Temporality within urbanism : an exploratory analysis ...

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University of Amsterdam

Graduate School of Social Sciences:_{MSc Urban and Regional Planning}

Temporality within urbanism

An exploratory analysis…

(Google Images -https://bit.ly/2ORrvib).

Frank van Velzen 12268259 13742 words

12/08/2019

Supervisor: Prof. dr. M. (Maira) Kaika Second reader: Prof. dr. R. (Richard) Ronald

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“Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody,

only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”

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Abstract

Following the bankruptcy of the Dutch Dock and Shipbuilding Company (NDSM) in Amsterdam North in the late 1980s, its buildings stood empty. Gradually, as a result of relatively cheap workspaces and their desire for experimentation, individuals with a creative inclination started moving in. In the course of the years that followed, these bottom-up initiatives - which are often mere temporary projects, have evolved and resulted in spin offs for those in and around the projects’ vicinity. However, the current neoliberal economic market push and pull forces affect such initiatives and it is questionable whether or not they are viable.

Scholars such as Landry, Florida, Glaeser and Scott, amongst others, have written widely on the topics of the creative class, creative clustering and the creative economy. Furthermore, there is an extensive amount of literature which speaks to the manner in which the creative community are often used as a planning and marketing tool in attracting investment and diverse population demographics into urban areas. Additionally, Peck and Harvey, amongst others, have written widely on the opportunities and threats posed by the far reaching socio-economic ideology of neoliberalism in which the creatives have had to ply their trade. There is, however, limited researchthat analyzes the impact that smallscale temporary initiatives can have at local levels and how such projects can be included in proactive urban planning policies.

Therefore,with_{Kunststad - based in the largest building on the NDSM wharf as a case study, this dissertation has} focused on the feasibility of small scale temporary initiatives within a broader neoliberal economic framework. First, a clear explanation and understanding of urban management policies is sought in order to deduce whether or not small scale bottom up temporary initiatives are provided for in policy. Then, by focusing exclusively on

Kunststad and those that make use of the space, this dissertation explores why individuals choose to get involved

in these types of initiatives and whether or not a shared vision for the future of the project exists. Finally, this dissertation highlights the socio-economic changes that such projects can bring at a local level. At the conclusion of this dissertation the objective is to explore whether or not a small scale bottom up temporary initiative like Kunststad is viable within the broader neoliberal economic framework.

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Preface

This dissertation forms part of my last piece of training towards a masters degree in Urban and Regional Planning from the Graduate School of Social Sciences at the University of Amsterdam. I would firstly like to acknowledge my parents, Nick and Maryke van Velzen; without whom, I would not have had the opportunity of furthering my studies in the Netherlands. Through their constant guidance, encouragement and unconditional love; they have shaped me into the person I am today. Next, with the scientific research, data analysis and reporting having been carried out under the meticulous guidance of my thesis supervisor, Prof. dr. M. (Maria) Kaika; I would be remiss in not thanking her for her professional contribution in getting me to this point. Lastly, I’d like to acknowledge the range of Kunststad stakeholders, interviewees and fellow peers who were kind enough to give of their time towards my research topic.

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List of figures

Figure 1: NDSM in the context of Amsterdam Figure 2: Kunststad in the context of NDSM Figure 3: A life size model of Kunststad Figure 4: The provisional layout of Kunststad

List of tables

Table 1: Sub question 1 Table 2: Sub question 2 Table 3: Sub question 3 Table 4: List of interviews

List of abbreviations

NDSM: Nederlandse Dok en Scheepsbouw Maatschappij

MRA: Metropolitan Region of Amsterdam

CAWA: De Commissie voor Ateliers en (Woon) Werkpanden Amsterdam

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1. Introduction

In recent times urban authorities have developed solutions and mechanisms to protect and secure vacant and underutilised urban land within their boundaries. The reason for doing so is that such spaces, which Richard Florida once dubbed as “the third spaces of a city”, have been known to be havens for vagrants, crime and antisocial behavior (2002: 6). Thereby in order to curb further degradation, authorities utilise temporary solutions such as providing freely accessible creative spaces for entrepreneurs to ply their trades. Related to temporary use is interim use. Porgoreutz, however, highlights an important difference, in that interim use implies a beginning and an end, while temporary use does not imply that another use will replace or come after its use (Pogoreutz, 2006: 77).

In the Netherlands, such spaces have come to be known as breeding grounds. Breeding grounds, which vary in scale, form and character, are often used as a stop gap mechanisms and also a planning tool to attract, retain and nurture creative talent to their jurisdictions. In Amsterdam, which has historically been known to inhabit counter cultural communities, the creative sector has grown to become a key feature of its economy. This economy not only creates spillovers for different sectors, but also results in crossovers and a diversification of the economy taking place.

This particular phenomenon of creative individuals clustering together in a concentrated area has been studied by researchers such as Florida and Scott. Their common opinion stems from the agglomeration theory of Marshall, which has the premise that different companies and individuals cluster together (e.g. as in breeding grounds), to have economies of scale and thereby a greater exchange of ideas (1920). Marshall divided the economic benefits into different types of location specific externalities, namely: knowledge spillovers, local specialised labour pools and non-traded inputs (ibid).

The American strategy professor Michael Porter extended the agglomeration theory of Marshall, and introduced the diamond cluster concept (1990), and defined a cluster as, “geographic concentrations of interconnected companies, specialised suppliers, service providers, firms in related industries, and associated institutions (e.g. Universities, standard agencies, trade associations) in a particular field that compete but also cooperate.” Moreover, Porter described four conditions which are essential in the development of such, namely, “a firm strategy, structure and rivalry; factor input conditions; demand conditions.” (Van den Berg, L. and Braun, E., 2017).

Despite the range of potential opportunities and benefits which creative clusters such as breeding grounds can bring to a community and a city as a whole, these spaces have also undergone scrutiny as they have been periodically blamed for the displacement and breakup of communities. This contemporary urban challenge, evident in numerous global cities like London, New York and Berlin, results in the growth in a demographic of citizens which Florida called “the missing middle” (2017).

In short, the missing middle is a collective term for the considerably young and erudite middle to upper class urban citizens, who are unable to reside in close proximity to their workplaces due to the unaffordable cost-of-living (Florida, 2017). Being based on the peripheries of cities not only results in prolonged travel time to and from work, but has also resulted in many urban centres being perceived as being fairly homogeneous in nature and thereby lack their former cultural heritage.

