collective narratives were shared on perspectives of academic life for Mexican students abroad. This thesis explores how student migration affects Mexican student’s sense of belonging. Through an anthropological perspective on higher education research, critical race theory, and Latino critical theory, this thesis argues for the use of personal narratives as qualitative research to help understand why Latina/o students—especially Mexican students decide to study abroad, thus, informing universities on how to better support underrepresented students' academic and sociocultural needs. Understanding student migration's empirical determinants provide a full picture of students' decision-making process to go abroad and migrate. This thesis aims to answer: How does student migration affect Mexican students' perceptions and experiences of navigating student life in the Netherlands? Furthermore, this research contributes to the collective narratives of students of color in academia.
Keywords: Student Migration, Latin American Students, International Student Mobility, Transnationalism, Sense of Belonging, Inclusion, Autoethnography
6 Table of Contents Introduction 7 Methodology 11 Interlocutors 14 Theoretical Framework 16 Academic Relevance 20
Research Questions & Thesis Structure 21
Chapter 1: Migration for Education 23
International Student Mobility 23
Higher education in the Netherlands 25
Higher Education in México 27
Aventuras of Student Migrants 30
Chapter 2: Navigating Student Life 36
Poco a poquito: Little by little 36
On Inclusion: “I was the only Latina.” 41
Chapter 3: Student Migration 46
Sense of Belonging: “They let me see my culture differently.” 46
From Student Migrant to The Highly Skilled Migrant 50
Conclusion 53
Epilogue 57
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Introduction
She had a plan. Three hundred dollars for the coyote, nothing else for her –only the clothes on her back. She found herself on a makeshift raft, made of wheels and rope with a stranger pulling her along El Rio Bravo from México into Texas. Leaving behind her ten siblings and her ranchito1, where she shared a bed with five of them, she knew risking her life would be worth a chance for a better life. Not only for her but for her daughter. Six months pregnant, wearing her ropa de vestir, she knew crossing the river would be the easiest part of her ordeal. The real journey began in the most unlikely of places: in a McDonald's parking lot in Texas. Another stranger would approach, calling her by name, sending her on a Greyhound bus headed to Los Angeles, California, where her brother had already triumphed over the troubles of migration. One thing she did not plan for was that soon she would be back on the other side, faced to cross the border—again.
In California, she struggled to raise her infant daughter while working two jobs. Ironically, she saved enough money for a ticket back to México. She found herself back where she started, the difference being that this time, there was no baby in her belly. She left her two-year-old daughter in the care of her sisters with a promise of giving her what she thought would be the American dream, a better one than she found in California.
There she was again at the border but this time from Tijuana to California, crossing an unnamed desert. Crammed in the back of a semi-truck from Temecula, headed towards Los Angeles, she was back to square one. For three years, she worked tirelessly to send money to her daughter and would later save enough to have her sent back with her in the United States. There would be no problem for Diana, the daughter, as she had been born American. Tu no sufriste nada –that her child would not suffer as she did, drove her in every one of those days apart.
I had a good childhood. I was raised in El Chino, in my mother's ranchito, by my tias and attended the local school. When I was about to turn five, my family told me it was time to go to school –in the United States. My Tia Salome, a United States citizen herself, took me to Chicago to live with a woman I vaguely remembered. She had dark brown hair like mine. I did not know who she was, but her hazel
1 Note: Some words in Spanish will not be translated. My writing is meant to be read in Spanglish—my Chicana (Mexican American) language. In the words of Gloria Anzaldúa, ‘Today we ask to be met halfway’ (Anzaldúa 1987).
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eyes told me otherwise. It was the intense yearning look that revealed her as my mama. My mother, Martina, worked in a physically demanding factory while I started kindergarten and struggled with the English language. I recall coming home everyday with tears in my eyes because I could not speak English. Being the strong woman she is, my mother did not feel helpless because she could not help me with my homework. Instead, she would turn on the television and sit with me while we watched Arthur, a popular children's show on PBS channel 11. With my Arthur backpack on, I felt ready to tackle school every day.
My mother would make back-to-school shopping feel like Christmas. She set no spending limit on my school supplies. She never stopped prioritizing my education—when it came to school, she made sure que nada me faltara –that I will lack nothing. This went on until my final year of high school. Mr. Medina, my high school counselor, asked me if I had thought about what university I would be attending. I asked with curiosity in my voice; I can go to university? University was foreign to my mother and me. No one in my family had attended school past the sixth grade. Not wanting to leave my mother, I applied to five universities, all in Chicago. With guidance from Mr. Medina and Ms. Gonzalez, my biology teacher, I picked the University she attended, DePaul University—a private Catholic University. I went school supply shopping with my mother in mind and felt as ready as I did every year. My confidence quickly faded when I realized my preparatory summer courses were for students who did not meet the University's English and writing standards. In my summer courses, it was mainly inner-city Chicago students of color. I was determined to prove I could achieve academically, but when the fall semester began, and the rest of the student body joined, I was the only student of color in most of my classes. I had a difficult time connecting with my classmates. Many assumed I was an international student because I spoke English with an accent.
I would spend more nights in my mother's home than I did in my student dorm. She would come into my room and ask why I was up in the middle of the night doing my homework. She did not understand why suddenly, I had self-doubt. She would tell me, 'Mija, pero tú hablas Ingles. Cuál es el problema?' To her, as long as I spoke English, there should not be a problem. It was in my struggles that I remembered my mother's sacrifices to provide me with educational aspirations. I no longer felt I had anything to prove to my University or my peers. Though it took me an extra year, I completed my
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Bachelor's degree in Sociology. I had accomplished more than what my mother had planned for me. What came next, she was not expecting.
I moved to Thailand to work as a United States Peace Corps volunteer, where I committed to twenty-seven months of service work as an English teacher. I then continued my service work through a fellowship with the American India Foundation in Darjeeling, India's Eastern Himalayas, where I worked with rural villages to provide quality health and education. It was in the Himalayas that I decided it was time to tackle my wildest dreams—getting my Master's degree. Conquering my Bachelor's as a first-generation student was challenging. The idea of continuing my higher education was daunting. My determination is rooted in my mother's sacrifices. She envisioned a life where a maestría was possible for me. My mentor, Roshan Da, advised me to go to graduate school and come back to India to write about my experiences of working with the Nepali Indian community. I had shared a deep connection with this community because they, too, identified with two cultures. My friend, Nima Didi, poetically said, 'My country is India, but my heart is Nepali.' Growing up Mexican in the United States, I never knew what I was. In the U.S., I was considered Mexican; in México, I am American. Now, I can proudly say I am Chicana, a Mexican American. I, too, feel Mexicana de corazon— Mexican by heart.
