L. Marcelis, MSc (s1264532) 10-06-2018
Supervisor: Dr. M.B.D. Benraad Second reader: D.J. Weggemans, MSc
Thesis written in the context of the Master Crisis and Security Management at the Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs, Leiden University.
The motive for this study is the fact that despite the Islamic State has lost its key physical territory in 2017, and statements by coalition forces that the Islamic State is nearly defeated, it actually still manages to sell dreams and utopia worldwide. The research question of this study is: “How has the Islamic State used escapism in its propaganda on Instagram as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences?”. This research involved a deductive qualitative content analysis of the visuals posted on Instagram by the Islamic State. The sample for this study comprised visual propaganda posts on Instagram accounts of the Islamic State and backers of the Islamic State from May 2016 to May 2018. During this twenty-four month timeframe, a total of twenty-three accounts of the Islamic State posted 202 propagandist posts on Instagram to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences.
The results showed that the Islamic State used escapism in its propaganda on Instagram by trying to sell the promise to escape to Western audiences by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia as a means of seduction; by idealizing and glorifying the Caliphate and portraying the Caliphate as an Islamic utopia, and mobilization; by creating powerful diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames in its escapist appealing propaganda, among Western audiences. So, the function of the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State is the seduction and mobilization of
Western audiences. Lastly, the results showed that the Islamic State deployed its escapism appealing propaganda in five different ways in its Instagram posts; overt, covert, analytical, emotional and human interest.
Introduction 2
Problem outline 2
Academic and societal relevance 2
Research question and sub-questions 3
Research process 3
Body of knowledge and theoretical framework 4
Escapism 4
Function of escapism: seduction and mobilization 9
Method 14
Data 14
Apparatus and materials 18
Procedure 21
Results 33
Escapism; the Islamic utopia 33
Function of escapism; the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences 40 Deploying types in escapist propaganda of the Islamic State 66
Discussion 72
Conclusion 78
Bibliography 79
Annex 82
Annex A: Coding scheme 82
Annex B: Coding protocol 84
The Islamic State’s use of escapism as a means of seduction and mobilization of Western audiences Despite the fact that the Islamic State has lost its key physical territory in 2017, and
statements by coalition forces that the Islamic State is nearly defeated, it actually still manages to sell dreams and utopia worldwide. The threat of terror attacks by Islamic State inspired jihadist appears to be as severe as ever (Tamplin, 2018). The power of the Islamic State in the virtual world is still dominating and expanding. The Islamic State is a fighting force, but also an online media conglomerate (Wired, 2016). They release, on average 38 new items per day, including videos, documentaries, audio clips, photos and pamphlets (Winter, 2015). This complex, multi-pronged propaganda strategy is one of its most effective tools to attract the support of actors outside Syria and Iraq (Gartenstein-Ross, Barr & Moreng, 2016). For the purpose of this study, propaganda is defined as a form of communication through the social media platform Instagram that attempts to promote the agenda of the Islamic State and influence the targets audience’s point of view. The propaganda strategy of the Islamic State involves patient appeals, sticks and carrots, and urgent demands, with the aim to persuade Western audiences and jihadist groups to join the Caliphate (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016).
The Islamic State has deployed a variety of narratives in its propaganda on social media to seduce and mobilize Western audiences (Napoleoni, 2017). The role of propaganda on the social media outlet Instagram has become more widespread and significant (Seo & Ebrahim, 2016). However, there has been insufficient academic research on Instagram, more attention is paid to other social media platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter (Yeung, 2015). It is important to study the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram, because the Islamic State is now shifting its propaganda from the “old” social media platforms to the “new” social media platform Instagram (Ciaccia, 2017). Thus, this study will respond to this recent shift. Moreover, this study will analyze the Instagram posts posted by the Islamic State to investigate how its propaganda appeals to the escapism of Western audiences in order to join its force. Escapism can be defined as the use of Instagram to escape from daily routines and life, or pressing personal problems (Papacharissi & Mendelson, 2011). Escapism in combination with the propaganda of the Islamic State is also not sufficiently researched, because former researchers only focused on the appeal of the broader narratives and themes that the Islamic State deploys on social media (Napoleoni, 2017). So, studying the new propaganda outlet Instagram used by the Islamic State and the Islamic State propaganda’s appeal to escapism aims to fill the academic gap by conducting a content analysis on Instagram posts. Furthermore, this study will also contribute to building a theoretical model of the appeal of propaganda during conflicts. Formulating a theoretical framework of propaganda is
essential, because it reflects the fast changes brought by social media platforms that are facilitated by digital communication technologies (Seo & Ebrahim, 2016).
Finally, this study also has a societal relevance, because it will provide insights on how the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram appeals to escapism as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences. The new insights on its appeal on Instagram can be implemented in the counter-narratives strategies. These updated counter narratives strategies will reduce the appeal to escapism, and therefore hopefully contribute to the reduction of the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences. So, the numbers of sympathizers and foreign fighters will decrease and this will reduce the security issues around the Islamic State. This study will focus on the Islamic State’s use of escapism in its propaganda on Instagram as a means of seduction and mobilization of Western audiences. Moreover, this study is based on the following hypothesis: the Islamic State tries to seduce and mobilize Western audiences by using escapism in its propaganda on Instagram, because Western audiences are using the propaganda of the Islamic State on
Instagram to escape from their daily lives.
The research question of this study is as follows: “How has the Islamic State used escapism in its propaganda on Instagram as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western
audiences?”
With the following sub-questions:
-
How does the Islamic State deploy escapism in its propaganda on Instagram?-
How does the Islamic State use escapism on Instagram to seduce and mobilize Western audiences?Research process
The next section will involve the body of knowledge and theoretical frameworks of the following concepts: escapism in relation to seduction and mobilization. Escapism has the function of seduction and mobilization; the Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce and mobilize Western audiences. This relation between escapism, seduction and mobilization will be elaborated further during this section. The method section will include an elaboration of the used data and the used apparatus and materials, the operationalization of the following concepts: escapism in relation to seduction and mobilization and the deploying types in the escapist propaganda, and the research process.
Further, the result section will present the findings of this study. This section will be divided into three sub-sections. The first part consists of a descriptive and illustrative explanation of
escapism. This part will present the different forms of propaganda deployed by the Islamic State on Instagram to appeal to the escapism of Western audiences. So, in the first sub-section there will be explained how the Islamic State deploys escapism in its propaganda on Instagram. The second sub-section will focus on the function of escapism, namely seduction and mobilization. Thus, this will show the relation between escapism, seduction and mobilization. This second part will present the ways in which the Islamic State uses escapism in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce Western audiences to join its force and the ways in which the Islamic State use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram to mobilize Western audiences to join its force. So, in the second sub-section there will be explained how the Islamic State uses escapism to seduce and mobilize Western audiences. Lastly, the deploying types in the escapist propaganda is the third sub-section and this will present the ways in which the Islamic State deploys its escapism appealing propaganda in the Instagram posts.
