Surviving or Thriving in the Gig Economy? A Study of the Livelihood Strategies of Venezuelan Migrants in Medellín

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Surviving or Thriving in the

Gig Economy?

A Study of the Livelihood Strategies of Venezuelan Migrants in Medellín

Source: Adapted from Pardo (2019)

Master thesis International Development Studies Graduate School of Social Sciences

Babette Schenkels | 10521364 Babetteschenkels@live.nl

Supervisor: Dr. Floris Vermeulen Second reader: Dr. Nicky Pouw August 6, 2020

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Abstract

The Venezuelan crisis forced more than 1.8 million Venezuelans to flee and look for survival opportunities in cities in neighbouring country Colombia. In Colombia’s cities, many migrants earn their daily income in the gig economy by working for ride-hailing or delivery platforms such as Rappi and Uber. Despite growing research on the gig economy, it is still poorly understood what kind of role it plays in the livelihoods of forced migrants. This thesis aims to fill this gap in research by exploring how on-demand gig work functions as a livelihood strategy for Venezuelan migrants in Medellín, Colombia. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework has been adapted to fit in the context of forced migration, making it a unique framework to assess whether doing platform-based work leads to sustainable livelihood outcomes for forced migrant populations such as the Venezuelans.

The primary data consists of in-depth semi-structured interviews that were held with Venezuelan migrants working for delivery- and ride-hailing platforms in Medellín. Methodologically, the research focuses on the experiences of the challenges and opportunities they face in Medellin’s gig economy. The research finds that the gig economy generates several sustainable livelihood outcomes for migrants in Medellín, as it offers them easy access to the local labour market, an extended social network, and an increased sense of flexibility and autonomy. However, the necessity to survive and send money to their families in Venezuela who depend on their remittances, makes the migrants work long hours, while lacking worker rights and social benefits. Together with the risks of an unstable income, accidents, and the dependence on physical objects, this can exacerbate the precarity of Venezuelan migrant workers who already lack capitals to rely on. This research provides detailed insights into the challenges and opportunities that Venezuelan migrants face while building their livelihoods in Medellín. It shows how the gig economy has the potential to create new economic opportunities for forced migrants, but also exacerbates precarity, which should be addressed both by policy makers and companies to ensure that the gig work will fully benefit them.

Key words: Venezuelans in Medellin, forced migration, livelihood strategies, gig economy,

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Acknowledgments

The creation of this thesis would not have been possible without the support of several people. First, I would like to thank all the Venezuelan migrants who participated in this study. Despite their busy work schedules, they took the time to share their experiences with me, allowing me to get a deep insight into their lives as gig workers in Medellín. Despite all the difficulties that they encounter during their migration journey, they are moving forward to improve the livelihoods of both themselves and their families back in Venezuela. Secondly, I would like to thank my supervisor Floris Vermeulen for his positivity, guidance and support during the research- and writing process of this thesis. I also want to thank my dear friend Amber. I am very proud that all the ideas from our brainstorm sessions in the library last year became a reality. Together we have been able to combine academic research with action-oriented work. Our shared belief in storytelling as a tool for change has led to the documentary and crowd-funding project Humans Behind Headlines. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude for all the wonderful Venezuelans that we met during our time in Medellín and were willing to share their struggles, motivations and aspirations with us. Your stories of hardship but also your positive attitudes to move forward sparked my motivation to write and learn more about this topic.

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List of Abbreviations

 COLVENZ: Colonia de Venezolanos en Colombia  COP: Colombian pesos

 DIDF: Department for International Development Framework  IOM: International Organization for Migration

 NGO: Non-Governmental Organization  PEP: Permiso Especial de Permanencia  SLF: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework  TMF: Tarjeta Migratoria de Tránsito Fronteriza

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List of Figures

Figures

• Figure 1: DFID’s Sustainability Framework

• Figure 2: Protective assets for successful migration • Figure 3: Conceptual scheme thesis

• Figure 4: Map of Medellín with main destinations of Venezuelan migrants

• Figure 5: Map of Medellín demonstrating the living and working areas of participants • Figure 6: Income of participants on “good days” and ‘bad days” in the application. Images

• Image 1: Rappi drivers at work in Medellín • Image 2: Comuna 13, Medellín

Tables

• Table 1: Overview of the study’s participants and relevant characteristics • Table 2: Overview of relevant characteristics of the participant’s employment

• Table 3: Different strategies implemented by the respondents to use assets for on-demand gig work

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1. Introduction

1.1. Background

The failing policy of Hugo Chavez, followed by the increasing dictatorial regime led by Nicolas Maduro, has disrupted the Venezuelan society in recent decades. Despite possessing the largest oil reserves in the world, the country is now facing hyperinflation, food scarcity and high rates of crime and poverty (Caraballo-Arias et al., 2018).The political and socio-economic crisis in Venezuela has fueled an unprecedented population outflow. Venezuelans have been pushed to neighboring countries by a lack of access to food, medicines and other basic services such as electricity and water (Doocy et al., 2019). According to the UNHCR, an estimated number of 5 million Venezuelans has currently fled their country, creating the world’s second-largest displacement crisis after Syria (Coordination platform, 2020; OAS, 2019).

The flow of refugees from Venezuela puts pressure on the region as many neighboring countries lack the capacity to absorb the unprecedented number of migrants (Arnson, 2019). The majority of the Venezuelans have fled to neighboring country Colombia, where approximately 1.8 million are residing (IOM, 2020). Venezuelan migrants are especially fleeing to Colombia’s cities to seek better life opportunities, drawn by the presence of medical services, recreation, education and employment opportunities (Migración Colombia, 2019). This is putting pressure on the capacity of Colombia’s cities to absorb these migrants and provide basic services such as education, work and healthcare (Roth, 2019). Illegal networks are increasingly taking advantage of the vulnerable Venezuelan migrants, and some are being exploited or forced into crime and prostitution (Ramsey & Sánchez-Garzoli, 2019; John, 2019). In Colombian cities, Venezuelans increasingly find opportunities in the gig economy through work for ride-hailing and food-delivery platforms such as Uber, Beat and Rappi (Bandeira, 2019; Bustos Cholo, 2020). On the one hand, these platforms are helping Venezuelans at arrival with finding a highly needed income, on the other hand concerns are rising about the vulnerability of these gig workers who might be willing to accept poor work conditions such as long working hours, low incomes, and no job security (Bandeira, 2019; Benton & Patuzi, 2019). The emergence of the gig economy has increasingly received attention in the public