In the words of the American anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1974), I felt I had 'gone native.' I conducted participant observation and ethnographic work in Thailand and India, where I immersed myself in the language and culture. These experiences allowed me to connect with people who share my story. Perhaps, I am no different from the people I study. I was a six-year-old from rural México, questioning what it meant to be Chicana while navigating the false promises of the American dream. Grounded in core American values is the idea that if you work hard, anything is possible. The American dream exists, but at what cost? Risking your life only to have to work twice as hard to survive in a country that builds a wall to remind you that you do not belong solely to have your children grow up with a lie that if they too work hard, anything is possible. For many, the American dream has become an illusion. My privilege should not be my mother crossing the border to give me the American dream.
Due to my previous endeavors, deciding to study abroad for my Master's degree was an easy choice. I traveled to Europe right before my time in Thailand and found myself imagining what it would be
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like to study at the University of Amsterdam. Four years later, I applied to the Cultural and Social Anthropology Master's program. The program drove me more than the location itself, and though my tuition is eight times more than a European student, I still pay less than a Master's degree in the United States. I worked three jobs right before my grad school journey began to ensure that nada me faltara, but even with my school supplies ready, I was not prepared for a global pandemic.
On Wednesday, 11 March 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak a global pandemic (WHO 2020). My Master's program started in February, and with over a month in, uncertainty hit. Fear and panic began to spread, and the words social distancing, quarantine, and isolation became standard everyday terms. Soon after, every country created its pandemic restrictions and measures to limit the spread of the virus, such as travel bans, closures of schools, restaurants, gyms, religious places, and even setting curfews. With these restrictions and travel bans, international students were left feeling stranded with financial and emotional distress. Uncertainty became the keyword of this pandemic. As an international student in the Netherlands, I had two options. I could terminate my program or continue with a new research topic. My original topic sought to answer: How does the demand for autonomy and language preservation influence Darjeeling Himalayan people's identity and self-worth?
During a conversation in class on how to conduct research during a pandemic, I was told,
'Anthropologists are historians of the present.' Conducting research in real-time on the COVID-19 pandemic seemed fitting for me. It was late May of 2020 when WHO declared Latin America the new epicenter for the COVID-19 pandemic. México is listed as the second country to have the highest number of Latin American deaths (Statista 2021). I became interested in understanding how other Latin American students were coping amidst the pandemic. After interviewing Lily, an
Ecuadorian student, I realized I was not conducting research on the pandemic but rather during the pandemic. I learned about her migration for education journey. We spoke very little about the pandemic and spoke more on our shared experiences as Latina's in higher education. Organically, my research shifted to the overall experiences of navigating student life as an international student from Latin America.
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In search of the Latin American community in the Netherlands, I found my Mexican community. With over 400 Mexican students studying in the Netherlands,2 I learned about their stories. They came from México. I came from the U.S. Through hearing about their experiences of leaving México to study abroad, I began to question, Would I have made it into higher education if my mother did not cross the border? Would I, as a Mexican born in México, be able to achieve higher education? Do Latin Americans have to go through some form of migration, whether domestic or abroad, to access quality education? Sharing my narrative has been the most challenging task of writing my thesis. Growing up in the United States, I felt more connected to my Mexican roots. My mother made sure I never forgot about our ranchito. I found myself in the people I study. I can only share their narratives as far as I share my own. Guided by my own experiences and conversation with Mexican students, my thesis aims to answer: How does student migration affect Mexican students' perceptions and experiences of navigating student life in the Netherlands? In this thesis, I will argue for the importance of understanding the experiences and perceptions of how underrepresented students achieve higher education to dismantle the inequalities within the university setting.
Methodology
I began my fieldwork in the Summer of 2020 when the Netherlands started to relax the pandemic measures and reopen restaurants, bars, primary schools, and even lift the travel bans across other European countries.3 For the duration of twelve weeks (July-September), my research led me to the Latin American community in the Netherlands. From various online support groups, restaurants, dancing communities to assistance from non-government organizations (NGOs), all are present for both Hispanic and Latina/o people.4 Unfortunately, I missed out on events within the university setting to connect with students face to face. Conducting participant observations was a rare opportunity. Due to the pandemic's limitations on my fieldwork, most forms of communication were online. Nevertheless, it was the Spanish language and our shared experiences that allowed me to connect with the people I came across.
2 See Uis.unesco.org. 2021 3 See Government.nl. 2020
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Through in-depth semi-structured interviews, collective narratives were shared on perspectives of academic life for Mexican students abroad. Through an online support group on Facebook called 'Mexicanos en Amsterdam-Official', I found most of my participants. I sent a message to the group asking for support from students who would like to share their experiences of navigating student life. My post received positive reactions from the group, with over twenty people interested in participating and others commenting on how relevant they found my research. I joined this online group for the purpose of my study; however, I experienced support beyond my thesis. I related to the posts on missing loved ones, finding comfort food, and tips on navigating the Dutch language and culture. The group, to some members, resembled the collectivistic nature of the Mexican culture.
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The interviews took place via the online platform Zoom. One participant preferred to meet in person because she was experiencing Zoom fatigue from her online classes. We met at an outdoor 5 Translation: Hello friends, I require help from students or recent graduates who are living in the Netherlands. I am studying for my master's degree at the UvA in Anthropology and working with Latin American students for my thesis, especially with students who decide to stay in The Netherlands. My study is about how Latinos navigate studying and living in another country and how
universities in the Netherlands can better help Latin American students. Your contribution would be very important and meaningful because there are not many studies about Latinos by Latinos. I just need a few interviews about your experiences studying and living here. If you are interested or know of someone who can help me, I would greatly appreciate it. Thanks a lot for your time!