Furthermore, in the discussion section the research questions will be answered, it will show how the results relate to previously published academic literature, the pros and cons of this study will be highlighted and suggestions for future research will be given. Finally, the conclusion
summarizes the main findings of this study and will provide a concluding view of this study; a short and concise answer to the research question.
Body of knowledge and theoretical framework
The Islamic State has been a major threat to Western societies for years (Stewart, 2017), not only at a physical level, but also on a psychical level. The Islamic State manages to sell dreams and utopia worldwide. In its propaganda on Instagram the Islamic State is making promises to Western audiences in order to appeal to escapism. The promise of the Islamic State to Western audiences to escape their reality has seduction and mobilization as a function. This shows that the threat of the Islamic State on a psychical level will strengthen its threat on a physical level, because the use of escapism in its propaganda on Instagram will lead to seduction and mobilization of Western audiences in order to join its force.
Though, the Islamic State has been a major threat to the Western society on a physical level and a psychical level, there is still an alarming dissensus concerning the nature, strategy and goals of the Islamic State. Is the Islamic State an apocalyptic death cult, a nihilistic terrorist group, an insurgency, a proto-state, a terrorist army, or some hybrid of these (Whiteside, 2016)? Moreover,
does the Islamic State adopt Islamic principles or is it a Sunni neo-Ba’athist restoration movement with genocidal tendencies? The confusion around the conceptualization of the Islamic State is not limited to academics, also the coalition forces admitted that they did not understand this movement (Whiteside, 2016). The Islamic State can be seen as a movement, because the Islamic State involves a group of actors working together to advance their shared religious, political and social ideas. The Islamic State as a global terrorism movement that can activate actors to join its force is very real, but it is hard to grasp its full physical and visual scope.
The Islamic State is an al-Qaida splinter group with a militant Sunni Islamist ideology (Stewart, 2017) and is based on an orthodox strict interpretation of the Qur’an and refuses the modernization of Islam and rejects all dissension. The Islamic State deploys a violent dogma, it declared a violent war against the enemies of Allah and summoned all Muslims to this Jihad (van Os, 2016). The Islamic State holds territory and is therefore able to make a claim to statehood. Furthermore, the fact that the leader of the Islamic State, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, gave several speeches in public showed his control and legitimacy, in contrast to Osama bin Laden’s cave recordings. In this sense, the Islamic State is one of the few terrorist groups that went beyond a hit-and-run tactic and established a clearly defined territory (van Os, 2016). The goal of the Islamic State is to create a worldwide Caliphate; a politicized form of Islam that aims at abolishing all Western and modernized concepts of government. However, other Jihadist groups, do not agree that it was time to establish a Caliphate. In this sense, the Islamic State mainly distinguishes itself from other Jihadist groups on its views on when and how a Caliphate should be established (van Os, 2016).
Furthermore, through its embrace of openness, the Islamic State has exhibited its media savviness (Wired, 2016). The Islamic State crisis can be regarded as the “first social media war” (Yeung, 2015). The Islamic State is content to crowdsource its social media activity out to actors where they have no concrete ties with. The Islamic State does this openly in the West’s most used digital services who have become woven into the daily life of Westerners (Wired, 2016), such as the social media platform Instagram. The Islamic State encourages its sympathizers to repost and share pro-Islamic State propaganda with their personal Instagram accounts (Yeung, 2015). The Islamic State is using Instagram for recruitment, coordination in terror attacks and propaganda (Bloom, Taflati & Horgan, 2017).
The Islamic State has a multi-pronged propaganda strategy that deploys escapism in its propagandist posts on Instagram. It is already briefly indicated that there is a relation between escapism, seduction and mobilization. Escapism has the function of seduction and mobilization. So,
the Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce Western audiences in the hope that the seduced actors are getting mobilized to join its force.
The broader meaning of escapism is the counter reaction to the current performance society. The performance society has much influence on actors and they are looking for ways to escape this society. This movement of actors seeking rest, escape and time without influence from the
performance society is called escapism. Because actors 'have to' do so many things in this society, they need an outlet. Sometimes, they have to break through the daily grind. This escapism can be done in various forms and ways, such as: studying graphic illustrations (art), photos and linguistic texts (poetry), listening to music and watching movies and videos (Mikie, 2017).
Both, the study of Yee (2006) and the study of Young, Kuss, Griffiths and Howard (2016) are defining online escapism as the use of the online environment to avoid and distract oneself from thinking about real life problems. Masur, Reinecke, Ziegele and Quiring (2014) are describing online escapism as a way to take an individual’s mind off things. Furthermore, Korgaonkar and Wolin (1999) identify escapism as a motivation to use web portals. Moreover, Nam (2014) uses escapism to understand the motivation of repeated web use. He divided escapism as a motivation to use the web in 10 sub-motivations: so I can escape from reality, because it stirs me up, because it arouses my emotions and feelings, because it makes me feel less lonely, so I can get away from what I am doing, so I can forget about work, because it shows me how to get along with others, because it helps me unwind, so I won’t be alone, I do not like to use the web alone and because it takes me into another world.
Papacharissi and Mendelson (2011) outline escapism as an important motivation to use Facebook. They included a qualitative element in their study and asked open questions about the motivation of participants to use Facebook. The participants reported that they use Facebook, because it offers distraction from their everyday fuss. Moreover, the participants stated that
escapism is the main reason why they use Facebook. Finally, this current study will define escapism as the use of the social media platform Instagram to escape from daily routines and life, or pressing personal problems. Therefore, Western audiences could use the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram to escape from their daily lives.
Furthermore, escapism entails a promise, a promise to escape; escapism gives the promise that actors can escape from their reality. The Islamic State makes use of escapism in its propaganda on Instagram, because the Islamic State is trying to sell a promise to Western audiences that they can escape their reality when they are joining its force. The Islamic State is trying to sell the
utopia refers to a perfect, ideal, or excellent place (Levitas, 1990). By its nature, every utopian ideal is to a certain extent engaged in escapism, because they are all based on the inherent desire to escape from reality (Honderich, 1995). Therefore, it is impossible not to see the propaganda posts of the Islamic State on Instagram, who are portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, as primarily escapist works. So, the use of escapism in the propaganda posts of the Islamist State on Instagram becomes clear from the fact that they are trying to sell the promise to escape to Western audiences by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia.
The Islamic State presents a powerful philosophical construct, a twenty-first-century Sunni political utopia. The ultimate goal of using escapism in its propaganda is to convince Western audiences to embrace this utopia and the belief that the Caliphate had the power to implement the utopian ideals (Napoleoni, 2017). The emphasis in the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State is put on the narrative that the Caliphate is an Islamic utopia (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016; Winter, 2015). The Islamic State wants to convince actors that the Caliphate is the only place where the Sharia law is applied as it was in the time of the early followers of the Prophet Muhammad. The Islamic State is also presenting the Caliphate as a thriving and functioning state where the economy is growing, the public services are robust and the food is abundant. In doing so, the Islamic State is presenting the Caliphate as a preferable alternative to the Westphalian state system, a state where Muslims can live piously and harmoniously (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016).