Additionally with many breeding grounds merely being stop-gap solutions or a means for weathering challenging economic periods, these places are often temporary and thereby not enough emphasis is placed on formalising and managing them professionally.One of the key features of temporary urban initiatives is that they are subject to change on a constant basis. Furthermore, with the open free market undergoing continuous fluctuations and

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with it being relatively unpredictable, such initiatives need to be flexible and resilient in order to survive the neoliberal push and pull forces.

With the concept of temporality within urbanism being relatively new to the planning domain, governments have at times needed to reactive in formalising and including such initiatives in their various policies. Moreover, with these spaces being neither permanent places of residence nor work for anyone in particular, have meant these unique initiatives are not seen as a priority and are thereby excluded from long term strategies.

Contextually, an initial insight into the matter and the manner in which policies are formulated and subsequently implemented, leads to an initial conclusion that temporary urban initiatives are presently not a priority to planners or civic authorities. Furthermore, policy makers do not seem to have fully grasped how best to include and manage such initiatives in the long term vision for cities. This submission can be prohibitively reinforced by Stichells, who said, “This rise in the temporality within urbanism and planning, has resulted in institutions and government authorities periodically finding themselves inadequately organised to enable and support such initiatives.” (2011).

The area in which Kunststad - the case study for this dissertation, is located, is one such example of a large piece of well located urban land that was neglected and subsequently illegally squatted for a prolonged period of time. With it having become a haven for anti-social behaviour and an eye-sore for fellow citizens, it took the vision of a group of Amsterdam’s creative class to spot the opportunities and strengths which lay in and around the site. With Landry having once written, “This city wants dynamic thinkers - creators as well as implementers, as creativity is not only about having ideas, it is about making them happen too” (2008), and Jacobs having famously said, “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”, one wonders why more is not done to secure the future of this demographic of individuals within long term plans.

With much evolved and materialized into an important and common feature in many urban areas, highlighting the economic and social value of having creatives within an area, there seems to be a general lack of data and research that substantiates the success ratio and the ability of small scale temporary initiatives being upscaled and going mainstream. Thereby this dissertation has set about exploring whether small scale bottom up urban initiatives have a viable future within a wider neoliberal economic framework.

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2. Theoretical framework

According to Landry (2007), dealing with the shift from manufacturing to creative and knowledge based industries “requires a re-assessment of the way cities operate in response to the emergence of neoliberalism and the emphasis on government downsizing and challenges to arts funding.” Furthermore, with the economies of cities seemingly becoming increasingly diverse, and less importance being placed on traditional economic engines, many cities are moving to from a “production economy to a knowledge economy”, with more emphasis being placed on innovation (Lavanga, 2006).

Therefore, through the use of scholarly articles and other sources, this chapter comprehensively explores the two overarching themes, namely:Neoliberalism and the creatives, andTemporality within urbanism. With many small scale temporary initiatives being undertaken by members of the creative community, these two themes are interlinked and should not be read in isolation. The key reason for having two themes is that the community who make use of the site in the case study within this dissertation form part of the creative community and the bulk of the initiatives that take place at the site are considered temporary.

2.1 Neoliberalism and the creatives

In a short YouTube clip titled Three Minute Theory: What is Neoliberalism? , it states that, “What works in the private sector will surely work in the public sector.” (2015, 0:18). This may seem simplistic, yet in reality this apt axiom succinctly explains the ubiquitous, complicated and often misunderstood socio-political ideology which is

neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is therefore the idea that “society should be shaped by the free market”, and that the “economy should be deregulated and privatised.” (ibid, 0:12).

Despite having been around since the 1920’s, the concept of neoliberalism has only gained momentum and prominence in social science and humanities academic circles in the 1990’s, and over the past three decades has been explored and critiqued by many (YouTube, 2013, 1:50). What was once seen as a mere “utopian intellectual movement,” and what Peck described as “a process and not a mere event” (2005: 741), has evolved into a well respected and widely accepted socio-economic ideology that has influenced the structuring and evolution of many societies throughout the world (Peck and Tickell, 2002: 380). Peck also once claimed that much like the phenomenon of globalisation, neoliberalism “should be understood as a process, not an end-state.” (ibid: 383). Neoliberalism is however a much disputed concept. On one side of the spectrum you have arguments of some

who have gone so far as to claim it as “the spider at the center of the hegemonic web that is worldwide market rule.” (Peck, 2013: 133). Contrastingly, there have also been certainpoststructuralists with an opposing opinion, and claim that it is an “inflated” and “overblown” concept (Collier, 2012 & Dean, 2012). For Hall, it is a versatile one that is made up of a wide range of features, and in his view, by reducing it to a single identity, one runs the risk of “sacrificing attention to internal complexities” and its “geo-historical specificity.” (2011: 706). Regardless, no matter how one understands it, neoliberalism may not be something which one can know by name or fully understand, yet one will surely have felt its effects.

In order to make more formalistic analysis of neoliberalism, it is useful to consider Harvey’s definition of the ideology. He defined neoliberalism as, “political economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade.” (2005: 2). As a harsh critic of both the concept of neoliberalism and all it entails, Harvey wrote, “Neoliberalization has swept across the world like a vast tidal wave of institutional reform and discursive adjustment”. (2006: 145). Moreover, he emphasized that the destruction that it has brought about, has affected “social relations, welfare provisions, technological mixes, ways of life, attachments to the land” (ibid).

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It follows, despite the tangible benefits which nations, regions and individuals have reaped through the open and free market economics which characterize neoliberalism, the highly competitive nature of the global markets have introduced a dynamism that also has brought about challenges and complicated problems. Not only is neoliberalism seen to have heightened the levels of global inequality, but it is also periodically blamed for the unfortunate gini coefficients and perceptions of an escalation in the gap between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’. However, according to Peck, “the transformative and adaptive capacity of this far-reaching political-economic project has been repeatedly underestimated” (Peck and Tickell, 2002: 383)

With regards to submission that neoliberalism has had a part to play in escalations in the gap between rich and poor, consideration should of course be had for the level of industrialization active in contemporary economies. According to Landry (2007), dealing with the shift from manufacturing to creative industries “requires a re-assessment of the way cities operate in response to the emergence of neoliberalism and the emphasis on government downsizing and challenges to arts funding.” Western cities are seen to be moving from a “production economy towards a knowledge economy”, with a great deal of importance being placed on innovation (Lavanga, 2006). However, with urban economies diversifying, there is an ever growing criticism being highlighted by urban planners, policy makers and economists at large, for the location in which creative industries and knowledge hubs are situated (Storper & Venables, 2004; Florida, 2002).