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café near Dam square, sitting a 1.5-meter distance apart. It was a peculiar interaction. My phone was laid out on the table, acting as my tape recorder. In Spanish, I asked for consent to record the conversation. As I was asking, she stopped me and corrected my Spanish. I felt embarrassed, and it set the tone for the rest of the interview. She referenced the term Pocha,6 a slang word Native-born Mexicans use to call U.S.-born Mexicans that do not speak Spanish fluently. It was used indirectly towards me, but I took no offense. Conducting these interviews in Spanish was important and empowering. Though Spanish is my mother tongue, my Spanish is more of a mix of Spanglish. It is seen as a badge of honor for Chicana/o's because it makes us bilingual. A few participants asked where I was from because they could not locate my Spanish accent. One even asked with curiosity, 'Tu no eres de México? [You are not from México?] These two instances occurred during the beginning weeks of my fieldwork, shaping how I conducted the rest of the interviews. I was better prepared with my Spanish questions, and I informed the participants I was Chicana—excusing my Spanglish. The questions asked in the interview were sequenced questions that created a story with a beginning, middle, and end on the journey of studying abroad. I began each interview by asking about the decision-making process to study in the Netherlands with specific questions on the application/visa process—followed by questions on cultural adaptation experiences and navigating student life from differences in interactions with professors to the difficulties of managing student workload.
Questions on inclusion and belonging arose as students shared their perceptions of what guided their decision to stay or return home. The conversations flowed well as participants would move on to the next questions without me having to ask. Every participant shared how determination and hard work allowed them to see past any challenges and keep their focus on taking full advantage of the opportunity to study abroad—many calling it an adventure.
The title of my thesis reads: Para Nosotros, Por Nosotros, which translates to 'For Us, By Us.' In the Facebook post asking for participants, I mention how significant the contributions to this research are. There are few studies on the Latin American experience written by Latin Americans. In part, I felt compelled to write about the Mexican community after questioning if I belonged to it. In asking my interlocutors about their decision-making process to study abroad, I wondered if I would have had the same fate if I was born in Mexico. Writing my personal story took months of
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reflection, questioning, and acceptance. Reflexivity was instrumental in my research. Furthermore, it is a significant part of sociocultural Anthropology (Reed-Danahay 2009). As difficult as it was to share, reading similar stories allowed me to see the importance of personal narratives—especially within higher education.
Books such as Inside The Ivory Tower: Narratives of Women of Colour Surviving And Thriving in British Academia (Gabriel & Tate 2017) and The Leaning Ivory Tower: Latino Professors in American Universities (Gándara 2008) speak on the experiences of surviving academia as first a student and then a professor of color. Narratives and testimonies on personal struggle, marginality, institutionalized racism, exclusion, and belonging are collectively shared through autoethnography—A methodology I found myself employing. After reading A. Reynaldo Contreras's (ibid.:2008:111) narrative, titled, The Odyssey of a Chicano Academic, I was struck by his experience with the Peace Corps that led him to his mentor suggesting he goes to Stanford University for his Master's degree. He references his academic experiences as an odyssey. As a Stanford student, he worked to establish recognition for Latin Americans in higher education, and now as a professor, he says the odyssey continues. Though these books are centered on academic experiences in the U.K. and the U.S., there is emerging literature (Claeys-Kulik, Jørgensen, & Stöber 2019) and studies on diversity, equity, and inclusion in European Higher Education Institutions (HEIs).7 Chapter 1 will focus on the
Netherlands HEIs.
Interlocutors
Eighteen Latin American people participated in this research. In particular, one interlocutor was not a student but a recruiter living in Mexico City whose mission is to assist and encourage Mexican students to study abroad. Fourteen participants identified as female and four as male. The participants' age ranged from twenty years old to thirty-five years old, with most over twenty-five. There were two requirements participants had to meet. First, they must be current students, recent graduates (within a year), or had graduated but remained in the Netherlands. Second, they had to be living in the Netherlands. Two of the participants are sisters back in Mexico (both will be returning to the
7 The European University Association( EUA) created the Invited Project that focuses on supporting universities in developing strategies towards equity, inclusion, and diversity.
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Netherlands) for reasons related to the pandemic. Almost all participants are from Mexico City8 , and two are from Ecuador. Initially, I intended to interview students from all over Latin America; however, I shifted to only Mexican students after my interactions with the Ecuadorian students. I will further discuss the two Ecuadorian students' experiences in Chapter 1—as it is relevant to understanding the overall perceptions of international students from Latin America studying in the Netherlands.
There are specific requirements Latin American students, and non-EU students must meet to study in the Netherlands. The most crucial requirement is proof of English language proficiency. The other conditions are particular to the University and are program-specific such as meeting a grade point average and Dutch VWO (University preparatory education) diploma. Universities in the Netherlands require non-EU students to have completed one year of a bachelor's degree, with some offering one-year preparatory programs. The University of Amsterdam, for example, is partnered with ONCAMPUS.9 Faviola, the recruiter, mentioned Mexican students choose to complete their masters abroad instead of a Bachelor's because of the one-year Bachelor's requirement. Students already meet the requirement if they obtain their Bachelor's in México, and it is more affordable for them. She said it is a hassle for students to switch not only universities but countries during their studies. Universities also offer prospective students 'deficiency' exams if they do not meet subject requirements for specific degree programs.
Most participants were Master's students. In total, five were current Master's students, four were Bachelor's students, and three were recent (Master's) graduates. Three had graduated with their Master's over two years ago, and one participant was a Ph.D. student who also completed her Master's in the Netherlands. Students attended all the well-known universities in the Netherlands: Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Universiteit Utrecht, Universiteit Maastricht, Technische Universiteit Delft, Universiteit van Amsterdam, and Amsterdam Fashion Institute. Tuition funding ranged from scholarships, loans to financial aid—a few shared they used their life savings to study abroad. Most come from middle-class families who in some form aided and supported their studies. Chapter 1 will elaborate more on tuition and scholarship assistance.
8 Within México, a person who is from Mexico city is often called a Chilango/a. It is sometimes used as a deragotory term by Mexicans outside of Mexico city, who perceive Chilango/a’s as ‘city people.’