According to Winter (2015), the Islamic State has dedicated considerable resources to propagandize this Islamic utopia narrative. The study of Winter (2015) shows that more than half of the propaganda of the Islamic State highlighted various components of the Islamic utopia narrative. Winter (2015) states that utopianism is arguably the broadest and most important theme within the propaganda of the Islamic State. The desire to promote the Caliphate as an utopia has led to the appearance of the bizarre: from portraying da’wa caravans, flowers and fishing trips to road-building, agriculture and sheep cleaning (Winter, 2015). At first sight, these types of content may seem benign, but its presence is rather critical. Along with its labelling of its offices, departments and ministries, the Islamic State is constantly trying to prove that it is not just talking about the Caliphate, but that it is also enacting it: establishing Sharia courts, implementing ḥudud
punishments, teaching children to recite the Qur’an by rote and dispensing and collecting zakat (Winter, 2015). The propaganda of the Islamic State is full of such material, all motivated by the need to strengthen the Islamic utopia narrative in order to sell the promise that Western audiences can escape from their reality to an Islamic utopia, the Caliphate.
Of course, the escapist propaganda content of the Islamic State about the Islamic utopia is multipurpose. Taking the circulated images of the implemented hudud punishments as an example, it is clear that each target audience is affected differently by the propaganda content of the Islamic State. To locals, the circulated images of the implemented hudud punishments are aiming to
demonstrate that despite the fact that it is attacked from all sides, the Islamic State can still provide stability and security. The efficiency and ruthlessness with which crime is punished can be an attractive idea in the context of unbridled war and lawlessness. So, these images serves as a warning for potential opponents. For active members and ideological supporters, such images provide
gratification and legitimization. For potential active member or ideological supporters, it can be part of the evidence that is used to convince them that the Islamic State is legitimate. Finally, for
international publics, involved opponents and potential enemies these images are showing the rejection of international norms and the resolute resistance with which Islamic State pursues its 'Caliphate' project (Winter, 2015).
The propaganda strategy of the Islamic State is created in a manner that is just as much about attracting new recruits as it is about sustaining the support from non-active sympathizer around the world (Winter, 2015). The propaganda of the Islamic State takes into account that sympathizers of the force have no intention of fighting, their Jihad is fed through social media platforms. Saturation of the internet with content that documents every facet of the life in the Caliphate not only creates a clear and comprehensive vision of the Islamic utopia, but it also
ensures the continuous participation from onlookers. Saturation brings the interested onlookers into the cycle of violence as well as the social movement; it is a means to activate actors who support the political-military campaign of the Islamic State but have not yet taken, and perhaps will never take, the leap to join the force (Winter, 2015). So, This propaganda strategy is using escapism, by documenting every facet of the (utopian) life in the Caliphate, in the broadest meaning to reach onlookers, non-active sympathizer, new recruits and active members.
For active members, sympathizers and potential recruits, the Islamic State’s escapist
propaganda has made it possible to put together a multi-layer, nuanced brand that promises not only military escapades but also utopian adventure (Winter, 2015). Because of the audio, video and photographic content that is constantly being circulated, the Islamic State paints a picture of the Jihad that no other group has ever done. That is why participation in the Caliphate is not just an exploit for those who want to shoot a gun, mobilizing for the Islamic State is sold as a way to participate in God's project on earth. There is a frontier-like attraction to it, because
father or mother of this Islamic utopia (Winter, 2015). For someone who does not relate to the Islamic Caliphate project, such an idea is strange. For the few extremists who both believe in the idea of the Caliphate and see the violent means of the Islamic State as justified, the enormous amount of evidence it produces to substantiate its claims is intensely tempting. Winter (2015) concludes that the concept of the Islamic utopia is of existential important to the Islamic State, because it has a major role in the seduction and mobilization of (potential) sympathizers to join its force.
In accordance with the study of Winter (2015), Young (2015) states that facilitating the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences to join the Islamic State is the result of a carefully constructed narrative of an utopian Islamic kingdom. The narrative of an Islamic utopia offered by the Islamic State is most alluring to new sympathizers. So, portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia is the most prominent way to seduce and mobilize Western audiences to join the force of the Islamic State. This shows that the Islamic State’s use of escapism, by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, in its propaganda has as a function the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences to join its force; the function of escapism is seduction and mobilization. Moreover, escapism has the potential of seducing and mobilizing Western audiences in order to join its force. The function and potential of escapism in relation to seduction and mobilization will now be elaborated further.
To seduce and mobilize Western audiences to join its force, the Islamic State produces videos and literature that emphasize its alleged utopian aspects. The Islamic State is trying to state to Western audiences that the idea of the Caliphate in their mind is real and tangible, and that they can just come to the Caliphate with their family to flourish (Wired, 2016). As an example, in the 21-minute video entitled as Honor is in Jihad: A message to the people of the Balkans, a smiling active member of the Islamic State is shown holding hands with his pigtailed daughter while they are at an outdoor market that abound with fruit. The active member assures his fellow sympathizers of the Islamic State that if they come to the Caliphate, they never have to worry about anything again (Wired, 2016). Furthermore, the Islamic State is trying to reach a wider target audiences by stating that active members who have made the decision to come to the Caliphate aren’t expected to fight. Active members could next to fighting, also contribute to the jihad in a different way, such as work specialism. This new propaganda strategy has been a boon to the Islamic State, because this made the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences easier. Moreover, this influx of talent and specialisms brought new levels of creativity and polish to the propaganda output of the Islamic
State: for example, GoPro cameras have been applied to sniper rifles and AK-47s, resulting in first-person scenes that seem to be plucked from video games, like the Call of Duty (Wired, 2016).
Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016) are also stating that the Islamic State uses the narrative of the Caliphate as an Islamic utopia to seduce and mobilize Western audiences to join its force and that this narrative is vital to the seducing and mobilization techniques of the Islamic State. The studies above show the function and potential of escapism in relation to seduction and mobilization; the Islamic State can use escapism, by portraying and sketching an Islamic Utopia, in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce Western audiences in the hope that the seduced actors are getting mobilized to join its force. So, the reason why the Islamic State uses escapism in its propaganda on Instagram is seducing Western audiences in the hope that they will (actively or passively) get mobilized to join its force.
The promise of the Islamic State to Western audiences that they can escape to an Islamic utopia has the function and potential of seduction and mobilization. How the Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram to seduce and mobilize Western audiences will be
explained now. Firstly, the function and potential of escapism: seduction will be elaborated.
According to Napoleoni (2017), deploying frames in the (escapist) propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram that are trying to motivate Western audiences to certain actions and activities alone is not enough to mobilize Western audiences. The illusion of the Instagram posts needs to coincide with some nightmare or dream formulation by the collective imagination. The escapist propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram needs to seduce Western audiences to become sympathizers of its force. So, the Western audiences must first be seduced by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State before they can get mobilized.