One such urban demographic of individuals who have been known to negatively experience the effects of the free market push and pull forces is the creative class. Having dubbed them the creative class, Richard Florida highlighted how this demographic of individuals are identifiable in cities throughout the world by what he calls “the 3T’s”, namely: Talent - a highly educated population, Tolerance - an open and diverse environment,

Technology - the presence of innovative technological infrastructure (2002: 232). Landry further explains how this

collective of individuals share certain characteristics, namely: curiosity, creativity, and open mindedness - to name but a few (2008: xxiv). With their lifestyles often being bohemian and fairly unorthodox in nature, these erudite and highly mobile individuals have been known to seek environments which are people friendly, livable and environmentally sustainable. The creative class have been known to include amongst others: artists, musicians, entrepreneurs, and photographers.

The emergence of this urban demographic in cities, has also resulted in increased private and government involvement in the creation of districts in which to base them. The reasons for the involvement of various stakeholders in regeneration projects involving the creative class, is as a result of the perceived benefits which could be accrued. This was reiterated by Lavanga who states that the investment in cultural planning is regarded by the municipality as a “tool to enhance and improve communities by creating economic returns.” (2004). It follows that this burgeoning creative class are considered optimal in achieving prosperity, and as such should be

considered to be an indispensable element in contemporary societies. According to Florida, “creativity has come to be the most highly prized commodity in our economy - and yet it is not a commodity” (2002: 6). This was supported by Landry, who once wrote, “creativity is like a new currency that is more sophisticated than finance capital”, and that such innate human creativity forms part of the “soft infrastructure” of an area (2008: xxiii). Therefore, city authorities - the world over, have been known to actively seek to attract, nurture and retain this

diverse group of individuals to their jurisdictions, with the aim of creating unique urban spaces which attract visitors and investment, and even as a stop gap to economic downturns (Peck, 2005). Peck once described the process of creative class clustering in urban areas as an “unstoppable social revolution” (ibid: 741)

Unfortunately the creative class have periodically been used as a marketing tool for the city, and according to Peck, have at times been “instrumentalized” (2005: 744). This is highlighted in the book, Urban Catalyst - The

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Power of Temporary Use, where the authors take a fairly negative stance with regard to the manner in which the creative class are seemingly used as a mere means to an end. It states, “In most cases, talk about the creative city is hardly more than an urban marketing slogan that has no impact whatsoever on established political practice.” (Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K., and Misselwitz, P., 2013: 15).

2.2 Temporality within urbanism

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, temporary (as an adjective meaning) means "lasting for a limited time, existing or valid for a time, not permanent and made to supply a passing need." In the urban planning and physical development domain, the phrase to supply a passing need is relevant, as temporary uses of vacant land may supply passing needs. Temporary use is therefore a stand-in or substitute for the former or future function, thus, the definition of temporary use is explicitly and intentionally linked with time limits and sunset clauses. For example, when vacant lands are made more sociable by residents, in between building phases, this need is inherently temporary, thus it is a passing need.

Up until recently, planners and urbanists at large have predominantly dealt with long term strategic plans and semi-permanent solutions to socio-economic problems. The term ‘temporary urbanism’ may, in this context come across as an oxymoronic manner, as urbanism has historically been known to be directly associated with physical infrastructure and the process of humans settling in a region. Furthermore, the concept of temporality could possibly even be seen as a waste of precious resources, as it involves investing time and money in initiatives which may potentially become obsolete in the foreseeable future. However, despite having initially been “seen as a hobby for some left-wing, socially engaged planners of the leftist seen” (Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. and Misselwitz, 2013: 5), there is a growing consensus among urban professionals and scholars, that temporary uses have the potential to be beneficial to communities and cities (Königs, 2013).

On this point, Bishop and Williams argue that temporary use cannot be “based on the nature of the use, or whether rent is paid, or whether a use is formal or informal, or even in the scale, longevity or endurance of a temporary use, but rather the intention of the user, developer or planner that the use should be temporary.” (2012: 5). Similarly, Haydn and Temel’s viewpoint indicates that most temporary uses ”seek to derive unique qualities from the idea of temporality. That is why they differ from lasting uses, not because they have fewer resources available or because they want to prepare their location for something other that will last longer.” (2006: 17). As a result, a certain unique quality because of temporality arises, “which can be interesting both for planning and the economy as well as for groups of users who usually have little to do with planning or economy on the large scale.” (ibid).

It therefore essentially follows that temporary urbanism is a collective term for events, processes and strategies that city authorities, developers and different groups of individuals implement so as to productively make use of neglected and underutilised space (Madanipour, 2017: 175). Temporary construction and the temporary use of space “are neither marginal nor novel manifestations” (Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K., and Misselwitz, P., 2013: 9); yet, social scientists and even ordinary citizens have noted a shift in the manner in which temporariness manifests itself within cities, while simultaneously noticing an increase in the frequency of such initiatives (Madanipour, 2017: 175).

According to van Boxel and Koreman, “temporality always starts from a tabula scripta - a written slate - and from a realisation that the temporary situation already exists.” (2019: 310). In other words, temporariness and the process of initiating a temporary project always commences with more permanent installations or resources such as land, buildings and utilities already in use for some or other function. Furthermore, “temporality is an incremental process”, which “merges thinking and doing” (ibid), and what Prof. Luca Bertolini of the Graduate School of Social Sciences at the University of Amsterdam refers to as “learning by doing.”