9 OnCampus teaches pre-university programmes for a wide range of undergraduate and Master's degrees at leading universities across
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Collectively, my interlocutors' narratives share an experience unique to Latin American students abroad. In my interlocutors' willingness to share their stories, before starting and ending every interview, I informed each participant that our conversation would remain confidential, and to ensure their privacy, I have changed their names. Our discussions focused on real experiences not aimed to criticize HEIs in the Netherlands or México but rather to bring awareness to underrepresented students' experiences. Furthermore, these narratives are not stories of victimization. They are experiences of determination, hard work, and ambition. My interlocutors have entrusted me with their stories to help guide and improve Mexican and Latin American students' experience abroad. At the end of every interview, I closed by asking for consejos [advice] for prospective students who wish to study overseas. In the epilogue of this thesis, you can find the consejos.
Theoretical Framework
There is an increasing presence of Latina/o students in International Higher Education (IHE), yet few studies focus on this group in higher education research (Villalpando 2004). Informed by Bernal (2002), Fernández (2002), and Villalpando's (2004) use of critical race theory (CRT) and Latino critical theory (LatCrit) in education, I will explore the personal narratives of Mexican students. The CRT and LatCrit frameworks provide a different point of view to the lived experiences of students of color in higher education by exposing human relationships and experiences that may not be viewable through a Eurocentric perspective. In her study, Bernal (2002) uses a Eurocentric
perspective and a specific race-gendered perspective to compare and contrast how the experiences of Chicana/o students are interpreted. She illustrates that the notion of meritocracy, objectivity, and individuality is rooted in the Eurocentric perspective. She states, 'the notion of meritocracy allows people to believe that all people—no matter what race, class, or gender—get what they deserve based primarily on an individual's own merit and how hard a person works' (Bernal 2002:111). All interlocutors expressed the tremendous amount of work and pressure they felt beyond their studies. One conversation in particular, with Gabriel, caught my attention. With pride, he said:
Me esforcé como no tienes una idea. El grado de esfuerzo fue dedicarme 100 por ciento. Si no estudiaba mucho no lo iba a hacer. Trabaje muy duro, pero a eso vine. [You have no idea how hard I had to try. The degree of effort was dedicating myself 100 percent. If I did not study hard, I was not going to make it. I worked very hard, but that is why I am here.]
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Gabriel knew studying abroad would come with its challenges; however, his hard work and dedication were only reminders of why he chose to study overseas. According to Bernal (2002), 'CRT and LatCrit are transdisciplinary and draw on many bodies of progressive scholarship to understand and improve the educational experiences of students of color.' Furthermore, Fernandez (2002) argues CRT and LatCrit allow participants to reflect on their lived experiences. For example, Gabriel further elaborates on his views on hard work and brings up the topic of intergenerational trauma:
Lo que nos pasa a los Latinos, dedicamos mucho tiempo para hablar de las desgracias, y lo difícil que es nuestra vida, y mucho menos tiempo a ver como, de ver de estar sufriendo, que tienes que hacer para dejar de sufrir? Para sufrir lo menos posible (jadeó de rabia e hizo su mano en un puño), dejemos de hablar de que difícil fue la situación. Es un tema cultural. Si todos los latinos que estudian en el extranjero se preguntara, por qué nuestras familias están así y yo estoy acá, te metes en temas sociales y ves las causas de porque esta así tu familia. [What happens to us Latinos, we spend a lot of time talking about our misfortunes, and how difficult our lifes are, and much less time on we have to do to stop suffering? To suffer as little as possible (he gasped in anger and made his hand into a fist), let's stop talking about how difficult our situation is. It is a cultural issue. If all Latinos who study abroad questioned why our families are like this and why I am here, you get into social issues and you see the reasons why your family is like this.]
During this conversation, Gabriel first begins by expressing Latinos should speak less about their struggles, but as he was unfolding, he realized we should not just talk about them but instead question why they exist. He realized students should further ponder on why they left to understand their family's situations better. Understanding the importance of the CRT and LatCrit theoretical frameworks and their critiques also exemplifies why students of color should be studied through this lens. In her study, Bernal (2002:119) shares a critique that says we must:
"relentlessly replace traditional scholarship with personal stories, which hardly represent common experiences. The proliferation of stories makes it impossible for others to
debate…An infatuation with narrative infects and distorts [their] attempts at analysis. Instead of scientifically investigating whether rewarding individuals according to merit has any objective basis, [they] insist on telling stories about their personal struggles. (Simon, 1999, p. 3)"
Through an anthropological perspective on higher education research (Scutt & Hobson, 2013), I will argue for the use of personal narratives as qualitative research to help understand why Latina/o
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students—especially Mexican students decide to study abroad, thus, informing universities on how to better support underrepresented students' academic and sociocultural needs (Villalpando 2004). The use of personal narratives in anthropological work allows us to understand a group's experience.
'Anthropology also has its disruptive moment – disrupting our taken-for-granted norms by telling persuasive stories of cultural others (Scutt, 2002). In higher education research, we might do this by looking at 'education' in very different cultures to cast doubt on our own concept of a university. In this way, anthropology uses its rich capacity for telling stories to question larger stories – a provocative use of the 'narrative mode' (Scutt, C., & Hobson, J. 2013:23).'
This research focuses on a group absent within studies of International Student Mobility (ISM). Although there is a lack of recognition, the number of Latina/o students abroad continues to increase. Migrating to acquire education—student migration—is the fastest growing form of migration (Riaño & Piguet 2016). King and Ranghuram (2013) argue the study of international student mobility/migration is relatively neglected within migration research. The determinants for ISM and student migration become more evident for underrepresented countries and students in asking: What are the motives for Mexican students pursuing higher education abroad, and where do these students go? Riaño and Piguet (2016) argue understanding why students go abroad is a
multifaceted question. They conclude the reasons are threefold. First, countries have begun to attract and retain international students through an entrepreneurial approach where they use global strategies to increase revenue—the globalization of higher education. Second, governments offer students the opportunity to remain in the host country after their studies as highly educated/skilled migrants. Third, students and their families understand obtaining a degree abroad will provide higher socioeconomic status. Chapter 1 will analyze student mobility trends for México and the
Netherlands.