Napoleoni (2017) states that the Islamic State can seduce Western audiences in different ways: the Islamic State can idealize and glorify the Caliphate. Moreover, the Islamic State can portray the Caliphate as an utopia. The idealization and glorification of the Caliphate goes hand-in-hand with the concept of the Caliphate as an utopia. The Islamic State can fill in these three
seduction forms in different ways: the Islamic State can portray the Caliphate as an incorruptible and uncorrupted nation with a profound sense of brotherhood, a nation ruled by honor, a
contemporary society perfectly in harmony with Allah and a society free from Western humiliation. By seduction, the Islamic State can convince Western audiences to see the Caliphate as an utopia, where they can live their perfect live and where the Caliphate has the power to implement it (Napoleoni, 2017).
Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016) are also stating that portraying the Caliphate as an utopia is a seduction form that the Islamic State deploys in its (escapist) propaganda on social media in order to seduce Western audiences to become sympathizers of its force. The Islamic State presents the Caliphate as a harmonious, pious and thriving Islamic state. Furthermore, the Islamic State also uses the seduction form of the Islamic State’s winner’s message; concealing its weakness and projecting an image of strength. The projection of strength lies at the core of the (escapist) propaganda of the Islamic State on social media. To seduce Western audiences to become sympathizers of its force, the Islamic State must demonstrate that it is ascendant. The Islamic State can portray its winners’s message in different ways: publishing its (exaggerated) battlefield gains and its (exaggerated) organizational successes, creating the perception that the Islamic State is constantly acquiring new sympathizers, downplaying its losses and masking its vulnerabilities (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016).
Moreover, the Islamic State also uses the seduction form of jihadist adventure and camaraderie in its (escapist) propaganda; the Jihad as an opportunity for excitement and
brotherhood (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016). The escapist propaganda of the Islamic State on social media is infused with the theme of excitement, adventure and camaraderie. The study of
Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016) found different ways in how these themes were used to seduce Western audiences to become sympathizers of its force; evoking stylistic characteristics of violent video games such as Call of Duty and Grand Theft Auto in its (escapist) propaganda with headings like “This is our call of duty and we respawn in jannah and “If you join us, you’ll get to shoot these things”. The Islamic State portrays its Jihad as an opportunity for Western audiences to live out their fantasies in real life. The Islamic State also attempts to tap into Western audiences need to belong to a community. The Islamic State makes the impression in its escapist propaganda on social media that there is a great camaraderie and solidarity among Islamic State sympathizers, presenting the society in the Caliphate as a tight-knit community. As an example, (escapist) propaganda of the Islamic State shows Islamic State sympathizers lounging in the grass and drinking together while calling on their countrymen to join them (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016). So, the above shows that the Islamic State uses escapism in its propaganda as a means of seduction among Western
audiences. The following hypothesis can be derived from above: the Islamic State tries to seduce Western audiences by using different seduction forms in its propaganda on Instagram that appeals to escapism of Western audiences, because Western audiences are using the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram to escape from their daily lives.
Secondly, the function and potential of escapism: mobilization will be elaborated. A theory on framed narratives, the collective action framing theory of Benford and Snow (2000) helps to
study into how the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram is articulated and how this can appeal to the escapism of Westerns and influences their beliefs, and direct their actions and activities. The collective action framing theory (Benford & Snow, 2000) explains how the frames used by the Islamic State in its escapist propaganda on Instagram can influence Westerners from belief into real action. These actions can range from acquiring resources, mobilizing Westerners and recruiting new members. In this sense, the frames used by the Islamic State in its escapist
propaganda on Instagram link values to occurrences and have the power to inspire and guide action (Goffman, 1974).
The collective action framing theory (Benford & Snow, 2000) provides a way to interpret the frame as set by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram. Moreover, this theory illustrates the application of the frames of the movement Islamic State, which is using the framing in its escapist propaganda in order to shape consent among Western audiences and motivate them to certain actions and activities (Snow & Byrd, 2007). By creating a frame in its escapist propaganda, the Islamic State sets out an interpretative structure that simultaneously communicates a mode of understanding reality for its sympathizers. In this manner, the escapist propaganda on Instagram functions as an outlet through which the Islamic State communicates with Westerns in order to spread its vision on reality and in the process of this instigate their actions and activities.
According to the collective action framing theory of Benford and Snow (2000), diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing are important framing practices that are necessary for a powerful collective action frame in the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram. These three framing practices can overlap and can appear in any order, within the final frame to appeal to the escapism of Westerns. Moreover, diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing together determine the extent to which the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State is able to address the issues surrounding action mobilization and consensus (Snow & Byrd, 2007). Action mobilization is focused on transforming passive sympathizers of the Islamic State into active engagement. Consensus is about the establishment and cohesiveness of attitudinal and ideational support among active and passive sympathizers of the Islamic State.
The diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing can be outlined as follows: the diagnostic framing is the first core framing task and this involves problem identification and
attributions. It addresses what is seen as problematic and therefore this tasks communicates a biased story to receivers on what is wrong or what went wrong, and revolves around something that needs repair or change. The goal is to create the accepted notion that societal and political problems are intolerable issues that need to be confronted. Thus, in the diagnostic framing task the Islamic State
identifies problems, such as actors and countries, that are posing a threat to all believers of the Islamic religion, the establishment of the Islamic Caliphate and its utopian view of the life within the Islamic Caliphate and the fighting force of the Islamic State. So, the diagnostic framing task determines what the Islamic State is about (Benford & Snow, 2000). Prognostic framing is the second core framing task, during this frame the necessary steps that need to be done in order to change or repair the problem are stipulated. So, the prognostic framing task outlines what the Islamic State ought to be done to stop the problem that is identified in the diagnostic framing task. Here, the Islamic State lays the foundation for the move to action (Benford & Snow, 2000). Lastly, the motivational framing tasks works towards the creation of active ideological adherents. During this task, the Islamic State tries to mobilize the actors that have been prepared in the diagnostic framing task and the prognostic framing task. The Islamic State is trying to transform passive sympathizers into active sympathizers. In order to overcome the perceived threats and risks of actively participating in the Islamic State force, this frame ought to neutralize these threats and risks by framing its force in such a way that it will appeal to the escapism of Western audiences (Benford & Snow, 2000).
So, the collective action framing theory (Benford & Snow, 2000) can be used to illustrate how the Islamic State frames its escapist propaganda on Instagram in order to motivate Westerns to certain activities and actions, and therefore how the framings used in the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram appeals to escapism as a means of mobilization among Western audiences. The Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda as a means of mobilization among Western audiences. Mobilization of Western audiences by the Islamic State are the ways in which the Islamic State tries to transform passive sympathizers into active sympathizers; to motivate/instigate sympathizers to certain actions and activities. The following hypothesis can be derived from above: the Islamic State tries to mobilize Western audiences by using frames in its propaganda on
Instagram that appeals to escapism of Western audiences, because Western audiences are using the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram to escape from their daily lives.