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9 and academic debate (De Stefano, 2015; Standing, 2011; Sundararajan, 2016; Einav et al., 2016). Despite growing attention, few research has been conducted on the opportunities and challenges the emerging economy creates for migrants and refugees. This whilst migrants form a predominant and growing part of the gig economy workforce (van Doorn et al., 2020). For newcomers, the digital platforms potentially create opportunities to earn a living as it offers them a relative quick and easy access to the local labor market. However, concerns have been raised that gig work exacerbates the already vulnerable situation of migrants due to precarious labor conditions such as long hours, job insecurity and lack of social protection (Fairwork, 2020, Benton & Patuzi, 2019, van Doorn et al., 2020). In this research, the Sustainable Livelihood Approach will be used to analyze how platform-based work functions as a livelihood strategy for Venezuelan migrants in the city of Medellín, one of the main destinations for Venezuelans in Colombia.

1.2. Relevance

The massive outflow of the Venezuelan population is a relatively recent phenomenon and therefore its impact on the region has not yet been researched properly. Colombia has set an international example by opening up its border for the Venezuelans, which has potential to bring socio-economic benefits for both the migrants as the Colombian population (Betts, 2019). However, the country’s capacity to absorb the migrants and provide them with access to food, healthcare and employment seems in decrease (OAS, 2019; Arnson, 2019; Ramsey & Sánchez-Garzoli, 2019). The response to the crisis by national and international actors has so far mainly been of temporary nature, whilst a comprehensive, long-term response is required to better integrate the Venezuelan migrants in the region. Therefore, more understanding is needed on the challenges and opportunities that Venezuelans face while building a livelihood in Colombia.

This research aims to contribute to this understanding by providing detailed insights into the complex livelihoods of Venezuelan gig workers in Medellín. While a lack of access to employment, basic services and rising xenophobia are complicating livelihoods of Venezuelans in Colombian cities, the gig economy potentially offers opportunities for migrants to improve their livelihoods and therefore requires more research. In urban economies all over the world, platform-based work is executed predominantly by migrants

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10 (van Doorn et al., 2020; Fairwork, 2020). Despite increasing research on the gig economy, it is still poorly understood what kind of role the digital platforms play in the livelihoods of (forced) migrants. Some researchers warn that the lack of social protection, unstable income, and limited growth opportunities in the gig economy could hinder the integration process of migrants (Benton & Patuzi, 2019). However, it can also give them a quick pathway to the host country’s labor market, thereby providing them with much-needed livelihood opportunities (van Doorn et al., 2020). This thesis aims to fill this gap in academic research by exploring how Venezuelan migrants make use of their livelihood assets during their platform-based work and what kind of livelihood outcomes this creates. By applying the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework in the context of the gig economy and forced migration, the research creates a unique framework to analyze how gig work functions as a livelihood strategy for forced migrants.

This thesis is one of the first studies that analyzes the livelihood outcomes of gig work for forced migrants. In an era of anti-immigrant sentiments, it is especially important to understand how migrants and refugees can be better integrated into local labor markets so that migration can benefit both the migrating- as host population. As Venezuelan migrants are mainly building up their lives in cities instead of camps, successful integration in the local labor market is crucial to improve their urban livelihoods. By providing insight into the challenges and opportunities that Venezuelan migrants face whilst building their livelihoods in Medellín’s gig economy, this research hopes to contribute to better support of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia’s cities.

1.3. Research questions & outline

The following question will be central in this research:

“How do Venezuelan migrants make use of their livelihood assets within the context of Medellin’s gig economy and to what extent does this lead to sustainable livelihood outcomes?”

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11  Which livelihood assets are currently available to Venezuelan migrants in

Medellín?

 How do Venezuelan migrants use their livelihood assets for gig work?

 What are the livelihood outcomes of choosing gig work as a livelihood strategy

and to what extent can these be called “sustainable”?

The thesis is organized in nine chapters. The first chapter introduces the topic by demonstrating the background, relevance, and central questions and objectives of the research. Chapter two presents the main theories and concepts that guide the analysis of the research. The third chapter outlines the methodological approach and methods of the research, followed by fourth chapter that describes the research context including number and facts about the current scope of and response to the migration crisis. Chapter five, six and seven form the empirical chapters of the research based on the findings of the fieldwork, structured according to the three different sub-questions. The first analytical section focuses on the access to different social, human, economic and financial capitals to Venezuelan migrants in Medellín. The second part demonstrates how Venezuelan migrants make use of their assets for doing gig work, and in the final chapter, an assessment is made of the livelihood outcomes. Finally, a discussion and conclusion will be presented on the findings of the research, followed up by several policy recommendations.

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2. Theoretical framework

This chapter will explain the theoretical underpinnings that are used to understand the livelihood assets, strategies and outcomes of Venezuelan migrants in Medellin. First, the conceptualizations of migrants and refugees will be discussed in order to understand the drivers of the Venezuelan migration and the response to it by state actors. Then, an overview is given of the different components of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, the theoretical framework that will be used in this thesis to identify the different

opportunities and challenges in the lives of Venezuelan gig workers in Medellin. Next, the concepts gig economy, gig work and precarious labor are discussed. Finally, the linkages between the different concepts will be explained and presented in the conceptual framework of this thesis.

2.1 Defining migrants and refugees

Migration has characterized human existence for centuries, forming an important means of social and economic development (McNeill, 1984; Kuhnt, 2019). In the past decades, the number of people migrating inside or outside their country has been rising rapidly, driven by globalization, climate change, conflicts and poverty. As of 2019, an estimated number of 272 million people live outside their country of birth, of whom approximately 80 million are forcibly displaced, including over 26 million refugees (Kuhnt, 2019; UNHCR, 2020). It is known that the terminology used to refer to displaced people has large implications for how they are treated in host countries (Goodman et al., 2017). The main difference between the terms migrants and refugees is that only the latter receives protection under international law, requiring the receiving state and international community to take responsibility for their well-being (Vlugt, 2019). The 1951 Refugee Convention has defined a refugee as someone who is “unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion” (UNHCR, n,d.). Emerging drivers of human displacement, such as environmental change, state fragility and food insecurity, are increasingly complex. Consequently, many forcibly displaced people currently fall outside the category of the existing refugee regime and therefore lack legal protection (Betts, 2010). Instead, their

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13 migration is referred to as “forced migration”, defined as “a migratory movement in which an element of coercion exists, including threats to life and livelihood, whether arising from natural or man-made causes’ (IOM, n.d.).

