Living in a mixed world : Chinese migrants in Suriname

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Living in a mixed world:

Chinese migrants in Suriname

Sophie Vilé 11082658

Master’s thesis University of Amsterdam Programme Contemporary Asian Studies Department Graduate School of Social Sciences Supervisor: Dr. L.G.H. Bakker

Second assessor: Third assessor: Word count: 22444

Amsterdam, 27th_{of June 2016}

Picture front page: a detailed photo of a snack store owned by Chinese migrants in the centre of Paramaribo. Picture taken by author on the 6th_{of January 2016.}

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God zij met ons Suriname Hij verheff' ons heerlijk land Hoe wij hier ook samen kwamen

Aan zijn grond zijn wij verpand Werkend houden w'in gedachten

recht en waarheid maken vrij Al wat goed is te betrachten Dat geeft aan ons land waardij

Opo! Kondreman, oen opo! Sranangron e kari oen Wans ope tata komopo Wi moe seti kondre boen Stré de f'stré, wi no sa frede

Gado de wi fesiman Eri libi te na dede Wi sa feti gi Sranan

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God is with our Suriname He elevates our wonderful country

In what ever way we came here We are attached to his ground While we work we keep in mind

Justice and truth set free To try out whatever is right That gives dignity to our country

Fellowmen arise!

The Suriname ground is calling you Where ever our ancestors came from,

we must build up this country

Struggles have to be made, but we won't be afraid God is our leader

During our whole lives until death We will fight for Suriname

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Acknowledgements

First of all I would like to thank all my respondents, who made this Master’s thesis possible. Thank you for trusting me and giving me your time to explain your opinion and feelings towards Chinese migrants and the Surinamese society in an extended way. Many of you have talked with me for hours and you have all opened yourself up. Special thanks goes to Gary and Xavier who spent a lot of time with me and who helped me in many ways. They explained and clarified a lot of questions, developments, situations and phenomena in the field.

Also, I want to thank my family-in-law for showing me around in beautiful Suriname and who helped me to live as much as possible as a Surinamese person. I enjoyed all the interesting talks we had about, among others, Surinamese society. I have been very lucky with my mom, Hedy, and not only because of her cooking skills. She is a strong and independent woman, who helped me a lot with feeling comfortable and at home in Suriname. Hedy, Wayne and Gary, it was a pleasure to stay at your place for one month. Gran tangi.

I especially want to thank Dr. Laurens Bakker, my supervisor, who helped me in different ways with guidance and suggestions. Thank you for showing me your enthusiasm and confidence about the topic since the very start.

Terre, thank you for being a good friend and for visiting me in Suriname. Also, thank you for proofreading my thesis.

Last but definitely not least, I want to thank my lovely parents and sisters for giving me confidence, supporting me and being there throughout the whole Master’s thesis. I have been away for a long time and I have not seen you as much as I wanted to, but I will be home soon.

Sophie Vilé

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Summary

This Master’s thesis is the outcome of qualitative research and anthropological fieldwork in Suriname from the 29th_{of December 2015 until the 24}th_{of March 2016. This thesis presents an image of Chinese}

migrants in Surinamese society. The questions that are central in this thesis are: “Who are the Chinese migrants and how do they display their Chinese identity in Surinamese society?” and “How do Surinamese people perceive Chinese migrants and how has the relationship between Chinese migrants and Surinamese people developed in the last two decades?”.

Since 1853, Chinese people have been living in Suriname. A distinction is made between old and new Chinese migrants. Old Chinese migrants came to Suriname in the early twentieth century. New Chinese migrants moved to Suriname from the 1990s onwards. Moreover, the regional background differs from both groups. The majority of both groups moved to Suriname because of economic reasons and they often received help with migrating from family members who were already staying in Suriname. Chinese migrants have been influencing Surinamese society in different ways. For example, with food, medicaments, sport and leisure. Both old and new Chinese migrants find their jobs in the retail industry. Paramaribo is a city that shows many of these Chinese influences. Often, Chinese migrants are owners of shops and they display their ethnic Chinese identity in multiple ways. For instance, they decorate their shops with red and golden lanterns, Chinese paintings and they usually write their family name in Chinese characters on the shops.