In summary, the body of knowledge and theoretical frameworks show that escapism entails a promise, a promise to escape reality. The Islamic State make use of escapism in its propaganda on Instagram, because the Islamic State is trying to sell a promise to Western audiences that they can escape their reality when they are joining its force. The Islamic State is trying to sell this promise to escape to Western audiences by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, the Caliphate. It can be concluded that the escapist concept of the Islamic utopia is of existential important to the Islamic
State, because it has a major role in the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences. This shows that the Islamic State’s use of escapism, by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, in its propaganda has as a function the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences. So, the function of escapism is seduction and mobilization; escapism has the potential of seducing and mobilizing Western audiences in order to join its force. The reason why the Islamic State uses escapism in its propaganda on Instagram is seducing Western audiences in the hope that they will (actively or passively) get mobilized to join its force.
So, the Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram to seduce and mobilize Western audiences. The Islamic State can deploy different frames and narratives in its escapist propaganda on Instagram to seduce and mobilize Western audiences to join it force. The Islamic State tries to seduce Western audiences by deploying the narratives of idealization and glorification of the Caliphate and by portraying the Caliphate as an utopia in its propaganda on Instagram that appeals to escapism of Western audiences and the Islamic State tries to mobilize Western audiences by using diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames in its propaganda on Instagram that appeals to escapism of Western audiences.
Though, the Western audiences must first be seduced by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State before they can get mobilized by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State. So, the Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce Western audiences in the hope that the seduced actors are getting mobilized to join its force. Concluding, the Islamic State tries to seduce and mobilize Western audiences by using escapism in its propaganda on
Instagram, because Western audiences are using the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram to escape from their daily lives to an Islamic utopia, the Caliphate.
Method Data
This research took place from February to June 2018 in the Netherlands. This study is a deductive qualitative content analysis of the visuals posted on Instagram by the Islamic State and backers of the Islamic State. The visual propaganda of the Islamic State and its backers posted on Instagram is the unit of analysis of this study, and the visual propaganda posted on Instagram by the Islamic State and its backers; graphic illustrations, photos, linguistic texts, music fragments and videos are the units of observation of this study. The data of this study includes the official (formal) and non-official (informal) visual propaganda posted on Instagram by the Islamic State. The visual propaganda posted on Instagram by the Islamic State can be classified as official (formal)
propaganda when the Instagram post had a banner of the flag of the Islamic State in the right corner or when the Instagram post included the symbol of Dabiq; the non-official (informal) propaganda of the Islamic State had no banner of the flag of the Islamic State in the right corner or the symbol of Dabiq.
The sample for this study comprises visual propaganda posts on Instagram accounts of the Islamic State and backers of the Islamic State from May 2016 to May 2018. During this twenty-four month timeframe, the Islamic State and its backers posted 202 propagandist posts on Instagram to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences; a total of 40 graphic illustrations, 86 photos, 4 linguistic texts, 0 music fragments and 72 videos were posted on Instagram by the Islamic State and its backers (Table 1).
A total of twenty-three accounts of the Islamic State (backers) have posted propagandist posts on Instagram to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences (Table 1). These accounts that posted the propagandist posts on Instagram are studied, because these accounts posted pro Islamic State propagandist posts on Instagram related to the appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences. The posted graphic illustrations, photos, linguistic texts, music fragments and videos on these accounts will be analyzed, because they are the different forms of propaganda that the Islamic State and its backers posted on Instagram to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences.
Table 1 Data overview
To find the accounts of the Islamic State and its backer, a fake Instagram account is created for this study. The name of the fake Instagram account is michieldejong1404. Through this fake account there is searched for the accounts of the Islamic State and its backers. Instagram has various search functions, this allowed a targeted search for pro Islamic State propagandist posts. The
accounts are found by searching through individual names and hashtags. Then, this research used Total of accounts Total of posts Total of graphic illustrations Total of photos Total of linguistic texts Total of music fragments Total of videos 23 202 40 86 4 0 72
the snowball method. Through the snowball method more Islamic State backers or actors who, on behalf of the Islamic State, posted pro Islamic State propagandist posts on Instagram were found. In total twenty-three accounts of the Islamic State (backers) are analyzed during this study (Table 2). Instagram only provides the demographic data: gender. In total twenty-two males and one female have posted pro Islamic State propagandist posts on Instagram to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization (Table 2). Moreover, none of the accounts have per post indicated what the location was where they posted the pro Islamic State propaganda (Table 2). Lastly, Table 2 shows the amount of followers each pro Islamic State account has; this lies between 1 and 4524 followers, and Table 2 also shows how many accounts the pro Islamic State account is following; this lies between 1 and 6880 followings.
Although, this research is conducted in the Netherlands, the reach of the propaganda of the Islamic State and its backers on Instagram is globally. Therefore, this research focused on the posts on Instagram that could appeal to a broader range of actors, namely Western audiences. To reach Western audiences, the Islamic State posts its propaganda on Instagram mainly in English. To capture the reach of the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram on Western audiences, this research has focused on English, Arabic, Indonesian, Malaysian, Hindustani and Portuguese propagandist posts on Instagram by the Islamic State; some linguistic texts and sub captions (hashtags) in the Instagram posts were in Arabic, Indonesian, Malaysian, Hindustani and
Portuguese, so these linguistic texts and sub captions (hashtags) were looked up in the dictionary and translated into English.
Table 2
The analyzed pro Islamic State accounts Name of account Date followed Found by Amount of posts Language of post Location of post Amount of followers Amount of following Angga_au rora 10-4-2018 #AMAQ 5 English, Arabic, Indonesia n - 326 293 Asy_syad dakh 10-4-2018 #AMAQ 5 English, Arabic, Indonesia n - 271 492
Ranah_mi nang 10-4-2018 #AMAQ 20 English, Arabic, Malaysian - 592 429 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_300 10-4-2018 #Caliphate 9 Englisch, Indonesia n - 21 131 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_500 10-4-2018 #Caliphate 3 English - 27 13 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_100 0_ 10-4-2018 #Caliphate 2 English, Indonesia n - 28 52 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_720 0 10-4-2018 #Caliphate 1 English, Arabic, Indonesia n - 61 23 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_100 00 10-4-2018 #Caliphate 2 English - 11 45 Islamic_so cialism 10-4-2018 #Caliphate 3 English - 83 3 Bint.azma n 13-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 5 English, Malaysian - 181 323 Lee_hara1 107 13-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 20 English, Arabic, Malaysian - 542 124 Pizarzews ka 13-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 4 English - 1002 296 Target_loc ked.10 13-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 29 English, Arabic, Indonesia n - 3655 2850 Bnazizie 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 4 Englisch, Indonesia n - 8 1 Name of account Date followed Found by Amount of posts Language of post Location of post Amount of followers Amount of following
Apparatus and materials
During this research, a regular computer with access to the internet (Wi-Fi) was used. Through the Internet, access was giving to the social media platform Instagram (https://
www.instagram.com). With the computer, screenshots (ALT + PrintScreen) were made of the pro Islamic State propaganda posts; graphic illustrations, photos and linguistic texts. The screenshots were temporarily stored on the clipboard, after which it was imported into the computer program
Heyoktarii io 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 12 English, Indonesia n - 227 673 Munashiri n.dawlah 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 12 Englisch, Indonesia n - 198 147 Srinagar_f ighters 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 9 English, Hindustan i - 4524 6880 Tauhid. 313_9 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 30 English, Arabic, Indonesia n - 230 240 Tukaquine lli 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 1 English, Arabic, Portugues e - 1428 638 99muham madabdull ah 16-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 10 Englisch, Indonesia n - 279 275 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_ 18-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 2 English - 1 0 Knight_of _the_Cali phate_100 0 18-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 2 English - 20 73 Knight.of _Caliphate 18-4-2018 #IslamicSt ate 12 English, Indonesia n - 261 27 Name of account Date followed Found by Amount of posts Language of post Location of post Amount of followers Amount of following
Microsoft Paint. Then, the screenshots were stored on the computer's hard disk as an image. The pro Islamic State propaganda posts; music fragments and videos could not be directly stored on the computer's hard disk as a video, because Instagram music- and video fragments can not be downloaded. The internet pages of the music- and video fragments were stored on the computer's hard disk; the music- and video fragments are directly analyzed from the internet. After this, the stored images and the online music- and video fragments (pro Islamic State posts) could be analyzed.