It is recognized that the circumstances for the Venezuelan migration are “not those typically associated with purely economic migrations” (OAS, 2019: 6; Carrol et al., 2020). Most migrants from Venezuela are forcibly displaced due to a lack of opportunities for survival in their home country. For Venezuelans, their migration thus became a survival strategy as they are fleeing a failing state where most basic services are no longer available (Betts, 2019). This leaves many of them with no other option than to seek refuge in neighboring countries. The process of forced migration is important to take into consideration while analyzing the context in which Venezuelan migrants rebuild their livelihoods, as it influences the access to livelihood capitals in the host country. This will be discussed more extensively in the section

Vulnerability in a context of forced migration.

2.3. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework

Despite the structural difficulties that Venezuelan migrants face in receiving countries, this study recognizes them as active beings that have the agency to overcome these barriers. This thesis aims to gain insights on the ways in which Venezuelan migrants exercise agency through their livelihood strategies in the context of Medellín’s gig economy. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) highlights the agency of marginalized people to build a livelihood, and therefore provides a useful lens to lens to look at the specific opportunities and constraints for Venezuelan migrants that rebuild their livelihoods in Medellín. The SLF was developed by Chamber & Conway (1992), later adapted by the Department for International Development (1999), to gain a better understanding about poor people’s experiences and behavior in rural areas and in that way contribute to better poverty-reducing policies. The framework has later been used to obtain deeper insights into the livelihood strategies, assets and experiences of marginalized people in urban contexts (Kaag, 2004; Jacobsen; 2006). In this thesis, the framework will be used for analyzing the livelihoods of forced migrants living in Medellín.

The framework acknowledges poor people’s capabilities to manage different types of assets and successfully create sustainable livelihood outcomes. Chambers & Conway define

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14 livelihoods as ”the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living” which can be called sustainable when the livelihood “can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base” (Chambers and Conway, 1992: 9). The key elements of the SLF include the livelihood assets, livelihood strategies, policies, processes, institutions and the vulnerability context, as demonstrated in Figure 1. The main elements will be further discussed below.

Figure 1. Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (DFID, 2000)

Livelihood assets

The approach is founded on a belief that in order to build sustainable livelihoods, people require a range of assets or capitals. These assets include social, physical, financial, human and natural assets, which are further elaborated upon below.

 Social assets

Social assets are the social connections, including family relationships, friends, networks and associations, that people draw upon while constructing their livelihoods (Ellis, 2003). Social assets are recognized in literature as most important for the livelihoods of migrants, as they often rely on the network of co-nationals already present in the destination country. The

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15 support offered by these networks include access to housing, employment, information as well as social and emotional support (Jacobsen, 2006; Veul, 2015; O’Loghlen, 2015).

 Physical assets

Physical assets refer to the basic infrastructure that people use for building a livelihood, such as access to housing, healthcare, transportation, personal belongings and documentation. Access to housing is recognized as most important for the urban poor (Meikle et al., 2001). Mobile phones are increasingly seen as valuable assets used by vulnerable populations to improve their livelihood outcomes (Duncombe, 2014; Temin et al., 2013). Migrants use phones to stay in contact with connections from home, to build (online) social networks, to transfer money, and to find and exchange crucial information (Duncombe, 2014; Temin et al., 2013).

 Human assets

Human assets include the skills, knowledge, experience and physical health, that combined determine a person’s capacity to work. Education and training provide an opportunity for poor households to increase the value of their human assets and create more sustainable livelihood outcomes (Moser & Daani, 2008; Meikle et al., 2001).

 Financial assets

Financial assets can be defined as the economic resources that are available to a person to make a living, such as savings, income and access to financial services. The poor in urban contexts are more dependent on financial capital for their survival than those living in rural areas (Moser & Dani, 2008; Meikle et al., 2001)

 Natural assets

Natural assets are the resources obtained from nature that people exploit for their livelihoods, including, land, forests, water, air quality etc. Mainly in rural contexts, the poor are highly dependent on the access to natural capital. In this thesis, natural capital is considered as less relevant to an urban context and will not be taken into account.

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16 Human, social, physical and financial assets have been regarded as the most important assets to achieve successful migration (Temin et al., 2013). These four assets, as illustrated in Figure 2, form central concepts in the theoretical framework of this research.

Figure 2: Protective assets for successful migration (Temin et al., 2013)

Livelihood strategies

In order to improve their livelihoods, people make decisions on how to best use of their assets. This has been defined as livelihood strategies, “the range and combination of activities and choices that people make or undertake in order to achieve their livelihood goals” (DFID, 2000). Livelihood strategies are determined by the availability of assets and the extent to which these assets can be utilized. The success of livelihood strategies depends on the vulnerability context, policies and institutions which constrains or enables access to the livelihood strategies (DFID, 2000). In this thesis, it will be explored how doing platform-based work or gig work serves as a livelihood strategy.

Policies and institutions

Another key element in the livelihoods framework are the policies and institutions that facilitate or limit the access to livelihood strategies. These include both the public and private sector organizations that make rules and implement policies and laws, create income-generating opportunities and facilitate trade (Serrat, 2017). The urban poor are dependent on the infrastructure and services by local institutions to get access to assets like

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17 healthcare, housing, education and employment (Farrington et al., 2002). In this study, the gig companies (private sector) are relevant actors in the livelihoods of the respondents, which will be further discussed in section 2.5. Moreover, the immigration laws and policies play an important role in constraining or facilitating access to the livelihood assets and strategies of migrants. In this research, the Colombian legal and societal response to the influx of Venezuelan migrants will be taken into account to analyze the availability of livelihood assets for Venezuelan migrants in Medellín.

Vulnerability context

The vulnerability context refers to the external environment in which people live and operate (DFID, 2000). Within this environment, people are exposed to shocks, trends and seasonal change which can impact the availability of assets and influence their livelihood outcomes. The stronger the base of assets, the more resilience the person or household has to cope with negative trends and shocks (idem: 2000). In this study, the vulnerability context of respondents is shaped by migration-related factors that will be discussed in section 2.4.