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Examples of this concept of temporary urbanism can be found in the form of annual parades, public protests, festivals and street markets. Madanipour refers to these types of events as “embedded temporariness”, as they play an integral part in the socio-economic life of a region (2017: 176). In the same vein, another form of temporary urbanism is that of “intentional temporariness”, which involves the “instrumental or creative efforts” that aim at bringing about tangible changes for a territory and the local community (ibid). Intentional temporariness, therefore serves as a tool or instrument for a specific purpose, and is merely a means to an end. Intentional temporary urbanism could be implemented by local authorities from a top-down perspective for a

number of reasons. Reasons may include, amongst others: a means to productively making use of vacant sites, a stop gap intervention for the lack of real estate demand - as was experienced after the 2008/9 global financial crisis, or even as a planning tool to entice developers to invest in a particular region within the boundaries of a city. Intentional temporariness is widely seen as a pragmatic use of space and facilities during periods of economic contraction (Madanipour, 2017: 176). This may not always be mirrored in traditionally lower income nations because temporary urban projects are more common in richer economies, as periods of economic decline are relatively short lived as opposed to those that occur in low-income nations and those of the global south (ibid). To round off the analysis of temporary urbanism, the final way in which this phenomenon can take place is in a

bottom-up perspective, which is referred to as “experiential temporariness” (Madanipour, 2017: 176). From small scale urban farming and art initiatives, to experiments in circularity, experiential temporariness has been used as a means to challenge the status quo of a society (ibid). Through a collaborative manner in which stakeholders operate, and by the utilisation of vacant sites as living laboratories; urban activists use experiential temporariness to raise pertinent socio-economic questions, and at times even help develop alternatives or solutions to contemporary issues.

According to Madanipour, one of the key ways in which temporariness has the ability to challenge the status quo is through displacement and the break-up of structures (2017: 176). Not only do such experiments commonly evolve in unconventional settings, they are also free of most urban policy and the restrictive working parameters that they represent (ibid). With relativecarte blanche, temporary experiments have the potential to challenge the established structures andmodus operandi, and assist in the emergence of a swathe of new and innovative ideas. By writing that “temporary events may be a sign of the structures crumbling into pieces, signalling the end of an era”, Madanipour deduces that the regular occurrence of temporary events may be a tangible sign that the established spatiotemporal structures and system may be broken, and the interim phase of a new reality (ibid).

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3. Methodology

This chapter presents a full explanation of the key social science research tools and the methodology that were used in this project. Alongside placing the chosen case study site in context, the key policy documents which both directly and indirectly affect the site are also highlighted. Furthermore, the rationale for using interviews, observations, and a policy document analysis as a means of acquiring data is also thoroughly explained. This is accompanied by a brief section which discusses how the acquired data was analysed, interpreted and presented. Finally, despite not encountering any real limitations or ethical challenges, the final section presents a number of issues which should be kept in mind when reading this dissertation.

3.1 Conceptual framework

The key analytical objective of this dissertation is to dissect, analyze and propose a solution regarding the main research question:

To what extent are small scale temporary urban initiatives viable within a neoliberal economic framework?

The solution and recommendations to this key analytical objective have been arrived at by logically answering sub questions within the aims of this dissertation. The three sub questions and how their data was individually analysed and interpreted is fully explained in section 3.3 (Research design).

So, with urban authorities having a certain amount of power and mandate to direct the manner in which a city develops, and having initially been of the assumption that small scale temporary initiatives are not a high priority in the evolution of urban areas, the first aim of this dissertation is to explore how and why urban management policies exist. Additionally, since policy formulation and implementation predominantly occur in a top-down manner, while small scale temporary initiatives evolve from the bottom-up, I additionally sought to understand how the process of top down planning and bottom up planning meet in regards to strategic planning.

The dissertation then moves to focus specifically on the selected case study, namely, Kunststad. As many within this creative community operate independently and in a semi-autonomous manner, the second aim of the dissertation was to analyse the different interactions between the community and how it functions on a day to day basis. By investigating the organisations history, structure and vision for the future, it is possible to establish whether or not a shared philosophy for the building and its stakeholders exists. Additionally, this investigation of the workings of the organisation assisted in establishing whether or not a long term vision is being actively pursued.

Finally, this dissertation was undertaken to investigate and assess how and what socio-economic changes small scale bottom up temporary initiatives can bring at a local level.

3.2 Case study selection

According to Farthing, the first condition to keep in mind when attempting a research project is to ask whether or not your selected question is “researchable” (2016: 37). This was reiterated by Green, who developed a list of six key characteristics of a good research question; namely, that it must be “interesting, relevant, feasible, ethical, concise and answerable” (2008: 47). Cognisant of this, it is worth noting that not every question which one ponders is worthwhile researching.

Having begun this dissertation by perusing numerous articles which focused broadly on the two key themes:

Neoliberalism and the creatives and Temporality within urbanism, it became evident that there is a limited

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socio-economic change at a local level. With this gap in empirical knowledge, and with small scale start-ups and innovative initiatives gaining popularity, this topic is of great relevance.

Then, with Bryman indicating that the use of a site specific case study allows the researcher the opportunity to analyse a number of variables through the use of one unit of analysis (2012), and with Flyvbjerg stating that a common misunderstanding exists in thinking that the use of a single case study results in too much personal interpretation as opposed to verifiable data (2006: 221), it is concluded that the use of a single site specific case study, would allow for a thorough and systematic study into the topic of temporality within urbanism.

Additionally, Yin argues that case studies can best be used when answering ‘how’ or ‘why’ questions, when the researcher cannot influence the outcome of the investigation, and when “the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within some real-life context” (2003: 1). Knowing how and why urban management policies exist, while further investigating how and whyKunststad has evolved, assists in deducing whether such initiatives have a viable future within a neoliberal setting.

3.2.1 The case study site in context

Despite having been “neglected in the political agenda” for an extended amount of time, Amsterdam North is currently “one of the largest transformation zones in the municipality” (Savini and Dembski, 2016: 142). Located on the northern bank of the IJ River, this region which includes the districts of Overhoeks, Buiksloterham and NDSM Wharf, is described as “a laboratory for experimental spatial policies” (ibid), and is earmarked as a strategic area for future redevelopment (2016: 16).

As per Figure 1 and Figure 2 below, the former base of the _{Nederlandsche Dok en Scheepsbouw Maatschappij} (Dutch Dock and Shipbuilding Company), NDSM Wharf is a vast area, with the square meterage of approximately “20 football fields” (Payton, 2017). The largest building on the site is an old dry dock - originally referred to as _Het

Loods (The Shed), is now referred to as Kunststad - loosely translated to Art City, as it houses approximately 80

artistic workspaces, 12 large theatre workshops, and an additional multipurpose space (ibid). Figure 1. NDSM in the context of Amsterdam Figure 2. Kunststad in the context of NDSM

(Google Maps). (Google Maps).