Instagram is used as an apparatus to collect the pro Islamic State propaganda. The (visual) propaganda posts on Instagram accounts of the Islamic State and its backers from May 2016 to May 2018 are used for the analysis. The propaganda posts on Instagram are the used materials for this research. The Islamic State has turned to social network platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. However, those accounts have been shut down by the governments, and therefore, the Islamic State has started to shift its recruitment methods and propaganda towards a new social media platform: Instagram (Ciaccia, 2017). Instagram is a social media platform that the Islamic State and its backers are using as an outlet to spread their propaganda to appeal to escapism as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences. Instagram is controversy free and its stories features are appealing due to the disappearing of posts after 24 hours. The Instagram-story and Instagram-life posts are appealing, because of the quick-hit nature of these posts (Ciaccia, 2017). The Islamic State and its backers can send a message that they know will disappear, but the sender will know who the audience was. Moreover, they are using Instagram, because they know it is a safe platform to share information, because the chance of being caught by the governments is very low (Hinnant, 2017). Furthermore, Instagram has more than 700 million monthly active users (Instagram, 2017), this means that millions of anonymous ‘netizens’ can be mobilized to be active agents for the Islamic State. So, Instagram can be used for recruitment and propaganda strategies by the Islamic State. The Islamic State and its backers can post propaganda on Instagram that appeals to escapism in order to seduce and mobilize Western audiences to join its force.
Instagram can be explained as follows: Instagram has various search functions, allowing a targeted search for posts from the Islamic State and its backers. There are two search functions; you can search for individuals and hashtags with the search bar at the top <Search and Explore>. The search order on Instagram is: tap <Search> and then choose if you search for <Users> or
<Hashtags>. Furthermore, you can search for individuals with their name and username. The search results are based on a number of factors, including the individuals you follow, the individuals you have a connection with, and which photos and videos you like on Instagram. Moreover, under
<Search and Explore> you can find photos and videos that you might like from accounts that you are not following. These search functions were helpful in the search for posts of the Islamist State and its backers, because Instagram provided through the search function <Search and Explore> accounts that were matching with the previous searches.
Then, the snowball method is used. Through the snowball method more Islamic State backers or actors who, on behalf of the Islamic State, posted visual propaganda on Instagram were found. The accounts found in step 1 and 2 were liked and therefore, new accounts came forward. These newly found accounts were also liked. By liking the accounts, Instagram gave a notification each time the Islamic State backers or actors who, on behalf of the Islamic State, posted a post (regular post, Instagram Story post or Instagram Life post) on Instagram.
The propaganda posts on Instagram are the used materials for this research. Propaganda can be defined as a form of communication through Instagram that attempts to promote the agenda of the Islamic State and influence the targets audience’s point of view (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016). The effectiveness of violent propaganda is much smaller than positive propaganda. Propaganda is mainly effective when positive elements are involved. This shows that positive narratives, themes and categories, that the Islamic State deploys in its propaganda on Instagram, has a greater
effectiveness than the violent propaganda on Instagram (Hulshof & de Roos, 2015). This research will focus on the positive propaganda that the Islamic State deploys on Instagram. The narratives of the Caliphate as an Islamic utopia, jihadist adventure and camaraderie and the winners message can be defined as positive propaganda. So, this research focusses on the idealization and glorification of the Caliphate and the Caliphate as an Islamic utopia. With these positive messages the Islamic State is trying to appeal to escapism as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences.
The propaganda posts of the Islamic State on Instagram mainly consists of visual content, with linguistic (sub-) captions. Visual content has been an essential part of communication whether social, political, business or international related (Domke, Perlmutter & Spratt, 2002; Brantner, Lobinger & Wetzenstein, 2011; Schwalbe & Dougherty, 2015). The role of visuals in
communication is become more prominent, due to the emergence of digital communication
technologies, because actors want easy-to-digest content and are sharing attention-grabbing visuals via social media platforms (Alper, 2014; Seo, 2014). Organizations, such as the Islamic State, are attempting to optimize visual content for effective communication (Seo & Ebrahim, 2016). Against this backdrop, Instagram can be used as an important outlet for the Islamic State to share images as a part of its propaganda.
Instagram has enabled conflict parties to communicate directly with their target groups without having to go through traditional intermediaries such as mass media (Seo & Ebrahim, 2016). The study of Seo (2014) shows this in his analysis of Twitter images posted by the Hamas’
Alquassam Brigades and Israel Defense Forces during the Gazes conflict. Both sides deployed different frames and themes to portray the other side as the aggressor and to emphasize the casualties of their own side (Seo, 2014).
Visual imagery is an essential component of propaganda, from ancient coins picturing the images of the emperors in Rome to the graphic internet images of the Islamic State. All these visuals were used to appeal to respect and a sense of potency. That means that visual images
maximize the desired effects by eliciting emotions that are necessary for seduction (Seo & Ebrahim, 2016). When studying visual propaganda, the framing devices used in the propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram to enhance the appealingness to escapism must be taken into account. According to Seo & Ebrahim (2016), framing refers to the way communicators present the issue to the target audience in order to influence the audience’s understanding of that issue. An important aspect of framing are the structure of the narratives, because they are helping to define and construct issues using striking aspects of social reality that is already understood by the target audience of the Islamic State (Seo & Ebrahim, 2016). The framed narratives of the Islamic State on Instagram can influence the thoughts of its target audience. Therefore, these framed narratives of the Islamic State in its propaganda on Instagram can play an appealing role in escapism as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences to join its force.