Moreover, much research on ISM factors (Abbott & Silles 2015; King & Raghuram 2013; Kahanec & Králiková 2011; Bessey 2012, Beine 2014) uses human capital theory to explain individual's motives to study abroad. 'According to this perspective, an individual will choose to migrate if (and only if) this means acquiring an experience or diploma (=human capital) that will improve future earning's (Riaño & Piguet 2016:2).' Nevertheless, the research population in these ISM studies using human
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capital theory are from 'top' countries. Therefore, I will also critique the use of human capital theory in chapter 2 because not all participants mention improving their future earning's as a factor for studying abroad. A study entitled, Does Human Capital Theory Account For Individual Higher Education Choice?, conducted in the Durban University of Technology in South Africa, questions human capital theory—a neoclassical economic analysis, as an 'improbable assumption about human behavior to model educational choices' (Merwe 2010). Thus, arguing 'that individual choice can be understood only on the variable ground of human expectations, perceptions and beliefs' (ibid.:2010). I will explore human capital theory and self-determination theory (SDT) to further understand student migration determinants. For underrepresented students, self-determination is what drives them, as was the case for Gabriel. Guided by Yang, Zhang, and Sheldon's (2017) study on self-determined motivation for studying abroad, I will analyze how Mexican students' determination reflects how they navigate student life and how it provides positive acculturation.
Lastly, due to the globalization of IHE, research on ISM determinants (Böhm, Davis, Meares, & Pearce 2002; Liu & Wang 2009) focuses solely on the top countries that host and send international students and on Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)10 countries. Resulting in influencing factors surrounding ISM to concentrate more on the popularity of the country choice and International Higher Education Institutions (IHEIs) than on who the student going abroad is. The countries that do not make it to the 'top' are not forgotten but instead ignored, resulting in racial/ethnic disparities in higher education. Such disparities within higher education institutions impact students' sense of belonging. I interpret a sense of belonging as a feeling where an individual feels accepted and part of a community. In her study on sense of belonging and international students, Yao (2015) claims educators should seek to increase students' sense of belonging rather than campus integration. She states a 'sense of belonging can influence international student success and persistence in a culturally inclusive way' (Yao 2015:9).
Nonetheless, some interlocutors mention they also feel a lack of belonging in Mexico. For example, Juan considers himself a bad example of a Latin American because he sought a culture that reflected more of where he thought he belonged.
10 The U.S., Mexico, and the Netherlands are in the Organization for Economic Coorperation and Development (OECD). Other ISM research includes countries specifically in OECD (Beine, Noël, & Ragot 2014).
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Yo no soy un buen ejemplo de un Latino. Los que buscamos otra cultura sentimos que en la nuestra no checamos. I do not fit the mold en México. La cultura Holandes es como mi forma de ser. Me gusta como funciona las cosas. [I am not an excellent example of a Latino. Those of us who look for another culture feel that we do not check ours. I do not fit the mold in México. Dutch culture is like my way of being. I like the way things work.]
I will share how students perceive belonging through a transnational approach to emphasize the
experiences and perceptions of navigating student life between two places. Transnationalism refers to developing ties between two or more countries and traveling regularly between these locations (Bass 2010; Skerrett 2020). Through this lens, my research aims to share how Mexican students perceive themselves after going overseas and how that shapes their decision to remain or return home.
Academic Relevance
In February of 2020, when in-person lectures and events were still allowed in the University, I had the honor of attending Dr. Shirley Anne Tate's lecture titled, 'Barriers to Diversity in our Academic Institutions: The Case of Institutional Racism.' Her personal story resonated with me. She shared her lived experiences as a woman of color in academia. Her struggles with racism and lack of support and recognition within the university setting were causing her stress and anxiety that she began to develop jaw pain. She was in disbelief that her locked jaw was caused by the thoughts of how her colleagues would react to her speaking up or how she would feel if she remained silent. These experiences moved her to dedicate her work to build what she calls the anti-racist University (Tate & Bagguley 2016). In this place, HEIs address institutionalized racism and move beyond implementing equality, diversity, and inclusion policies. This research seeks to contribute to the anti-racist University concept by understanding the experiences and perceptions of how
underrepresented students achieve higher education, despite the racial disparities they may encounter.
Furthermore, this research contributes to the collective narratives of students of color in academia. Tate argues it should be recognized as more than anecdotal evidence and used to improve
underrepresented students' lived experiences (Gabriel & Tate 2017). Through an anthropological lens on higher education research, we can begin to dismantle the inequalities within the university setting. My thesis provides narratives that are unique to the Latin American experience. With the globalization and internationalization of higher education, countries will look to attract international
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students. My thesis focuses on bringing awareness to the lack of students of color in higher
education and how IHEIs will continue to sustain that if they only focus on attracting students from 'top' countries. Universities need to do more than implement diversity and inclusion initiatives. Faviola, the study abroad recruiter, stated when universities partner with other universities in Mexico or with study abroad organizations, it creates more opportunities and access for students to pursue an education abroad.
Research Questions & Thesis Structure
The structure of this thesis is guided by my research question: How does student migration affect Mexican students' perceptions and experiences of navigating student life in the Netherlands? The chapters are outlined chronologically by the three stages of Mexican students' journey to study abroad, with each chapter answering a sub-question. The three chapters follow the narratives of the Mexican students' journey abroad from the beginning, middle, and end stages.
The first chapter, the beginning phase, focuses on why Mexican students decide to study abroad. It highlights the higher education system in México and the students' decision-making process on choosing the Netherlands. Chapter one explores student mobility trends for the Netherlands and Mexico and the influence of migration for education for underrepresented students. I share the determinants for student mobility through a human capital and self-determination theory
perspective where my interlocuters challenge the narrative of whom the international student going abroad is. Chapter one will answer: What is the decision-making process for Mexican students who want to complete their higher education abroad?
Chapter two focuses on the second stage of Mexican student's journey abroad—arriving in the Netherlands. Students reflect on what it means for them to be students from Latin America, followed by their perceptions of Dutch HEIs, speaking English, and inclusion. Additionally, comparisons are made between their experiences of studying in higher educations in México vs. the Netherlands, such as the student-teacher relationships and resources for learning disabilities. Chapter two answers: What are Mexican students' perceptions and experiences as they navigate student life in the Netherlands?