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(Google images - https://bit.ly/31kS4hT). (Google images -https://bit.ly/2XBYgiZ).

3.3 Research design

Baxter and Jack (2008) advocate that it is logical for a researcher to employ different data sources and mechanisms to concretely verify their findings (Miazzo and Kee, 2013). Moreover, with Blaikie having written that “sampling is frequently the weakest and least understood part of research designs.” (2000: 197), it is necessary to strategically explore how best to obtain credible and reliable data prior to the project being undertaken.

Therefore, with the case study having been selected, and with a key objective being to ascertain whether or not the initiative in question has the potential to survive and thrive while operating in the parameters of a neoliberal economic framework, it means that focused questions need to be asked, daily activities of the users need to be observed, and relevant policy documents need to be analysed. Hence the three ways in which data is acquired in this dissertation was through a series of semi structured interviews, on site observations, and finally a policy analysis. These three data collecting techniques are fully explained and the reasons for using them are justified in section 3.4 (data collection).

Then, through the use triangulation, which Yen once described as “an all encompassing method”, it is possible to corroborate and verify the qualitative data (2003:13). The process of triangulation, involves using more than one method in studying social phenomena, that operates across multiple research strategies (Bryman, 2012). Triangulation was especially useful in this dissertation as it helped ensure that the small amount of data that was collected was representative.

Qualitative methods were used in this study as they are a means of ‘’understanding the social world through an examination of the interpretation of that world by its participants’’ (Bryman, 2012: 380). Aligning with the main research question, qualitative methods are suited to “[researching] complex social behaviours or individual experiences and motivations” (Hay, 2010: 245). This contrasts the point of quantitative methods, which often strive for concrete and objective findings as a means to generalise about populations at large (Bryman, 2012). My sub questions are:

1. In what way do urban authorities assist small scale temporary initiatives?

Table 1. Sub question 1

Units of analysis Policy documents (with particular emphasis on the breeding ground policy)

Data collection method Policy analysis and Interviews

What outcome I foresee Small scale temporary initiatives are documented in policy and the urban authorities are aware of them, yet there is a lack of implementation and monitoring.

2. What is the vision for future of Kunststad?

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Units of analysis Newspaper and journal articles

Data collection method Interviews and Observations

What outcome I foresee There is an unwritten philosophy which exists and there is no clear documented vision

for what will happen at _Kunststad.

3. In what way can bottom up temporary initiatives bring about change at a local level?

Table 3. Sub question 3

Units of analysis Qualitative data

Data collection method Interviews

What outcome I foresee Such initiatives have the potential to create short term employment opportunities, they increase the awareness and appeal of an area, and such initiatives also increase civic activism.

3.4 Data collection

3.4.1 Interviews

Hay once wrote that “Interviews provide insights into the differing opinions or debates within a group, but they can also reveal consensus on some issues.” (2010: 102). As such, in order to gain a detailed insight into the history, functionality and the daily activities which take place at Kunststad, ten semi-structured interviews were conducted. The ten interviewees listed in table 1 below were strategically selected, so as to gain insight of the project from a range of sectors and backgrounds.

Additionally, with Kunststad having unintentionally evolved into a tourist attraction, and with the facility being open to the general public for lengthy periods throughout the year, it resulted in certain spontaneous unstructured interactions with individuals and groups who were present on the site while the fieldwork was being conducted. The insights gained from these conversations were documented and provided a different perspective of the project, and assisted in partially answering the third sub question - To what extent are small scale temporary urban initiatives viable within a neoliberal economic framework?

All the questions which were posed in the interviews were open ended, since Bryman stipulated that during this type of questioning, “respondents can answer in their own terms", "they are not forced to answer in the same terms as those foisted on them by the response choices" and "they allow unusual responses to be derived” (2012: 247).

While conducting the interviews, markers were kept which allowed for follow up questions and clarifications to be made later on in the interview (Weiss, 1994). Follow up neutral questions were then asked to generate more accurate data. During the interviews, prompting and probing techniques were used. For example, questions such as, “Please could you tell me a little more about that” and silences to allow the interviewee to summarize, or reflect and expand upon what they said (Weiss, 1994).

All the interviews were recorded by using a mobile phone, and after concluding each interview each recording was transcribed and logically coded. Leech and Onwuegbuzie advocate that constant comparison analysis, or coding, is a way of identifying recurring themes within the data collected ( 2007: 956). Given the limited scope of the project and the time restraints, a deductive approach was more appropriate than an abductive or inductive method as it allowed us to analyse data immediately.

Ryan and Bernard outline “scruitany techniques”, highlighting characteristics to look out for when analysing data (2003: 4).The coding process involved the transcribed data being broken down into broad list of themes, in which

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data could be grouped, analysed, and finally interpreted. This process has come to be known as a thematic analysis, which National Centre for Social Research in the UK once described as a “matrix-based method for ordering and synthesizing data” (Ritchie et al. 2003: 219).

Once the interviews had been transcribed, repeated phrases, words and themes were grouped for further in depth analysis. This process, referred to as a thematic analysis by Bryman, is undertaken as a means to tracking a discourse and analysing qualitative data (2012). For example, themes such as creative community and the knowledge economy are paired, while phrases such as breeding grounds, temporary and interim were grouped. Saturation was reached as no new themes were addressed in the interviews.