Procedure
First, a literature review was conducted during this study, which formed the basis for the conceptualization and operationalization of the following concepts: ‘Escapism’, ‘Mobilization’ and ‘Seduction’. Escapism is conceptualized as follows: the different forms of propaganda deployed by the Islamic State on Instagram to appeal to the escapism of Western audiences in order to escape their daily lives. Seduction is conceptualized as follows: the ways in which the Islamic State tries to seduce Western audiences to become sympathizers of its force. Lastly, mobilization is
conceptualized as follows: the ways in which the Islamic State tries to transform passive
sympathizers into active sympathizers; to motivate/instigate sympathizers to certain actions and activities. The operationalization of these concepts will come forward later in the coding schemes (Table 5 to 7 and Annex A).
The data from this research was obtained by analyzing Instagram posts posted by the Islamic State and its backers. A fake Instagram account is created for this study (michieldejong1404). Through this fake account there is searched for the accounts of the Islamic State and its backers. Instagram has various search functions, which allowed a targeted search for posts from the Islamic State and its backers. The first Instagram searching technique that is used is: searching the accounts of individuals who are associated with the Islamic State and are well known as sympathizers of the force of the Islamic State. Searching for specific individuals on Instagram is done through the search bar at the top on Instagram <Search and Explore>. Then, tapping <Search> and choose the search bar for <Users>. In the search bar <Users>, the names are entered who are known as Islamic State backers or actors who, on behalf of the Islamic State, post visual propaganda on Instagram (Table 3). Table 3 shows the list of the entered names on Instagram. Solely, the Instagram accounts of these Islamic State sympathizers were not found.
Table 3
List of the entered names on Instagram
The second Instagram searching technique that is used is: searching for hashtags that are associated with the Islamic State and its force, which came forward in the pro Islamic State
propaganda texts. The found hashtags were tapped in the search bar at the top on Instagram <Search and Explore>. Then, tapping <Search> and choose the search bar for <Hashtags>. In the search bar
Entered names on Instagram
Associated Date searched Account found
Abdel Malik Petit Jean Terrorist who
committed an attack on a French church
11-4-2018
-Abu Mohammad al-Adnani
Spokesman for the Islamic State
10-4-2018
-Abu Bakr al-Baghadi Leader of the Islamic State
10-4-2018
-Muhammed Bara Co-founder of AMAQ 11-4-2018
-Salim Israilov Foreign fighter 11-4-2018
-<Hashtags>, the hashtags were entered in order to find the accounts of Islamic State backers or actors who, on behalf of the Islamic State, post visual propaganda on Instagram (Table 4).
Table 4
List of the entered hashtags on Instagram
Entered hashtags on Instagram
Translation/Meaning Date searched Amount of found account #Allahuakbar Arabic phrase meaning God is
the greatest
10-4-2018
-#Ba’yah The ones allegiance and is used to signify the oath several groups give to Islamic State
10-4-2018
-#AMAQ Amaq is a news agency that is
connected to the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant
10-4-2018 3
#Caliphate A caliphate is a state ruled by a caliph, a successor of the Islamic prophet Mohammed
10-4-2018 6
#CaliphateNews Special and urgent news within the Caliphate of the Islamic State
10-4-2018
-#Dunyā Is used to signify worldly affairs or possessions in a denoting sense
13-4-2018
-#Fitnah The persecution of the
non-believers in God
13-4-2018
-#Hijrah The prophets journey in which individuals establishes an Islamic community
13-4-2018
-#IslamicState A terrorist organization 13-4-2018, 16-4-2018, 18-4-2018
The accounts that came forward through these two searchings are liked on Instagram. By liking these accounts, the fake account was able to follow the found pro Islamic State accounts. Moreover, the third Instagram searching technique that is used is: through <Search and Explore>. The fake account found photos and videos that the fake account might like from accounts that it was not following. This searching technique was helpful in the search for posts of the Islamist state and its backers, because Instagram provided through the search function <Search and Explore> accounts that matched (in terms of interest) with the previous searches. The accounts found during this third searching technique are also liked on Instagram and followed upon.
These three searching functions provided the initial accounts of pro Islamic State propagandist posts on Instagram related to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and
mobilization among Western audiences. Then, the snowball method is used. Through the snowball method more Islamic State backers or actors who, on behalf of the Islamic State, post visual
propaganda on Instagram were found. Through the posts on the initial accounts of pro Islamic State propagandist posts on Instagram, new pro Islamic State accounts were found. This research looked up the reactions and likes that were giving on posts of the initial found accounts. The accounts that responded to the posts of the initial found accounts, or liked the posts of the initial found accounts, were then examined whether those accounts also contained pro Islamic State propaganda on Instagram related to appeal to escapism as means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences. If this was the case, these newly accounts were also liked in order to follow them.
This snow ball method, searching for new accounts; examining the reactions and likes that were given on posts of the initial and newly found accounts, continued until the data was saturated. By liking and following these accounts, Instagram gave a notification each time any found accounts of Islamic State and its backers posted a post (regular post, a Instagram Story post or a Instagram Life post) on Instagram.
With the computer, screenshots (ALT + PrintScreen) were made of the pro Islamic State propaganda; graphic illustrations, photos and linguistic texts, post posted by the found accounts. These screenshots were temporarily stored on the clipboard, after which it was imported into the computer program Microsoft Paint. Then, the screenshots were stored on the computer's hard disk as an image. The pro Islamic State propaganda posts; the internet pages of the music- and video fragments were directly stored on the computer's hard disk. The images and internet pages of the music- and video fragments derived from each individual pro Islamic State account is stored on the computer in their individual folder; each pro Islamic State account got their own folder to store the screenshots and internet pages of the music- and video fragments of their posts.
To analyze the Instagram posts, the concepts: ‘Escapism’ in relation to ‘Seduction’ and ‘Mobilization’ were operationalized; each concept was given indicators to make them measurable (Table 5 to 7). First, the operationalization of ‘Escapism’ (core label); forms of propaganda deployed by the Islamic State on Instagram that appeal to the escapism of Western audiences in order to escape their daily lives (Mikie, 2017), is presented in Table 5. The Islamic State is trying to sell the promise to escape to Western audiences by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia in its propaganda on Instagram. The Islamic State’s use of escapism, by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, in its propaganda has as a function, the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences. So, the function of escapism is seduction and mobilization; escapism has the potential of seducing and mobilizing Western audiences in order to join its force. The theory and indicators of the concept ‘Escapism’ are derived from Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016), Honderich (1995),
Korgaonkar and Wolin (1999), Masur et al. (2014), Mikie (2017), Nam (2014), Napoleoni (2017), Papacharissi and Mendelson (2011), Winter (2015), Yee (2006), Young (2015) and Young et al. (2016).