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In chapter three, students share the factors that influence their decision-making on whether they will remain in the Netherlands or return home. Understanding how Mexican students view themselves within Dutch culture and how they see themselves before, during, and after their studies provides further analysis on their sense of belonging. Through a transnational theory perspective, I will share how navigating between two places influences students' sense of belonging. Additionally, I will argue for further research on student migration as it impacts students' decision-making process and how they navigate their lived experiences as international student migrants. Chapter three seeks to answer: How does student migration affect Mexican student's sense of belonging?
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Chapter 1: Migration for Education
This chapter will seek to answer: What is the decision-making process for Mexican students who want to complete their higher education abroad? Before examining why Mexican students decide to pursue and continue their higher education in the Netherlands, I will first share an overview of ISM determinants for the Netherlands and México. This chapter will highlight the challenges, obstacles, and determination of Mexican students' journeys to becoming international students. In sharing their narratives, I hope to provide real experiences and challenge the assumptions of what makes the international student migrant.
International Student Mobility
Over the past three decades, there has been a significant increase in the number of international students worldwide. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO), the number of international students rose from 2.8 million to 4.1 million between 2005 and 2013. As of 2019, the number has since increased to over 5.3 million (UNESCO 2021). Due to the globalization of IHE, many countries have experienced substantial economic impacts from international students. The United States makes up more than half, with over 1 million international students, contributing to the U.S. higher education sector turning into a billion-dollar industry.11 The United Kingdom, China, Canada, and Australia follow the U.S. in the top five host countries.12 The top places of origin for most international students are China, India, and the United States. Since IHE has become a billion-dollar industry—the competitiveness of globalization and higher education, more and more HEIs worldwide are looking to attract international students.13 Lo (2011) argues we need to look at the globalization of higher education beyond an anti-colonial perspective:
'Analysing such internationalisation experiences through the anti-colonial lens, globalisation of higher education can be interpreted as a form of neo-colonialism that maintains the
11 In 2019, International students contributed $41 billion to the U.S. economy. See NAFSA 2021 12 Note: All, with the exception of China, are English speaking countries.
13 “Project Atlas is a global research initiative that disseminates comparable student mobility data, conducts studies on academic migration and the internationalization of higher education, and provides customized workshops and research to strengthen the collection of mobility data around the world” (Project Atlas Infographics 2019).
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patterns of dependency and reinforces the superiority of Anglo-American scholarship. In fact, this anti-colonial approach to the globalisation of higher education helps connect the dynamics brought by the emergence of the knowledge economy and globalised environment with the inequality between North and South, West and East' (ibid.:2011:210).
From the multiple empirical pieces of literature on aspects of ISM (Abbott & Silles 2015; King & Raghuram 2013; Kahanec & Králiková 2011; Bessey 2012, Beine 2014), most use an econometric method to examine which factors have statistically and economically influenced student mobility. Vikash (2010) uses a socioeconomic model that lists social/cultural, economic, and political reasons as the main factors that drive student mobility. Nonetheless, through a CRT and LatCrit perspective, this model will look different for underrepresented students. Vikash (2010) used econometric
methodologies in his research to argue for bridging a gap between anecdotal and empirical evidence on ISM. He states having concrete empirical evidence will contribute to creating policy and
recruitment strategies for ISM. I agree; however, when only the 'top countries' and OECD countries are studied in the research for ISM determinants, what happens to the countries that are not yet meeting the globalized demand for higher education? Lo (2011) further argues that there are power dynamics within global higher education where Western dominance is maintained and legitimized through global university rankings. Almost all interlocutors listed the University's ranking as a deciding factor for studying in the Netherlands.
IHEIs in both the USA and Europe have predominantly White students (Severiens, Dam & Blom 2006). The U.S. takes the lead in international students' inbound and stands in the top three for outbound.14 In the 2018-2019 academic year, 347,099 U.S. students were studying abroad, with 68.7 percent majority White (NAFSA 2021). In comparison, only 6.4 percent were African American, 10.9 percent Hispanic/Latino, 8.9 percent Asian/Pacific Islander, and 0.4 percent American Indian/Alaska Native. Of the racial/ethnic minorities listed, many are first-generation college students. Nonetheless, the ISM research and stereotypes mainly point to the elite and the affluent international student who goes abroad (Vikash 2010)—misrepresenting the many students who do not fit those categories.
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In relevant research titled, "We Just Don't Have the Possibility Yet": U.S. Latina/o Narratives on Study Abroad, the authors investigate the lack of Latina/o students participating in study abroad through the perceptions and experiences of these students' decision-making process not to study abroad (McClure, Szelényi, Niehaus, Anderson, & Reed 2010). The study concludes that Latina/o students in the U.S. see study abroad as not an option or of interest because they cannot afford the expenses, and the idea of leaving family behind will be emotionally and logistically challenging (ibid.:2010:14). The United States has the highest tuition fees globally and has over $1.67 trillion in student loan debt (EducationData 2021). Scholarships and funding for in-country tuition are limited for students of color, and it is even more scarce for those who wish to go abroad. I am asking the opposite: What is the decision-making process for Mexican students who want to complete their higher education abroad? I share similar sentiments with the Latina/o students in this study. The U.S.'s high tuition fees led me to seek my Master's degree overseas, and having the motivation of wanting more for my family allowed me to cope with not losing my strong family ties. Further adding to Yang, Zhang, and Sheldon's (2017:96) study on SDT, they state, 'self-determined motivation is correlated with higher objective social-cultural adjustment.'