Livelihood outcomes

Livelihood outcomes have been defined as “the results of people’s success or failure in transforming, through a variety of strategies, the assets available to them into income or basic goods and services” (Meikle et al., 2001: 14). As mentioned before, livelihood outcomes can be called sustainable when they can manage the stresses, shocks and critical trends and further improve their livelihoods (Chamber & Conway, 1992). In this thesis, it will be measured whether platform-based work will lead to improved well-being and reduced precarity. In the section Linkages between concepts and operationalization, an explanation will be given of the indicators used to evaluate the livelihood outcomes.

2.4. Vulnerability in a context of forced migration

Migration presents certain opportunities for migrants to improve their livelihoods (Cortina et al., 2014). However, migrants have to operate in an environment in which they are exposed to certain factors that increase their vulnerability to get access to and maintain their livelihood assets. In this research, the vulnerability context of Venezuelan migrants in Medellín exists

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18 out of migration-related vulnerabilities that are taken into account in the analysis of the use and availability of livelihood assets. Jacobsen (2014) recognizes particular difficulties for the livelihoods of forced migrants in host countries that make them more vulnerable to shocks and crises. First, most forced migrants start building their livelihoods from a position of psychosocial and financial loss, depending on the factors leading to the migration. Psychosocial loss - caused by the experience of violence, trauma or loss of family members before and during the migration journey – affects their ability to rebuild a livelihood elsewhere. Moreover, forced migrants mainly come from countries with a weak economy. For that reason, many of them leave with little financial resources to make a living abroad. On top of that, the high costs of travel to arrive at their destination (including smuggling costs) increase their vulnerability upon arrival.

Secondly, forced migrants are often unable to utilize their livelihood assets in other countries as they are not permitted to work or face discrimination in the labor market (Jacobsen, 2014). The irregular status of migrants and refugees limits their access to physical and financial assets such as housing, health care, education, jobs and income and has therefore been underlined as the most important constraint in pursuing a sustainable livelihood (Jacobsen, 2006). Xenophobia creates an additional challenge and increases the risk of criminalization and exploitation in the labor market (Meikle et al., 2001). Finally, many migrants are overqualified for the jobs they do, and the working skills and experience obtained in their home country remain underutilized (Jacobsen, 2014).

In sum, in the case of forced migration the vulnerability context of migrants is mainly determined by their position of loss, the legal status of migrants, the attitudes towards migrants in the host country, and the access to the labor market (Jacobsen, 2006). In the context of the Venezuelan migration crisis, large numbers Venezuelans are settling in Colombia’s cities, mainly pulled by the economic opportunities and social connections that are present in the urban areas (Horta & Rossiasco, 2019).

2.5. Migration & the gig economy

This study aims to explore what kind of role the gig economy plays for Venezuelan migrant workers in Medellín. Therefore, the terms gig economy and gig work are central in this

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19 research. The definitions and the debates surrounding the concepts, as well as the link with migration, will be discussed below.

2.5.1. The gig economy

The “gig-economy”, also referred to as the “sharing economy”, “platform economy” or “collaborative economy”, has emerged as a concept to capture the emerging forms of flexible, temporary and digital labor (De Stefano, 2015). Across the world, an increasing number of people is working in short term, task-based employment made accessible through online platforms, including famous ones such as Uber, Upwork, Deliveroo and Lyft (Benton & Patuzi, 2019). Gig work has been defined as a type of employment which ‘gives organizations or individuals access via online platforms to large numbers of workers willing to carry out paid tasks’ (Valenduc & Vendramin 2016: 38 in Shibata 2019). De Stefano (2015) distinguishes between two types of work in the gig economy: “crowd work” and “on-demand” work via digital apps. Crowd work involves “microtasks”, small digital activities that are executed by workers through online platforms that virtually connect businesses, organization and individuals from all over the world (Bielschowskij, 2018; De Stefano, 2015).

Whereas crowd work is primarily executed online, on-demand work matches supply and demand of local services. In this type of gig work, workers can engage in “traditional” working activities such as food delivery, transportation and cleaning that are offered and divided through mobile apps (idem, 2015). The digital platforms are responsible for selecting and managing the workers and decide on the terms and quality of the services. Uber is the best-known example of such an on-demand platform, offering ride-hailing services that connects customers in need of transport to a pool of available drivers (Hunt & Machingura, 2016). In this thesis, the focus will be on the on-demand category of gig work.

The emergence of the gig economy has sparked debate among scholars about the positive and negative consequences it may have for the future of work (Huws, 2014; Standing, 2011; De Stefano, 2015; Sundararajan 2016; Einav et al., 2016; Hall & Krueger, 2017). Proponents of the gig economy claim that the new organization and distribution of labor increases labor productivity, reduces transaction costs and eliminates barriers that have constrained the

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20 participation in the labor market of poor and vulnerable groups of society (Vallas & Schor, 2020; Sundararajan 2016; Einav et al., 2016). Hall & Krueger (2017) state that the increased autonomy of independent workers in the gig economy offers workers the freedom to choose where to work and when to work. This flexibility creates a way for people to earn a side income next to their traditional jobs and can as a result improve their economic well-being (Hall & Krueger, 2017). Furthermore, the platforms have been praised for providing employment opportunities for people that often are excluded from the labor market, “including those whose mobility or availability prevents them from working regular hours” (Valenduc and Vendramin 2016, p. 32); (Shibata, 2019).

The positive discourse of the gig economy – often articulated by governments and entrepreneurs - has been challenged by growing concerns about the lack of worker rights and protection (Standing, 2011; Polkowska; 2010; Shibata, 2019; De Stefano, 2015; Schmidt, 2017). Critics argue that gig work generates “flexible, cheap, and on-demand workers”, which ultimately undermines the legal rights and protections of workers, leading to “the creation of more precarious workers” (Shibata, 2019: 4). Due to the categorization as independent contractors, gig workers lack traditional employee entitlements such as social benefits, paid holidays, pensions and overtime pay which can create precarious outcomes for workers (Srnicek 2017; Shibata; 2019; Standing, 2011). Shibata (2019) calls the notions of flexibility and autonomy promised by platforms “fictious freedom”, arguing that the technologies used by platforms increase control over workers through “a process of competition and surveillance” (Shibata, 2019: 535-547). Although most gig work comes with a flexible schedule, workers are often pressured by the platforms to work at specific times of the day. Moreover, competition between workers and an oversupply of labor causes that gig workers often work long hours to earn sufficient income (Shibata, 2019; De Stefano, 2015). In the current debate on the gig economy, there is thus a disagreement about the potential livelihood outcomes the new form of labor may have for workers. This thesis aims to discover what these outcomes are for Venezuelan migrants in Medellín and whether they can be called sustainable.