Table 5
Operationalization of ‘Escapism’
Second, the operationalization of ‘Seduction’ (core label); the Islamic State tries to seduce Western audiences to become sympathizers of its force, is presented in Table 7. The Islamic State is trying to sell the promise to escape to Western audiences by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce Western audiences. The Islamic State’s use of escapism, by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, in its propaganda has as a function the seduction of Western audiences. Furthermore, the Islamic State can use escapism in its propaganda on Instagram in order to seduce western audiences in the hope that the seduced actors are getting
Theory Concept Definition Indicators
Theory of Escapism (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016; Honderich, 1995; Korgaonkar & Wolin, 1999; Masur et al., 2014; Mikie, 2017; Nam, 2014; Napoleoni, 2017; Papacharissi & Mendelson, 2011; Winter, 2015; Yee, 2006; Young, 2015; Young et al., 2016)
‘Escapism’ Western audiences can use Instagram to escape reality. The Islamic State can post propaganda on
Instagram to appeal to escapism of Western audiences. The function and potential of escapism is the seduction and mobilization of Western audiences. Mikie (2017) distinguishes five forms of propaganda that the Islamic State can deploy on Instagram to appeal to escapism as a means of seduction and mobilization among Western audiences: 1) Graphic illustration 2) Photo 3) Linguistic text 4) Music 5) Video
Indicators of escapism (actor refers to the actors of the Islamic State and its backers):
-
Graphic illustration:- The actor deploys a graphic illustration
-
Photo:- The actor deploys a photo
-
Linguistic text:- The actor deploys a linguistic text
-
Music:- The actor deploys a music fragment
-
Video:mobilized to join its force. The indicators of the concept ‘Seduction’ are derived from Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016) and Napoleoni (2017).
Table 6
Operationalization of ‘Seduction’
Theory Concept Defintion Indicators
Theory of Seduction (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016; Napoleoni, 2017).
‘Seduction’ The function and potential of escapism is the
seduction of Western audiences.
Through seduction, the Islamic State can persuade Western audiences to join its force. The Western audiences must first be seduced by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State before they can get mobilized.
Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016) and Napoleoni (2017) distinguish three ways in which the Islamic State tries to seduce Western audiences to join its force: 1) Idealizing the Caliphate 2) Glorifying the Caliphate 3) Portraying the Caliphate as an utopia
Indicators of seduction (actor refers to the actors of the Islamic State and its backers):
-
Idealizing the Caliphate:- The actor states that the Caliphate is incorruptible and uncorrupted
- The actor states that the Caliphate is ruled by honor - The actor states that the Caliphate is in harmony with Allah
- The actor states that the Caliphate is free from Western humiliation
-
Glorifying the Caliphate:- The actor is concealing their weakness
- The actor is downplaying their losses
- The actor masks their vulnerabilities
- The actor projects an image of strength - The actor publishes battlefield gains - The actor publishes organizational successes - The actor states that the Islamic State is constantly acquiring new sympathizers
Third, the operationalization of ‘Mobilization’ (core label): the Islamic State tries to
motivate sympathizers to certain actions and activities, is presented in Table 6. The Islamic State is trying to sell the promise to escape to Western audiences by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia in its propaganda on Instagram in order to mobilize Western audiences. The Islamic State’s use of escapism, by portraying and sketching an Islamic utopia, in its propaganda has as a function the mobilization of Western audiences. Though, the Western audiences must first be seduced by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State before they can get mobilized. The indicators of the
collective action framing theory (Benford & Snow, 2000) and their three (diagnostic, prognostic and motivational) framings tasks, are used to operationalize mobilization.
Theory of Seduction (Gartenstein-Ross et al., 2016; Napoleoni, 2017).
‘Seduction’ The function and potential of escapism is the
seduction of Western audiences.
Through seduction, the Islamic State can persuade Western audiences to join its force. The Western audiences must first be seduced by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State before they can get mobilized.
Gartenstein-Ross et al. (2016) and Napoleoni (2017) distinguish three ways in which the Islamic State tries to seduce Western audiences to join its force: 1) Idealizing the Caliphate 2) Glorifying the Caliphate 3) Portraying the Caliphate as an utopia
Indicators of seduction (actor refers to the actors of the Islamic State and its backers):
-
Portraying the Caliphate asan utopia:
- The actor portrays the Jihad-life as an adventure - The actor states that there is great camaraderie among Islamic State sympathizers - The actor states that there is large solidarity among Islamic State sympathizers - The actor presents the Caliphate as a harmonious Islamic state
- The actor presents the Caliphate as a pious Islamic state
- The actor presents the Caliphate as a thriving Islamic state
Table 7
Operationalization of ‘Mobilization’
After the operationalization of these three (combined) concepts, the Instagram posts were analyzed and coded based on the coding scheme and coding protocol (Annex A and Annex B). First, the Instagram posts were categorized; is it a graphic illustration, photo, linguistic text, music
fragment or video. The second step is open coding. During this step the (core, sub or sub-sub) labels of ‘Escapism’ in relation to ‘Seduction’ and ‘Mobilization' were assigned to the Instagram posts. The coded Instagram posts which appeared in step one, were coded further in the third step. The third step involved a deeper form of coding: how did the Islamic State deploy its escapist
propaganda in an Instagram post; overt versus covert, analytical versus emotional, and human interest versus non-human interest (Table 8, Annex A and Annex B). The Study of Seo and Ebrahim
Theory Concept Defintion Indicators
The collective action framing theory (Benford & Snow, 2000)
‘Mobilization’ The function and potential of escapism is the mobilization of Western audiences. The Western audiences must first be seduced by the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State before they can get mobilized.
Understanding how the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram is articulated and how this can appeal to the escapism of Westerns audiences and influences their beliefs, and direct their actions and activities. Benford and Snow (2000)
distinguish three frames that together can create a powerful collective action frame in the escapist propaganda of the Islamic State on Instagram in order to mobilize Western audiences: 1) Diagnostic framing 2) Prognostic framing 3) Motivational framing Indicators of mobilization (actor refers to the actors of the Islamic State and its backers):
-
Diagnostic framing: - The actor identifies a problem - The actor attributes a problem - The problem needs change-
Prognostic framing:- The actor states what needs to be done to change the problem
-
Motivational framing: - The actorneutralizes the risks that arise when joining the force
(2016) guided the establishment of these core labels. The operationalization of the deploying types in the escapist propaganda; the ways in which the Islamic State can deploy its escapist propaganda in an Instagram post, is presented in Table 8.
The overt item covered the posts that explicitly promoted the agenda of the Islamic State and its backers. In comparison, the covert item covered the posts that implicitly promoted their agenda. The analytical item captured the posts that focused on statistics, facts or analytical interpretations. In comparison, the emotional item captured posts intended to evoke emotions. Lastly, the human interest item is used to cover the posts that highlight specific actors who suffer from attacks from the enemies of the Islamic State and who helped Instagram users to associate with those actors and their stories. In comparison, the non-human interest item is used to cover the posts that highlight specific non-actors who suffer from attacks from the enemies of the Islamic State and who helped Instagram users to associate with those non-actors and their stories.