This study further concludes that there is no lack of data available on anecdotal information of students of color and research abroad (McClure, Szelényi, Niehaus, Anderson, & Reed 2010). However, most research on students of color and study abroad is published in magazines, newspaper articles, and conference presentations instead of peer-reviewed journals (ibid.:2010:5). Even with sufficient anecdotal evidence on the lack of diversity within study abroad participation, how can HEIs support the underrepresented student? They share, "It will require international educators providing outlets for students to voice their opinions, researchers to analyze their perspectives, and policymakers to listen to the voices that count most"(ibid.:2010:17). Higher Education in the Netherlands
In the Netherlands, full-time education is compulsory from the age of five to sixteen years old. At the end of primary school, students take an attainment test that decides if they attend VMBO (prevocational or junior general secondary education), HAVO (senior general education), or VWO (pre-university education). HAVO and VWO prepare students for university education. According to an article on researching race/ethnicity and educational inequality in the Netherlands, "the Dutch government considers obtaining a VWO, HAVO or VMBO (at least level 2) as the minimum level
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of education required to stand a serious chance of obtaining long-term schooled employment in the Netherlands' (Stevens, Clycq, Timmerman, & Van Houtte 2011)." There are two types of HEIs in the Netherlands: research-oriented education (wetenschappelijk onderwijs, W.O.) and higher professional education (hoger beroepsonderwijs, HBO). For Dutch students, about 2 in every 100 students participate in study abroad with Belgium, the U.K., the U.S., and Germany as popular destinations (NUFFIC 2021).
The Netherlands is one of the top leading places of origin for international students (ProjectAtlas 2019). Worldwide, the number of international students has rapidly increased over the last decade, with the Netherlands doubling in numbers. According to Nuffic (2020), the Dutch organization for internationalization in education, for the 2019/2020 academic year, 12.3% of all enrolled students in the Netherlands are international students. To further support Dutch HEIs, the Netherlands' education support offices (Neso) were established in nine countries to increase international students' quality and diversity coming to the Netherlands. These countries (Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, South Korea, and Vietnam) were of strategic importance to the Dutch higher education sector because 57 percent of most international students from outside the European Union originate from these countries (NUFFIC 2020). Moreover, Neso also
promoted outbound mobility for Dutch students, specifically with South Africa, China, India, Russia, and South Korea. Unfortunately, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, and Nuffic will phase out Neso by January 2024. According to the Strategic Agenda for Higher Education and Research, the decision to terminate Neso was about "changing geopolitical relations, the central government needs to shape its presence abroad in a different, more strategic way" (NUFFIC 2021). The implementation of the Bologna process greatly influences student mobility and higher education in the Netherlands. The Bologna process was implemented by the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) in Bologna, Italy 1999, initially with 29 European countries (including the Netherlands) with a mission on mobility and cooperation within E.U. higher education (European
Commission/EACEA/Eurydice 2020). It now has 48 countries collaborating to achieve compatible higher education systems throughout Europe. Two critical factors in the Bologna process sustain success in higher education for E.U. countries. First is the three cycles of higher education
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Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS credit points).15 These factors enable easier access for students to pursue their higher education in other European countries. In the European Higher Education Area in 2020: Bologna Process Implementation Report, the commissioner for Innovation, Research, Culture, Education, and Youth, Mariya Grabiel, shares a few key points of the report in the foreword that I find vital and relevant:
'Implementation works better when higher education systems take account of the experience of other countries… Inclusion of students from disadvantaged backgrounds must become a reality and not merely a common aspiration, as all our citizens must be able to develop their full potential if our countries are to fulfill theirs' (ibid.:2020:5).
The Netherlands has also seen an increase in non-Western descent students or, as referred to in the Dutch context, ethnic minority students due to 'democratization of higher education,' combined with long-term effects of postcolonial and labor migration' (Meeuwisse, Severiens, & Born 2010). However, various studies on the achievement gap between ethnic minority students and Native Dutch students (Hofman & van den Berg 2003; Tolsma, Coenders, & Lubbers, 2007; Van De Werfhorst & Van Tubergen 2007; Stevens, Clycq, Timmerman, & Van Houtte 2011). Much of the (quantitative) research focuses on the trends in Ethnic inequality of educational opportunities (IEO), with conclusions leading to high parental social-economic status as a factor for high academic achievement. Sixty percent of Native Dutch students in higher education have at least one parent with a higher education degree (Hofman & van den Berg 2003). I reference these studies to explain further the lack of diversity within higher education institutions for non-EU students and ethnic minority students in the Netherlands.
Higher Education in México
In México, education is compulsory from ages six to sixteen years old, and in 2012, México made upper secondary education compulsory to encourage students to pursue higher education. However, not all areas in México, mostly rural areas, have implemented this goal (Roach 2019). There are three main levels of education: basic education (educación básica), upper- secondary education (educación
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media superior, bachiller16), and higher education (educación superior). México's higher education institutions consist of public universities, private universities, institutes of technology, technical universities, and teacher-training institutes. All students must complete upper secondary education to attend HEIs, and some require admission exams. México does not have mandatory external accreditation systems (National Qualifications Framework) and quality assurance for higher education providers. Although México has various HEIs, many, especially private universities, are not recognized by the Ministry of Education (Secretaría de Educación Pública, SEP)—due to lack of participation from HEIs in the systems of program registration (RVOE). Without recognition from SEP and RVOE, students who graduate from those universities do not have the opportunity to pursue higher education abroad.
Despite México rating among the lowest for OECD (2019) countries on lack of access to higher education (82 percent of Mexicans between the age of 25 and 64 do not have any higher education), the number of students in higher education has increased in the last two decades. In the academic year of 2017-2018, Mexico had 4.5 million students enrolled in higher education compared to 2.4 million from the year 2002 (OECD 2019). Mexico faces many social, gender, and geographical inequalities in its higher education systems. More than half of my interlocutors come from Mexico City. The rest migrated from state to state in pursuit of higher education. Higher education
opportunities are minimal for most rural Mexico due to the lack of high quality and upper secondary education access. For underrepresented students such as the marginalized indigenous population, all educational outcomes are significantly low.
According to the OECD (2019) report, Higher Education in Mexico: Labour Market Relevance and Outcomes, 27 percent of young higher education students were formerly employed, and 46 percent were employed with occupations not requiring a higher education degree. Four interlocutors shared they knew achieving their higher education abroad will provide them with more opportunities in Mexico. A few stated that a degree from the Netherlands is worth more than a degree from Mexico in Mexico. All interlocutors mentioned they are aware of the privilege they have to be able to go abroad. For most, studying abroad was the next goal they wanted to achieve, but for Alma, for
16 Nuffic created a report on Mexico’s Education system compared with the Dutch System. The Bachiller is equivalent to the HAVO diploma. See https://www.nuffic.nl/sites/default/files/2020-08/education-system-mexico.pdf
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example, she did not want to study abroad. She wanted to remain in Mexico, but she knew she had to take the opportunity. A degree from the Netherlands would open more doors for her in Mexico.