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21 2.5.2. Migrants in the gig economy

In cities all over the world, migrant workers make up a large share of the labor power fueling the gig economy. The exact number of migrants working in the gig economy is unknown due to the lack of accessible comprehensive public data on the topic1_{. However, it has become}

increasingly clear that platform work all around the world is predominantly performed by migrants (van Doorn et al., 2020; Barrat et al., 2020, Fairwork, 2020). Benton & Patuzi (2019) state that for migrants and refugees, gig work may be a “double-edged sword” as it offers “a quick pathway to self-sufficiency, yet come with risks of unstable income, limited training, and social isolation—all of which could hinder the integration process” (Benton & Patuzi, 2019). In their report on the future labor market integration of migrants, they illustrate two scenarios: the gig economy could either (further) reduce social protections, worker rights and social and human capital or it could help migrants to get easier access to the host country’s labor market (Benton & Patuzi, 2019; Benton et al. 2018). Van Doorn et al. (2020) claim that the gig economy provides migrants with much-needed livelihood opportunities, as it offers them relatively easy access to the foreign labor market. However, compared to native-born gig workers, migrants face additional precarity due to an irregular legal status, discrimination and limited access to governmental support (van Doorn et al., 2020). This causes many migrants to engage in precarious work, characterized by low wages, long hours and poor conditions.

2.6. Precarious work

In this thesis, the concept of precarity will be adopted in the theoretical framework to analyze the livelihood outcomes of Venezuelan migrants working for digital platforms. Precarity has been often used to describe the different physical and mental effects that are experienced by the workers in the gig economy (Standing, 2011). Standing (2011) argues that a new class of workers (‘the precariat’) has emerged who as a result of the job insecurity and unpredictability in flexible labor arrangements are experiencing feelings of anger, anomie, alienation and anxiety (Standing, 2011). Precarious labour has been defined as work

1_{It is estimated that there are tens of millions gig workers worldwide (Woodock and Graham, 2019; van Doorn}

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22 characterized by a “subjective sense of uncertainty (as perceived by the employee), lack of job security, long working hours, low income and lack of employee rights (social care and trade union protection)” (Polkowska, 2019: 721). Rodgers and Rodgers (1989) have identified four dimensions of precarious work, including (1) insecurity about continuity of employment; (2) the lack of the individual and collective control over work (working conditions, working hours, etc.); (3) the lack of legal and social protections; and (4) vulnerable economic conditions (poor pay) (Polkowska; 2019; Rodgers & Rodgers, 1989). The typical characteristics of precarious work are present in both standard as non-standard forms of labour (ILO, 2016). However, a growing body of research finds that the unpredictability regarding income, hours and continuity of employment are evident outcomes of gig work, causing that many platform workers find themselves “trapped in precarious, low-paid work” (Prassl, 2018: 8; Standing, 2011; Polkowska, 2019).

2.7. Linkages between concepts & operationalization

This thesis aims to further explore the link between migration and the gig economy by analyzing the role that gig work play in the livelihoods of Venezuelan migrants in

Medellín. How are migrants using their social, physical, financial and human assets for gig work and what kind of livelihood outcomes does this new type of employment create? The SLF is used as a tool to understand what kind of challenges, opportunities and constraints Venezuelan migrants face whilst working for the different digital platforms in Medellín. The framework is useful for creating a holistic understanding of the Venezuelan migration issue, taking into account the different external factors that influence the livelihoods of migrants in the host country.

In this thesis, a specific focus has been given to the migration-related vulnerability context including position of loss, legal status, xenophobia and access to employment, that impact the livelihood assets of Venezuelan migrants. Moreover, the policies and institutions that facilitate or limit the access to the livelihood strategy will be taken into-account. The focus will be on the on-demand category of gig work, as interviews are held with respondents working for ride-hailing and food delivery platforms. In the framework, livelihood

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23 levels of being and precarity of migrants. Well-being is measured by the perceived well-being of participants, whilst the level of precarity will be assessed on basis of the four dimensions of precarious work by Rodgers & Rodgers (1989), including level of wages,

income and employment insecurity, degree of job control and access to social protections. In

Figure 3, a visual representation of the conceptual framework is given including all the important elements in the research. In Appendix I, a detailed operationalization of the central concepts and theories can be found.

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3. Research methodology

In this chapter, an overview will be given of the methodology that has been used during the research, including the epistemological position, the unit of analysis and sampling, the data collection- and data analysis methods, and ethical considerations and positionality.

3.1. Epistemological position

This research aims to gain deeper insights into gig work as a livelihood strategy for Venezuelan migrants in Medellín. Epistemologically, an interpretivist position is taken as emphasis is placed on the descriptions and experiences of gig workers themselves. In interpretivist epistemology, the primary role of the researcher is “to understand social reality through the eyes of those being studied” (Chowdhury, 2014: 434). In this thesis, the aim is to improve understanding of the complex daily realities that Venezuelan migrant workers face in Medellín. Therefore, a qualitative research design has been chosen as most suitable in relation to the research aim.

3.2. Unit of analysis & sampling methods

The units of analysis in this research are the recently migrated Venezuelans who do

on-demand gig work in Medellín. As on-on-demand gig work exists out of a wide variety of jobs, the

focus in this thesis will be on Venezuelans who work for food-delivery and transport platforms. Recently migrated Venezuelans are defined as Venezuelan migrants who left the country since the worsening of the economic crisis as part of the third wave of migration since 2015, which will be further discussed in the next chapter. Participants have been selected through a combination of snowball sampling and purposive sampling. First, purposive sampling has been used to select participants with a variety of personal characteristics, such as origin in Venezuela, gender, age and marital status (Bryman, 2016). These factors were important to take into consideration as they shaped their experiences as workers in the gig-economy in Medellín. The research sample and different characteristics of participants will be discussed more in detail in the next section. Secondly, snowball sampling was used by asking the initial group of participants to suggest colleagues who might be interested in participating as well (idem: 2016). This method appeared especially effective to reach the female gig workers, who formed a lower percentage of the gig workers and thus were less visible in the

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25 field. Moreover, participants seemed to be more likely to trust and join the research if they knew a friend that had already joined before. Considering the short length of the research period, and the fact that I was not partnering with an NGO, this method was helpful for collecting data.