In the last two decades, many new Chinese migrants moved to Suriname. Hereby, the visible presence of Chinese migrants in Surinamese society increased. There is a difference in the way old and new Chinese migrants are perceived by Surinamese people. Old Chinese migrants are seen as part of society, whereas new Chinese migrants are viewed as too different from Surinamese people. According to many Surinamese, new Chinese migrants have a different mind-set and attitude towards Suriname and building the country. Several (negative) stereotypes, perceptions and images about new Chinese migrants are dominant in society. For example, new Chinese migrants are viewed as not trustworthy and it is all about business for them. Moreover, there is a language barrier between new Chinese migrants and Surinamese, which makes communicating difficult. Due to all these barriers and differences, relationships between Surinamese people and new Chinese migrants are not established yet.

This study has narrowed the existing gap in the literature about Chinese migrants in Suriname and has given insights in (everyday life and experiences in) Surinamese society. This case study shows social effects of migration and how people deal with a changing environment in Surinamese society. Suriname can serve as an example for other countries that deal with engagements of the People’s Republic of China and the influx of Chinese migrants in society. To conclude, it is important to stimulate relationships between new Chinese migrants and other different (ethnic) groups in society, so people get to know each other, might feel more connected and live with each other in society.

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Chapter I.

Introduction

Many stores in Paramaribo are recognisably owned by Chinese people. Often, multiple red and golden decorated lanterns are placed in front of the stores. Above the stores the name of the stores is written in Chinese characters as well as in the Roman alphabet. Inside many of these stores are Chinese people working, they speak Chinese with each other and often a Chinese calendar shows what day it is.

(Field notes, 22nd_{of February 2016)} The Republic of Suriname1_{is a fascinating country. Not only because of the incredible nature, but also}

because of its ethnically and culturally diverse population. Surinamese citizens are a mix of, among others, Hindustani (of British Indian origin), Creoles or Afro-Surinamese (descendants of African slaves), Maroons (descendants of runaway slaves), Javanese and Chinese people. This heterogeneity is the result of a long history of forced and voluntary immigration (De Theije and Bal, 2010, p. 66). Today, people are still migrating to Suriname, mostly from Guyana, the Netherlands, Brazil and the People’s Republic of China2_{(Heemskerk and Duijves, 2015, p. 1). Most citizens of Suriname}3_{are descendants of}

immigrants or migrants themselves (De Theije and Bal, p. 66).

Nowadays, large numbers of people live in social worlds that are stretched between physical places and communities in multiple countries (Vertovec, 2001, p. 578). Many people in Suriname are connected with various places and communities outside of Suriname. This holds in particular for Chinese people in Suriname. Chinese people have been moving to and living in Suriname since 1853 (Borges, 2014, p. 24; Choenni, 2011, p. 7; Jubithana-Fernand, 2009, p. 191). Even though, this particular group of people do not physically live in the PRC (anymore), they show their connection with their country of origin in multiple ways in Surinamese society. For instance, many Chinese people that own a store show their descent and Chinese identity, as described in the field notes at the beginning of the introduction, by frequently using the Chinese language, Chinese characters and particular objects, such as the red and golden decorated lanterns. In the last decades, many more Chinese migrants moved to Suriname. This has mainly to do with the extended worldwide activities of the government of the PRC.

The government of the PRC has been active in many countries in different continents, such as in Latin-America and the Caribbean. Many people have noticed this global engagement of the PRC (see ‘China goes global: the partial power’ written by Shambaugh, 2013)4_{. Zooming in on Suriname, there}

are some consistent patterns of China’s global engagement. Such as loan-backed construction projects and a focus on natural resources (Evan-Ellis, 2012, p. 85-86). Moreover, Suriname has seen a rapid expansion of its Chinese community in recent years (ibid., p. 86). I mainly focus on this expansion of the Chinese community in Surinamese society on a social and cultural level, because I am interested in

1_{From this point, I will use Suriname to refer to the Republic of Suriname throughout this Master’s thesis.} 2_{From this point, I will use the abbreviation of PRC throughout this Master’s thesis.}

3_{With the exception of a small number of Amerindian communities, such as Caribs and Arawaks (De Theije and Bal, 2010, p.}

66).