La verdad es que prefiero vivir en México. Ósea, realmente yo nunca me quise ir a estudiar fuera, pero pues francamente me convenía en todos los sentidos irme, y por eso me fui. The truth is that I prefer to live in Mexico. I mean, I never really wanted to go study abroad, but frankly it was convenient for me to leave in every way, and that's why I left.
Currently, 34,196 Mexican students are studying abroad, with more than half studying in the United States. Spain, Germany, France, and Canada are in the top five countries of choice for Mexican students' (UNESCO 2021). There are currently over 400 Mexican students studying in the Netherlands, and the majority are women. In 2012, a survey called Patlani [ to fly in Nahuatl] was published on student mobility in Mexico (Bustos-Aguirre 2019). Essential information from the report shows 96 percent had traveled internationally, one in every three Mexican students attended the top three elite private universities in Mexico, and study abroad is mostly an option for privileged ( middle and upper class) students. Almost all interlocutors traveled abroad before beginning their studies in the Netherlands. Bustos-Aguirre (2019: 14) concludes that developing and emerging countries that do not have supportive programs like Europes Erasmus+17 will continue to see the affluent and privileged students go abroad. Nevertheless, public universities in Mexico are
successfully increasing in providing funding and scholarships to less affluent students studying abroad.
The percentage of foreign nationals studying in Mexico is notably small that it rounds to zero. However, due to the Bologna Process, there has been cooperation between E.U. and Latin American countries (LAC). Though E.U. students are not choosing LAC as their top choice for studying abroad, Latin American students' outgoing mobility within the E.U. is gradually increasing. Francis Espinoza Figueroa (2010) sees The Bologna Process as a Trojan Horse and argues university policies in LAC (specifically Chile and Mexico) are strongly influenced by the European models of higher education. He states:
'I prefer to see the model of the Bologna Process as a 'Trojan horse' that purports to bring a vaguely European influence yet, in fact, makes a more fundamental change than that might 17 Erasmus+ is a European program that provides Europeans the opportunity to study, train, and gain experience abroad.
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imply. The Bologna Process can be seen, then, as the most influential tool that Europe has been using to spread the norms, ideas and languages of the countries of the European Community' (Figueroa 2010:249).
Although in his article, Figueroa views The Bologna Process as a 'European Hegemonic Instrument' of normative power or, as he also refers it, post-colonialist strategy, the effects of The Bologna Process on Mexican higher education policies are strengthening and progressing (ibid.:2010:248). The Bologna Process has internationalized higher education. At this point, LAC will have no choice but to follow the E.U.'s approach to higher education if they want to increase student mobility. Aventuras of Student Migrants
It is important to differentiate international students from international student migrants to understand the different factors influencing student mobility trends. According to the OECD, UNESCO, and European Union's Statistical Office (EUROSTAT), an international (mobile) student is an individual who left their country of origin to study in another country (Migration Data Portal 2020). Within the group of international students lies different ISM categories such as vertical, horizontal, credit, and degree mobility. Mobility from developing to developed countries where higher education quality is perceived as superior or more prestigious refers to vertical mobility (NVVN 2017). Horizontal mobility occurs when countries share equally developed higher education systems. Credit mobility (King & Raghuram 2013: 4) refers to a short-term abroad stay lasting less than a year, often resulting in the student returning to the home institution. An international student seeking long-term degrees such as a Bachelor's or Master's refers to degree mobility, also known as student migration.18 According to this categorization, the student is considered an international student migrant if the move abroad lasts at least one year. Here prospects of returning to their country of origin after completing their studies are open-ended(ibid.:2013:4). Chapter 3 will elaborate on students' differential experiences with remaining in the host country temporarily or staying long-term.
All interlocutors except for one fall under the degree mobility category—student migrants. All shared professional development (human capital) was the main factor in deciding to go overseas for 18 Note: Not all ISM results in student migration. For example, exchange students contribute to ISM but are not international student migrants since the study period is usually short-term/credit-based.
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higher education. For some, professional development did not entail financial gains but instead increased skills and knowledge. Karmen, Juan, Linda, and Gabriel were working professionally in Mexico. Linda worked in the medical field for eight years but grew tired of her work. She said, "I was frustrated, and I decided that I wanted to try something new." Karmen felt she was missing something professionally. "I had a good life. I loved my life in México and my job. I felt something was missing, especially professionally." Juan and Gabriel both were seeking to increase their skills and knowledge. Gabriel, a lawyer, shared his goal is to bring back what he learned abroad to México and build capacity for his Mexican counterparts. On the other hand, Juan wanted to experience cross-cultural knowledge sharing in what he referred to as "the professional world of tech." All four are over the age of thirty.
Three of the seventeen interlocutors were on a scholarship provided by Mexico. Karolina knew she wanted to study abroad since she was a young girl: "Toda mi vida tenia mi plan de vida" [All my life, I had my life plan.] She received scholarships to all the top universities in Mexico. "I knew I wanted to study abroad, and I knew I could do it." Karolina is from México City. She recalls the scholarship application process as competitive but manageable if you meet the requirements. "Speaking English is my lucky charm." Janet is from Zacatecas, a state in central México with limited higher education opportunities. She migrated for higher education first to Monterrey City, where she learned about studying abroad through a classmate who went to Canada. He informed her about their University's school fairs. There she met Fausto, a recruiter. She said he simplified the application process for her, and she lost all intimidation and fear of the possibility of studying overseas. Fausto did not help her passed explaining the application process. He encouraged her to look at Facebook groups for Latin Americans/Mexicans in the Netherlands for further help. Janet recalls that for six months, she worked on the scholarship and university application process. She applied for a scholarship from her home state, and there, she was told that nobody takes advantage of the scholarships. Domestic migration for higher education in México has increased in the past two decades. In México City, the scholarships are scarce and competitive, while other states, such as Zacatecas, offer scholarships. However, students are unaware they exist. "Where you live in México is your opportunity."
Three interlocutors have siblings who are also abroad. For Alma, two of her siblings and her mother influenced her decision.