In total, the sample exists out of 16 Venezuelan migrants, working for both delivery- as ride-hailing platforms in Medellín. The majority of the sample were respondents working for food-delivery platform Rappi, one of the biggest food-delivery platforms in South-America that offers the delivery of a wide range of products and services ranging from restaurant orders, groceries, cash, to pharmaceutical products (Schwitzer & Guerra, 2018). During the explorative phase of the research, it was found out that the gig economy platform played an important role in the lives of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia. As the company offered a relatively easy access to the Colombian labor market, with minimal job requirements and low starting capital, many Venezuelan migrants found work through this company.

The access to Rappi drivers was relatively easy, as they wore a flashy orange delivery bag and jacket with the Rappi logo on it, making them recognizable on the street. Usually, the delivery workers were cycling around delivering food or waiting in small groups in front of shops, at street corners or in parks in more wealthy neighborhoods in Medellin. Migrants working for ride-hailing apps such as Uber, Beat and Cabify were less recognizable and therefore more challenging to find. Moreover, the ride-haling platforms require a larger starting capital, necessary to purchase a car and a driving license.

Image 1: Two Venezuelan Rappi drivers during their work in Medellín (Personal photo, March 2020)

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26 As most migrants arrived in Medellin for survival reasons without large capital, they were not able to work for these apps. The sample size has been determined by data saturation. After having held 16 interviews with gig workers, no new themes emerged and thus data saturation was reached (Given, 2016).

3.3. Introducing the research sample

In total, 16 in-depth interviews were held with Venezuelan gig workers, including 6 women and 10 men. The participants came from various places in Venezuela, including Zulia, Barinas, Falcón, Maracaibo, Maracay and Caracas, where they originated from both low- to middle socio-economic classes and different educational backgrounds. The respondents were aged between 18 and 55 years old, and their stays in Medellín vary from 4 months to 3 years. The relatively young age of most participants can be explained by sociodemographic data of the Venezuelan migrants in Colombia that shows a relatively large youth population (15-29 years old) (OFDA-USAID, 2020). The age can also be explained by the fact that on-demand gig work is predominantly physical of nature, and thus more suitable for young and healthy participants. Four out of the 16 participants are married, and six participants have children. Some of them arrived with their partners and children to Medellín, others were not able to bring their families and send money to Venezuela for their support. As mentioned before, the majority of respondents are engaged in delivery work and work for delivery platform Rappi. One participant also works for the delivery company Uber Eats and three participants work for the ride-hailing platforms Uber, Beat and Picap. An overview of the research participants and their relevant characteristics is given in Table 1. Additional information about the participants can be found in Appendix II.

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Table 1: Overview of relevant characteristics of the study’s participants

3.3. Data collection methods

In this research, the emphasis has been placed on the descriptions and experiences of the migrant workers in Medellín’s gig economy themselves. Therefore, a qualitative research was chosen as most suitable in relation to the research aim. The primary data was derived from in-depth semi-structured interviews. Further data was collected from observations, informal conversations and field notes during the exploratory phase of the research.

3.3.1. Observations, informal conversations and field notes

During the first phase of the research, the livelihood context of Venezuelan migrants in Medellín was explored to gain a deeper understanding about the research topic. Several non-governmental organizations that worked with Venezuelan migrants in Medellín were visited during the first two weeks of fieldwork, including COLVENZ, Famicove and the Where is Willie

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28 understanding of the vulnerability context in which Venezuelan migrants were building their livelihoods in Medellín. Also, the visits gave more insight into the policy and humanitarian response to the Venezuelan migration crisis both by state and non-state actors. These conversations were unrecorded and of informal nature, however notes were taken of relevant information. Additionally, informal conversations were held both with Venezuelan migrants as Colombian locals, which improved the understanding about the different perspectives that were present in the local and national debate about the Venezuelan migration.

3.3.2. Semi-structured in-depth interviews

During the research, in-depth semi-structured interviews were used as the primary method to collect data. Semi-structured interviews are in particular considered as helpful “for delving into and attempting to understand complex behaviors, experiences, and opinions”, giving the researcher the necessary time and space to get a deeper understanding about social issues (Longhurst, 2009). Therefore, doing semi-structured in-depth interviews has helped me to gather rich information about the complex process of building a livelihood as a forced migrant. The semi-structured style of the interviews allowed participants to elaborate on the topics and experiences that are most relevant to them while giving the researcher the freedom to probe (Wilson, 2014; Bryman 2016).

Prior to the interviews, an interview guide was prepared with open-ended questions, mainly centered around the experiences, challenges and opportunities that migrants encountered while building a livelihood as a gig worker in Medellín (Appendix III). Throughout the research, the interview guide remained flexible, and changes were made frequently as new or more relevant topics emerged from previous interviews. The interviews were held in Spanish, the native language of participants. On average, interview lengths ranged from 45 minutes to 1.5 hour. The interviews took place in safe neighborhoods well-known by respondents and in which they felt comfortable. Usually, the interviews would take place in cafés in the neighborhoods El Poblado or Laureles, where most of the participants worked.

3.4. Data analysis methods

The primary data obtained from interviews was first transcribed and simultaneously translated from Spanish to English. After this time-intensive process, the transcriptions were

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29 analyzed and coded by using the software program ATLAS.TI. The coding process was both inductive and deductive, as codes derived from the concepts and operationalization table developed prior to the interviews, as well as from other themes and issues that were raised during the interviews. First, the complete transcript was read thoroughly, and notes were made of important, emergent and reoccurring themes. The second step involved reading over the text a second time and creating - line by line - an initial set of codes. Thus, an inductive approach was taken which allowed for new and relevant topics and concepts to emerge. After the initial set of codes was created, a more deductive approach was taken in which the initial codes were related to the research questions and the theories and concepts from the conceptual framework. Codes were categorized by organizing them into the following six code groups: Factors leading to migration, Available livelihood assets in Medellín, Vulnerability

context, Use of assets for gig work, Livelihood outcomes gig work and Precarity gig work.

During this process, redundant codes were removed, hierarchies were creating within the themes and connected codes were merged. Finally, central narratives were identified and linked to uncover and develop a coherent storyline from the data (Bryman, 2016; Gibbs, 2007).