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9 social consequences of certain (economic) worldviews. Even though it is necessary to keep in mind the

unique character of every country, the described situation in Suriname can serve as an example of how people deal with new Chinese migrants and engagements of the PRC in society. In this Master’s thesis, I look at the arrival of new Chinese migrants in Suriname in the last few decades5_{. I show in what way}

Chinese migrants express and display their Chinese identity in Surinamese society, how Surinamese people perceive and view Chinese migrants and how this influences and change relationships in society. In this way, consequences and influences of engagements of the PRC, and thus social effects of migration, in Surinamese society becomes visible. This is interesting, because the PRC is on a global level engaging in societies. Suriname is one of the many countries where new Chinese migrants influence and affect society. As I will show, the engagement of the PRC can cause frictions among the population, but also appreciation towards new Chinese migrants in society.

Some research on (historical) migration to Suriname has been conducted (e.g. Lamur, 1976; Willemsen, 1983; Hoefte, 2001; Jubithana-Fernand, 2009; Kooiman, 2009; Tjon Sie Fat, 2009ab; De Theije and Bal, 2010; Choenni, 2011; Bal and Sinha-Kerkhoff, 2011). These researches looked, for example, at the influence of colonial history on the creation of the diverse population of Suriname and at migration developments in Suriname, in particular on Hindustani people. These scholars often did not particularly focus on recent Chinese movements to Suriname, displaying’s of Chinese identity and the connections with Chinese migrants and their country of origin. There is a lack of research on recent developments with the expansion of the Chinese community in Suriname and towards the new Chinese migrants in Surinamese society. I seek to contribute to limiting this gap in the literature. It is important to narrow this gap in the literature and focus on the growing size of the Chinese community in Suriname, because this will reveal and provide insights in patterns, developments, results and consequences of Chinese engagements in society. Studying new Chinese migrants show the influence on feelings of (Surinamese) identity and notions of belonging in both Suriname as the PRC. New Chinese migrants in Suriname, trigger and influence ideas about and relations between different groups in society. It is about the social effects of new Chinese migrants in Surinamese society. In Suriname there is a long history of Chinese people migrating to the country. Therefore, it is interesting to notice what new Chinese migrants do to society and how it effects ideas and lives of different groups in Surinamese society. For these reasons, the main focus in this Master’s thesis lies on both (displaying’s of Chinese identity of) old and new Chinese migrants in Suriname and on the perception of Chinese migrants by Surinamese people. The focus is also on the changing relationships between Surinamese and Chinese people in Surinamese society.

As Kalir (2012) highlights, it is important to look at human mobility and movement from the eyes of those involved in them (ibid., p. 312). Looking at the perspectives and perceptions of different (ethnic) groups at (new) Chinese migrants in Surinamese society, sheds light on the importance and meaning of crossing national borders and the influence of Chinese migrants in the country of arrival.

5_{Throughout this Master’s thesis, I refer with the new Chinese migrants to Chinese people that moved to Suriname since the}

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10 This explains situations of and relationships between different groups in Surinamese society. I focus on

the social and cultural impact of the (new) Chinese migrants in and for Surinamese society. I bring together narratives of people and places and connect it with everyday life and experiences in Suriname, because this provides a holistic image of daily life in Surinamese society for different people that are involved or influenced by (new) Chinese migrants. Therefore, the key questions in my research concerns the ways in which people and communities display their identity and interact and deal with each other in Surinamese society.

The central research question in my Master’s thesis is:

How do Chinese migrants display their Chinese identity, how are they perceived by Surinamese people and how does this affect relationships between different (ethnic) groups in Surinamese society?

The research question consists of two interconnected layers of analysis. The sub-questions are related to meanings of, identity, perceptions and relationships between different groups and communities in Surinamese society. The sub-questions are:

Who are the Chinese migrants and how do they display their Chinese identity in Surinamese society?

Before studying the influences of a group on, and the relationships between, different groups in a society, it is important to get an image of who Chinese migrants are and how Chinese migrants display their Chinese identity in Surinamese society. What is the image that Surinamese people get to see of Chinese migrants? This question deals with identification in Surinamese society. This sub-question has mainly a social and cultural analysis.

How do Surinamese people perceive Chinese migrants and how has the relationship between Chinese migrants and Surinamese people developed in the last two decades?