Table 4. List of interviews

# Interviewee Date Location of Interview Based at NDSM

1. Freelance journalist 24/04/19 NDSM No

2. Project manager (Municipality of Amsterdam) 26/04/19 Municipality of Amsterdam No

3. Young business owner 06/05/19 Rotterdam No

4. Activist 07/05/19 Kunststad Yes

5. Entrepreneur 09/05/19 Amsterdam South No

6. Project manager (Municipality of Amsterdam) 09/05/19 Municipality of Amsterdam No

7. Co-founder of a start up 10/05/19 Amsterdam North No

8. Project initiator 14/05/19 Kunststad Yes

9. Urban professional 17/05/19 Rotterdam No

10. Retired architect 21/05/19 Kunststad Yes

3.4.2 Participant observations

In order to complement the gathered data and construct an in-depth interpretation of the site, three on-site participant observations were also conducted. The rationale for this approach is backed up by Hay, who wrote, “The goal of participant observation is to develop understanding through being part of the spontaneity of everyday interactions” (2010: 245). With the site being open to the general public on a daily basis, free of charge, meant there were also spontaneous interactions with visitors and tourists. The time spent on the site provided the opportunity to develop working relationships with certain initiative starters, and meant that they were thereby able to give comfortable and natural responses. The varied opinions of respondents and other relevant information was gathered while being based on theKunststad site, as it helped generate more place-specific data than sedentary interviews, and as Hay once stated, “research complex social behaviours or individual experiences and motivations” (ibid).

3.4.3 Document analysis

A policy document analysis was conducted to further understand how urban planning concepts such as temporality, breeding grounds and small scale bottom up initiatives are controlled, initiated and managed within the municipality. The policies which were selected for analysis, were chosen based on them being widely referenced in academic literature. The policy documents which were analysed were:

1. Kunstenplan 2017-2020

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3. Koers 2025 - Ruimte voor de Stad

4. Herzien Amsterdams Atelier en Broedplaatsenbeleid: 2015-2018 5. The New Urban Agenda

3.5 Stakeholder analysis

Kunststad is unique in the fact that a large proportion of its actors happen to work on the actual site or in close

proximity to one another. With it being both a registered organisation and a diverse community that operates under the same roof, has meant that it is an ideal space for collaboration and the exchange of creative ideas to take place. Additionally, the fact that there are very few restrictive parameters in which the initiators operate, meant that new stakeholders are able to enter and contribute to the project without too much hassle.

Moreover , despite Kunststad having most of its stakeholders in close proximity, there are other stakeholders who are not on site. The independent community based foundation Stichting Kinetisch Noord (Kinetic North Foundation) and the Municipality of Amsterdam are two stakeholders who are not located at Kunststad.Stichting

Kinetisch Noord manages and controls NDSM Wharf, and have a clear mandate to “convince the world – and

Amsterdam in particular – of the unique status of the wharf as a permanently temporary location for creative experimentation: an indispensable cultural free space serving and belonging to the city.” (NDSM website). They are therefore an important stakeholder in the workings of Kunststad.

3.6 Risk assessment and ethics

From the commencement of this research project, right up until its conclusion, there was a negligible amount of risks and ethical issues. With independent entrepreneurs being wary of researchers and those whom could potentially steal their ideas, there was an initial concern if those based at Kunststad would be willing to tell their stories. This did not prove to be an issue as everyone who was approached for insight into the initiative was willing to assist.

Next, despite having learned how to speak Afrikaans while growing up in South Africa, translating municipal policies into English did prove challenging. However, with the generous assistance of two Dutch peers and Google translate, this minor hurdle was overcome.

This thesis was written using theDissertation Ethical Approval Guidelines set by the University of Amsterdam. All participants entered research freely and signed consent forms stating they understood what they were agreeing to. Weiss (1994) highlights that It can be beneficial to inform participants about the study and the value their contribution may be to it as a means of forging values of consensus, value and trust in the relationship between the participant and the researcher. Furthermore, despite having received written consent from several interviewees to use real names and job title, it was decided to rather remove these from the dissertation for consistency, and no information related to their personal health, financial situation or other historical background was included. This research thereby abides by theEuropean privacy legislation which was promulgated in 2018 in which all research results are processed anonymously.

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4. Results and analysis

This chapter includes the answers and analysis of the data which was collected during the fieldwork phase of this research project. The chapter has been divided into three sections with the key objective of each section being to answer the corresponding sub question.

4.1 Urban land governance

When writing about the process in which new urban development strategies are introduced and how the interim use of available space manifests itself, Bergevoet and van Tuijl once wrote, “The space for new initiatives must be available literally, in cubic metres, but also more abstractly, at a legislative level.” (2016: 7). This reiterates what was mentioned in chapter 2 (Theoretical framework) that despite the surge in interest by local authorities in numerous cities around the world in utilizing temporary urban initiatives as a stopgap mechanism and planning tool, the available legislation and implementable policies which provide for such initiatives, still leave much to be desired. Henceforth, through the answers to focused questions which were posed to representatives of the municipality of Amsterdam and urban planning academics, and the use of secondary sources such as academic articles and policies, this section speaks to the sub question - In what way do urban authorities assist small scale temporary initiatives?

The necessity for urban management policies

Land is largely seen as a precious natural resource that needs to be effectively managed and protected. One of the ways in which authorities and urbanists seek to achieve their goals of economic productivity, equity and environmental sustainability, is through innovative urban management policies. Such policies are considered fundamental to a region’s growth and sustainability. This is highlighted in the United Nations’ The New Urban

Agenda, where it states that urban management policies are “fundamental to realising its overall goal of

sustainable urban development.”(2016). Furthermore, such mechanisms are used to effectively manage some of the most pressing socio-economic concerns facing local governments, including amongst others: homelessness, crime and violence, and the continuous need to provide and maintain infrastructure and basic services for the citizens.

With regards to the importance of formulating, implementing and monitoring urban management policies, a researcher from Erasmus University in Rotterdam said, “The implementation of urban management policies determine the functionality and effectiveness of all kinds of land institutions, such as: property rights, land markets, and land-based revenue generation.” Furthermore, “Urban land governance is guided by the urban management policies, and includes the legal structures, stakeholder management, and the decision-making processes that authorities use to bring about change in an area.”

According to a representative from the municipality of Amsterdam, “Policies should be constantly formulated, implemented, and adapted, in order to effectively manage and adapt to the challenges being faced.” Moreover, in response to a question as to why policies are formulated and focus on the objectives they do, he noted, “Policies are generally guided by a particular parties’ ideology, and are formed to deliver on their specific electoral promises.“ (Interview 2). This was confirmed by a project manager from the municipality of Amsterdam who mentioned, “the local government election results of 2018 has resulted in a thorough review process of many of Amsterdam’s current policies. This review process is being done to focus the policies on the key values and objectives of the coalition government.” He further stated, “Policy, in whatever form it takes is vitally important, yet there is no point in having ground breaking progressive policies, if they are not implemented. Implementation is key!” (Interview 6).