3.5. Ethical considerations & positionality

Throughout the research it was ensured that ethical considerations related to informed consent, safety of participants, confidentiality, privacy and deception were addressed (Bryman, 2016: 135). Prior to the interview, all participants were informed verbally about the researcher´s background and the aim, scope and future use of the research. In addition, participants were given time to read the informed consent document that was translated to Spanish. By signing the document, they could also give a formal consent to participate to the research. It was emphasized that the research was independent, that participation was completely voluntary, and that data would be treated confidentially. Finally, permission was asked to record the interviews.

Most of the respondents had very busy schedules, as many worked for more than 11 hours every day. Therefore, the interviews were usually planned in periods of the day that were convenient for them, usually in the afternoon when there were not many orders. To manage expectations, it was made clear before the interviews that participation was unpaid. To

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30 compensate participants for their loss of working hours, they were invited for a coffee or lunch in the places where we had the interviews. The interviews took place in the neighborhoods were participants worked, allowing them to continue working after the interviews. These areas were well-known by the respondents and the researcher and improved feelings of safety and comfort.

As the research involved a vulnerable population of whom many went through traumatic experiences during their migration journey, the well-being of participants was considered a main priority. For this reason, participants were told that the interview could be stopped at any moment, and that topics could be skipped that were too sensitive to talk about. Moreover, as the Venezuelan migration is a highly politicized issue in Colombia, much attention has been given to the privacy and confidentiality of their answers. It was clearly stated that the researcher was not associated with the government nor any of the digital companies with whom they worked with, as this could lead to giving desired answers. Moreover, the names of the interviewees have been replaced by fictional names and recordings were stored safely at an external drive.

Doing fieldwork involves self-reflection “and critically examining power relations and politics in the research process” (Sultana, 2007: 376). I realize that my positionality shapes the way in which the research has been conducted and analyzed as I bring my personal and cultural background to the field. Being a white, female researcher from Europe, I am aware that this likely created a distance between me and the participants. Therefore, creating trust was very important to bridge this difference and make sure that people felt safe to share their experiences. This was done by creating space for participants to ask questions about my research, about my intentions as a researcher and about my personal background. During the interviews, I tried to strike a balance between being myself - to make participants feel at ease - and acting professional. I felt that participants appreciated the fact that I could speak Spanish and that, although some language barriers occurred, this helped bridge the gap between the researcher and participants. Lastly, sometimes feelings of guilt overwhelmed me when hearing the difficult situations that the respondents were in, but not being able to change their situation. However, I realized that it was important to avoid deceptions about the impact

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31 that the research could have for their lives and thus be clear about the purpose and scope of the research

3.6. Quality of research & limitations

Bryman’s four criteria (2016) for assessing qualitative research methods are used to reflect on the quality of the research, including credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability.

Credibility

Credibility entails the ability of the researcher to link the study’s observations to the social reality in order to demonstrate the accurate interpretation of the data. Analytical triangulation, also called peer debriefing, will be used to improve the credibility of the research (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Amber Scheer, a fellow student in the Master’s program who has prior experience with the Venezuelan migration topic, has reviewed my transcripts and the analysis drawn from these. In this way she functioned as an auditor during the research process, critically reading my analysis and possibly detect errors or missing parts in the interpretation. To further strengthen the credibility of my research, respondent validation has been used to verify whether the findings and interpretations of the data are correct and complete (Bryman, 2016). After the data analysis phase, a translated summary of the main findings has been sent to respondents to ask them for feedback.

Transferability

Transferability refers to the extent to which the findings can be generalized to different contexts. The purpose of the study was to gain contextualized knowledge about the link between forced migration and gig work, focusing on the individual experiences of Venezuelan migrants in Medellín. It is important to note that the qualitative nature of my research – involving a case study with a relatively small sample size - limits the transferability of the findings. However, during the almost eight weeks of fieldwork I have been able to gather a “thick description” of the research topic (Geertz 1973a in Bryman, 2016). The interviews that were held are in-depth, providing me with detailed, rich data of the daily realities of the Venezuelan gig workers in Medellín. In many other parts of the world, migrants are finding

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32 opportunities and facing challenges in the receiving country’s gig economy (Benton & Patuzi, 2019). Yet, this topic is under researched. In my thesis, the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework has been adapted to fit in the context of the gig economy, making it a unique framework to assess whether gig work leads to sustainable livelihood outcomes for both migrants and non-migrants. The research design of my study could thus be used in other contexts to understand how gig work functions as a livelihood strategy for (forced) migrants. In this way, the research aims to contribute to an improved understanding of this under researched topic and to form a building block for further research on this topic.

Dependability

Furthermore, the data have been carefully kept and the steps and decisions taken during all phases of the research process have been recorded. This has been done to ensure that findings of this study can be audited and that it can replicated in other research contexts, which improves the dependability of my research (Bryman, 2016).

Confirmability

Finally, the criterion confirmability relates to the degree of neutrality of the researcher during the research process (Bryman, 2016). During the different phases of research, a reflexive approach has been taken to prevent the interference of personal values in the research process. Very helpful in this regard has been keeping a diary, in which I noted down my experiences and reflected on how my values, personal background and position as researcher has potentially influenced the research process. Moreover, a detailed documentation of the entire process of data collection and analysis has been made so that the research can be checked for researcher’s biases by peers.

Other limitations

During the fieldwork period, a few (unexpected) issues occurred that have likely impacted the process and outcomes of the research. First, the difficult access to some groups of participants made that interviews have been mainly held with gig workers for food-delivery platform Rappi. During the exploratory research phase at the beginning of my fieldwork, it was found out that the majority of the delivery workers on the streets in Medellín were Venezuelan

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33 migrants, working for food-delivery company Rappi. The food-delivery platform appeared to be very relevant and influential in the livelihoods of Venezuelan migrants, as described more extensively in the section on sampling methods. Nonetheless, the focus on this company limits my research mainly to the experiences of this group of gig workers.

Secondly, I chose to work without a translator, as this can influence the level of trust between the interviewer and respondent and in that way impact the research quality. However, as Spanish is not my native language this has likely caused some language barriers that have affected the quality of the data. For example, it was not always possible for the researcher to probe or ask participants to elaborate further on relevant topics. Also, misunderstandings both during the interviews as during the interpretation of the data might have occurred due to the different cultural and linguistic background of the researcher.

Finally, the outbreak of COVID-19 put a drastic end to my fieldwork experience. Consequently, it was not possible to conduct all the interviews that were planned. To solve this, the two resting interviews have been held through online communication platform Zoom, which could have affected the openness of answers from participants.

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4. Research context

This chapter provides regional and thematic information about the Venezuelan migration in Colombia and specifically Medellín. This contextual information is relevant to understand the external environment in which the respondents of the study build their livelihoods.

4.1. The Venezuelan exodus

The Venezuelan exodus has developed into the world’s second-largest external displacement crisis after Syria. In recent years, approximately 5 million migrants have left Venezuela to flee the country’s economic, political and humanitarian crisis (IOM, 2020). Recent reports warn that the crisis could exceed the number of Syrian refugees, expecting that between 7.5 and 8.2 million Venezuelans will be living abroad by the end of 2020 (OAS, 2019). Historically, Venezuela has been known as one of the richest countries in Latin America, mainly due to the country’s abundance of oil resources. After the discovery of oil in the early 1920s, oil became the country’s main export commodity and source of profit (Donoso, 2020; van Roekel & de Theije, 2020). During the regime of Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), the former president of Venezuela, the wealth derived from the oil export was used to invest in social welfare programs, which enforced the popularity of the president among the country’s poor. Chavéz had been able to sustain his socialist policies by relying on Venezuela’s booming oil sector. When Nicolás Maduro succeeded him in 2013, a sharp drop in oil prices led to growing deficits in the public budget. Maduro continued with the policies by spending beyond Venezuela’s economic capacity, worsening the economic situation and eventually causing a hyperinflation of the Venezuelan currency (Donoso, 2020).

Due to the hyperinflation, prices for basic goods and services have skyrocketed, making them unaffordable for the majority of Venezuelans. The minimum wage in Venezuela has dropped below the UN standard of poverty (1.25 USD) and 90% of the population is now classified as poor (van Roekel & De Theije, 2020). The high prices and shortages of food create long waiting lines in front of supermarkets and caused that in 2017 alone, the Venezuelan people lost 11.14 kilograms in weight on average (Reuters, 2018; Vlugt, 2019). On top of that, the lack of access to healthcare, high rates of crime and continuous political repression by the regime has given rise to the massive outflow of the population (Carrol et al., 2020).

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35 Before the crisis, Venezuela’s prosperous economy attracted migrants from all over the world. During the last decade, oil-rich Venezuela became a migrant-sending country instead of a migrant-receiving country. Vivas & Paez (2017) outline the different waves of migration. The first wave of migration started in 2000 and existed mainly out of people from the upper-class and middle upper-class, who left their home country out of disagreement with the government’s economic policies. Many of them were professionals who lost their jobs due to the nationalization of the oil industry. Others were motivated to leave because of the rising political and social tensions. In 2012, the second wave of migration began, triggered by the re-election of former president Chavéz and the growing public deficits due to the end of the oil-boom. In this second wave, the migrants also included people from lower social classes who migrated within the Latin-American region. The third and current wave of migration began in 2015. This wave of migration included the most vulnerable people, who no longer have resources to survive in Venezuela. Among them belong the “caminantes”, the Venezuelans who – lacking resources to buy other transport means - walked hundreds of kilometers across Latin-America to find safety (Carrol et al. 2020; Vivas & Paez, 2017).

4.2. Colombia’s response to the Venezuelan migration

Colombia has been the country that has received the largest number of migrants, with an estimated total of 1.8 million Venezuelans currently residing in the country (IOM, 2020)2_.

During the 1970s and 1980s, the migration was reversed, as many Colombians crossed the border to Venezuela to look for better economic opportunities and to escape the violence created by the guerillas, drug cartels and paramilitaries. Many of these Colombians have now returned to their home country. The history of migration between the two countries has led to a relatively open stance towards Venezuelan migrants, both by the state and the Colombian people (Donoso, 2020). Besides a destination, Colombia also forms a transit hub for migrants that are on their journey to Ecuador, Peru, Chile or Argentina (Migración

2_{This number does not take into account the returned migrants since march 2020 due to Covid-19. As of June 2020, an} estimated number of 76000 Venezuelan citizens have returned to Venezuela because they lost their jobs and income (Martinez, 2019).

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36 Colombia, 2019). However, while these countries have adopted more and more strict admission requirements, Colombia continues to accept both documented and undocumented Venezuelan migrants.

In response to the crisis, the Colombia government formed a collaboration with several UN Agencies, NGOs and other Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) to coordinate and develop a program addressing the needs and vulnerabilities of the migrants (Roth, 2019) Initially, the response by the different multilateral, state and non-state agencies has focused on providing humanitarian assistance in the border regions. The 2200-kilometer shared border between Colombia and Venezuela allows for hundreds of informal crossing points, making it difficult for authorities to control the migration. To regularize the migration from Venezuela, the Colombian authorities introduced the TMF, the Tarjeta Migratoria de Tránsito Fronterizo (TMF), to maintain oversight of the irregular border crossings on the Venezuelan-Colombian border. With this transit permit, Venezuelans were allowed to stay in Colombia for seven days. However, since many Venezuelans stayed longer the Colombian authorities introduced the PEP, a temporary legal permit for Venezuelans to stay in Colombia and have access to education, formal employment and health care for a maximum period of two years (Coordination Platform, 2020; van Dijk, 2019). Since 2017, there have been several moments in which the PEP was issued (Caruso et al., 2019). For the most recent issuance, only Venezuelans that crossed the Colombian border before or at the 29th_{of November 2019 and}

were in possession of a passport could apply for the PEP (Selee & Bolter, 2020). Many Venezuelans however arrive in Colombia without a passport and therefore do not have access to the legal permit. 44 percent of the Venezuelan migrants (800000) currently have a regular status, while the other 56 percent (1.25 million) have an irregular status (Migración Colombia, 2020b).

Some migration scholars argue that the policies used by authorities have directed too much on short-term solutions, focusing on immediate responses to the migration flow even though most migrants are likely to stay in the long term (Ordóñez & Arcos, 2019; Betts, 2019). They state that, given the young age of the migration population, the shared language and culture, and the urban settlement trends, the migration could present a development opportunity

Surviving or Thriving in the Gig Economy? A Study of the Livelihood Strategies of Venezuelan Migrants in Medellín