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An independent urbanist from Rotterdam said, “Cities, the world over, are dynamic in nature; however, planners and urban authorities continue to focus on inscribing ideas into static blueprints.” He later said, “Don’t get me wrong; I know full well that it is necessary for authorities to have long term strategies which provide a sort of direction, yet it is impossible to manage all the risks and complex uncontrolled and unforeseeable changes that may occur.” What is interesting is that this interviewee in question was not familiar with Kunststad, yet had a keen interest in temporality, yet he referred to it in different ways, such as it being “incremental development” and/or “adaptive urban development”. In his view, “Sustainable urban development is made possible by leaving things open instead of pinning them down.” (Interview 9).

Relevant policies which affect Kunststad

With an understanding of the methodology and processes used to form and implement policies on a local level, it is necessary to assess how the concepts of temporality, breeding grounds and the creative community are accommodated in Amsterdams urban management policies. Therefore in this section, particular attention has been placed on emphasizing how the municipality of Amsterdam is directly involved in the work being done at breeding grounds and thereby Kunststad.

After the shift in political power having taken place in the local government elections in 2018, and with the coalition government now having a certain amount of power to influence the speed and direction in which the development of the city takes over the coming years, the coalition government set a vision document, titled, A

New Spring and A New Voice - Coalition Agreement. In this vision document, it states, “Amsterdam is unique

because of its long tradition of counter-culture. The city is developing fast and as a result, this culture is under pressure. That is why we protect counterculture and activism.” (2018: 62). Moreover, within the document there are two key promises that the coalition government made at the commencement of their tenure, namely: “We secure more spaces for artists, by expanding the number of (permanent) breeding grounds...” and “We develop breeding grounds in the public space for experimental festivals aimed at talent development and experimental art.”(ibid). This highlights that there is therefore a clear desire to secure and protect the rights of those within the creative class and their working spaces.

A project manager from the municipality of Amsterdam said, “Cities are meant to be places where people can live, work and ultimately pursue their dreams. Breeding grounds which have evolved from being mere free spaces into formalized areas, are the type of spaces where people can pursue their dreams.” (Interview 6). In response to a question about the rationale for having breeding grounds within a city, he said, “Having designated free spaces for citizens to express themselves is a great means of encouraging diversity and promoting innovation.” (ibid). In terms of assisting the creative community in their desire to be included in the cities future, he highlighted that, “There is always space for more to be done, and unfortunately the open free market often determines what happens with the available land and resources.” (ibid).

With regards to breeding grounds, these spaces should not be understood as an isolated group of programs/tasks that the municipality performs. In the policy titled _{Herzien Amsterdams Atelier en Broedsplaatsenbeleid:}

2015-2018, it highlights how the existence of breeding grounds form part of the city’s long term structural vision,

the creative industry cluster strategy program, and the key desires of those involved in arts and culture. Furthermore, with the establishment of Bureau van Broedplaatsen (BBp) as the coordinator and facilitator of such projects, developers and experts are able to approach the municipality for funding and other support. However, the municipality does not help with initiating breeding grounds, yet when the BBp is approached by project groups and new initiators, they provide advice as how best to go about it, feasibility studies, and assist them in developing a business model. Furthermore, the BBp acts as a mediator between different stakeholders, and supervises the overall process (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

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This was confirmed by a project manager from the municipality, who mentioned, “our department seeks to cut as much bureaucracy as possible. We believe the creatives should be able to freely express themselves without unnecessary red tape.” (Interview 2). According to a municipal project manager who assists project initiators at breeding grounds on a day to day basis, the municipality takes a specific role in the overall process of managing and controlling breeding grounds. He mentioned that, “in the entire process of setting up the monitoring breeding grounds, there is an emphasis on freedom and diversity, so as to help promote and foster further creativity.” (Interview 6). Furthermore, “the development of a breeding ground is a labour intensive process.”(Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016). With regards to the monitoring process, in the policy for breeding grounds it states, “By means of biennial consultations to check progress to date, a delegation from CAWA and BBp visits existing art factories. These consultations have the objective of monitoring compliance with the grant conditions, exchanging knowledge and experience, and assessing the expertise present in view of its possible use in new art factories.” (2012: 12).

By assessing the breeding places, BBp seeks to assure that everything is going according to plan. However, according to the policy, the bureau do not merely assess a breeding place, as the initiating artists are also assessed. It states, “In assessing artistic credentials and the type of space available, CAWA will give more emphasis to an artist’s degree of professionalism and the nature of the discipline. The Arts and Culture Framework 2013-2016 will provide the guiding principles, and CAWA’s regulations will be adapted in line with this. Based on the guiding vision document, CAWA will continue to assess plans for art factories in accordance with the plan’s significance for the city in a cultural (specifically presentation opportunities), economic (chains), social (neighbourhoods) and spatial (improvement of image, combating vacant office space) sense.” (2012: 11).

The Commissie Ateliers en (Woon) werkpanden Amsterdam (CAWA), translated freely as the Committee ateliers and (residential) and work spaces Amsterdam – the committee responsible for assessing if artists are eligible to rent an atelier in a breeding place – stated in their annual report of 2012 that they wanted to sharpen the criteria for artists to be able to get an atelier at a breeding place (CAWA 2013). This is something that was resonated in the annual report a year later (CAWA 2014). The danger that looms is that a too strict assessment of breeding places and individual artists will precisely do the opposite to what has been stated earlier: it threatens diversity and freedom instead of fostering it. For assessment of the artists, there are formal procedures as described by the CAWA (CAWA 2012).

However, these procedures are largely based on interpretations of people working for institutions like CAWA and BBp and might thus be subject to perverse effects. Also, there are no formal strategies on guidance or control of breeding places, no formal procedures of how to deal with them, this can thus be different for every breeding place - it is up for interpretation. One breeding place can thus be strictly managed by the institutions, while another might be free in its development. In reference to the history of breeding grounds, a BBp representative mentioned that a breeding ground policy was formulated to support and encourage creatives to use breeding grounds after it became illegal to squat in urban areas (Interview 2). He highlighted that the coalition government has revised the previous administrations breeding ground policy, yet the only real changes which were included is the coalitions key objective of diversity. He said, “The current administration wants to see minority groups, such as those from Suriname, Turkey and Morocco make use of breeding grounds, and have therefore set certain diversity objectives.” (ibid).

There are currently approximately seventy registered breeding grounds within Amsterdam, which the city aims to protect and maintain, despite the changes in the economic climate. This was confirmed by a project manager from the municipality who said, “these spaces not only add value to the life of the city, but have also made Amsterdam unique in character.” (Interview 2). This is reiterated in the policy where is says - “ Het maakt Amsterdam tot de ideale biotoop voor creativiteit. Kunstenaars, creatieve en am- bachtelijke éénpitters en

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original meaning:This makes Amsterdam the ideal habitat for creativity to thrive; and it is because of the mix of these qualities, that artists, creative individuals and companies come to and stay in Amsterdam (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016). The municipality sets aside a budget of approximately one million euros per annum for the development and administrative costs linked to breeding grounds (ibid).

The flow diagram and brief explanation below highlights the five key stages and the involved stakeholders of bringing a breeding ground to reality. This has been simplified and adapted from the original “Process of developing a breeding ground” of the breeding ground policy (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2017).

STEP 1:

Prepare the vision document (BBp, CAWA and breeding ground initiator)

The breeding ground initiator needs to put together a proposal in the form of a vision document. CAWA assess whether the proposal and its objectives meet the key requirements as set by BBp.

↓

STEP 2:

Assessment and financing proposal (BBp and breeding ground initiator)

If the proposal is approved, the initiator is given the choice of either applying for a loan or a subsidy

↓

STEP 3:

Execution and completion (BBp and breeding ground initiator)

After a successful completion of STEP 2, the fit-for-purpose renovation work of the chosen site begins.

↓

STEP 4:

Application for subsidy (BBp, CAWA and breeding ground initiator)

CAWA has a prerequisite that at least 40% of the future users are BBp approved professional artists.

↓

STEP 5:

Maintenance and monitoring (BBp and CAWA) The final phase involves maintaining and monitoring the breeding ground.

The first inspection of the site by BBp takes place six months after the breeding grounds opening. All subsequent site visits and inspections by BBp take place once every three years.

In_{Koers 2025 - Ruimte voor de Stad} (loosely translated to Course 2025 - Space for the City), a strategic housing development framework that was produced in 2016, emphasizes that with the rapid rate at which Amsterdam is expanding in both size and population, has resulted in a real need for a large rollout of suitable and well located housing. It pinpoints the regions which have been earmarked for development, with the north eastern part - NDSM Wharf, being one of them. The development of housing, retail facilities, and other utilities, will inevitably have a direct effect on the property prices, which could potentially result in tenants such as Kunststad being pushed out due to the lack of affordability.

A project manager from the municipality mentioned, “Breeding ground policy exists to promote the reuse of old buildings that are unfinished and cheap.” Also, ”The municipality periodically buys old and disused buildings in areas which they know are set for development in the future. These spaces are then turned into breeding grounds and used for temporary purposes for a certain duration of time. The reason for doing this is amongst other reasons, “to have influence in the community in the future.” (Interview 2).

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4.2 A shared philosophy

With Kunststad as the site specific case study in this exploratory analysis of temporality within urbanism, and with the key objective being to answer the main research question, To what extent are small scale temporary urban

initiatives viable within a neoliberal economic framework? it was important to gain further insight into amongst

others, the makeup of the Kunststad community, their reasons for choosing to be based at the site, as well as the manner in which the organization functions. By doing so, through the use of interviews and observations assisted in answering the second sub question - What is the vision for future of Kunststad?

The makeup and rationale of the Kunststad community

WithKunststad having already been in existence for over a decade, there are a wide range of individuals and groups who use or have previously used the facility. Many of these people - some of whom were the pioneers who helped initiate and set it up, are no longer based on the site, nor do they have any affiliation to it. This in addition to Kunststad having previously not kept clear records of all who had utilised the space throughout its existence, meant that making contact with and locate past users proved to be challenging.

However, an independent freelance journalist who has documented and reported on the work of Kunststad since its inception, mentioned that since early 2016 there had been a concerted effort to keep a record of all currently involved in Kunststad and the type of work they do. She said, “Despite the founders originally not really wanting any formal protocols or legal documents forKunststad, the fact that the initiative has grown and gained both national and international attention, has resulted in a concerted effort to keep track of all who play a part in growing this project.” (Interview 1). She highlighted that there are approximately eighty semi-permanent project initiators and groups currently based at the site. Furthermore, the process of keeping track of all the projects’ contributors is further complicated by the fact that there is an uncontrolled flow of ad hocproject initiators that use the free available space within the building. With no clear rules and documented procedures for random freelancers, these individuals and groups may use the facility in any way they please, so long as they “do not make a profit from the site” and do not cause too much trouble or “become too big a nuisance to others users.” (ibid).

Kunststad is both a multi functional facility and a diverse group of users. It is currently composed of amongst

others: men doing small scale carpentry work, a young woman carefully mixing oils and perfumes, a team of dancers practicing various routines, large vehicles offloading catering equipment and function decor, and even a middle aged man brewing beer. These are just a few examples of the type of people who use the site, which highlights how this old shipbuilding building has undergone a metamorphosis and gained a new life altogether. (Observation 1).

A civic activist and campaigner, who claims to have made it her life’s mission to protect “breeding grounds” within urban areas, said she shared the philosophy of the group of urbanists and squatters who originally occupied the site. She highlighted, “I’ve witnessedKunststad grow while NDSM seemingly shrinks.” In addition she stated that the site has always been open to all - no matter what age, race, gender, _{et cetera}, and that there is no selection criteria for new initiators. It is therefore almost impossible to pinpoint a stereotypical user, and in her opinion, most individuals and groups use the site to “pursue their passions”, “develop their ideas”, and “share their knowledge” (Interview 4). This was supported by a project manager from the municipality who said, “breeding grounds generally do not have selection criteria, yet every breeding ground is unique in character. Some focus on the film and multimedia, others on arts and crafts, while others are set up for those who want to experiment in work linked to the circular economy” _{(Interview 2).}

A business owner currently based in Rotterdam mentioned that he had been based at Kunststad for approximately eighteen months, from early 2016 and the middle of 2017. He mentioned that he had always had a

Temporality within urbanism : an exploratory analysis ...

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