The second sub-question is about ‘us’ and ‘them’ boundaries in Surinamese society. It is about identification, belonging and not belonging, social relations and membership in Surinamese society. It is important to both understand social relations and membership in Surinamese society, because this can give insights in ascriptions of membership and the consequences that may result from these ascriptions. Accordingly, these insights may play an important role in determining forms of participation and social engagement, and also in the construction of notions of belonging, which can reveal social, cultural or economic struggles in Surinamese society. The question deals with how Surinamese people explain and make sense of (new) Chinese migrants in Suriname. How do Surinamese people look at the new Chinese migrants? Do they view these new Chinese migrants the same as the older Chinese migrants in Suriname? If so, why? Or are there differences? Also, this question will reveal insights in the meaning of the new Chinese migrants. What does the development of a new group of Chinese migrants in Surinamese society, mean to Surinamese people? This question also shows how Surinamese people deal with a changing environment and surrounding of Surinamese society.

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11 I continue by discussing the historical and regional background of Paramaribo, Suriname, which enables

the reader to position (new) Chinese migrants in a broader socio-historical context. This chapter 2 provides relevant background information about the history of Suriname and it discusses the first movements of Chinese people to Suriname. Second, literature about theories, multiple concepts and ideas that are relevant for this research are described and explained in chapter 3, the theoretical framework. Chapter 4, the methodology, translates theoretical notions and abstract terms into researchable and observable situations in the field and this chapter describes the methods that are used to form this Master’s thesis. In chapter 5 and chapter 6, I discuss and analyse the data in combination with literature, about Chinese migrants, their displaying’s of Chinese identity in society and relationships between and perceptions, images and stereotypes of different groups in Surinamese society. Next to the written text, visual images are provided of the surroundings of Paramaribo, because many respondents pointed the visibility of Chinese migrants in society out. The visual images add to the content of the chapters and the photos enable the reader to position this Master’s thesis (visually) into the sociocultural context of Suriname. This Master’s thesis ends with the conclusion, which answers the research question and provides a critical reflection of this outcome from the perspective of the theories used.

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Chapter II.

Historical and regional background: Suriname and Paramaribo

2.1 Introduction

This chapter provides a brief historical and regional background of Suriname in order to position this Master’s thesis in a broader socio-historical context. The chapter discusses diversity and heterogeneity among citizens in Suriname and hereby it points out the history of the first movements from China to Suriname. Moreover, this chapter discusses some economic, political and religious layers of Suriname to position Chinese migrants in society.

2.2 A brief historical and regional background

Suriname is a state on the north-eastern Atlantic coast of South America. Even though the country is five times the size of the Netherlands, the population density is smaller. Approximately 540.000 people live in Suriname. Most of these people live in the north of the country. My research is mainly conducted in the area of the city of Paramaribo, which is located on the banks of the Suriname river in the north-east of Suriname. Paramaribo is the capital and largest city of Suriname and the majority of Surinamese citizens live in the Paramaribo district. Suriname is considered to be a culturally Caribbean country. Dutch is the official language, but at the same time many institutions incorporate the English language. Next to this, many Surinamese citizens speak Sranan Tongo, which is an English-based Creole language that is widely used. The people of Suriname are known for having the most diverse backgrounds in the world, with multiple ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic groups.

The foundation of diversity in Suriname is led by group interactions between English, Dutch, French, Portuguese, Germans, Indians, Indonesians, Chinese and Africans (mainly from Ghana and Angola) (Borges, 2014, p. 9). Diversity and heterogeneity among citizens in Suriname can be traced back for a long time. Before the colonial period, the country already existed out of multiple civilizations and complex intra group relations of Amerindian groups (ibid., p. 9). Spain claimed the territory of Suriname in 1499 (ibid., p. 9). After that, various groups of Europeans tried to occupy the country. For a brief period, England occupied Suriname in the seventeenth century, around 1650. After the second Anglo-Dutch war (from 1665 until 1667), the Dutch exchanged Nieuw-Nederland (now known as New York) for Suriname and Suriname became a colony of the Netherlands. The Dutch settled in the country in 1667 (Lamur, 1976; Jubithana-Fernand, 2009; Choenni, 2011).

Suriname was a Dutch colony, where many slaves with an African background worked on plantations. After the abolition of slavery on the 1st of July 1863, there was a lack of workers on the plantations (Kooiman, 2009, p. 147; Choenni, p. 3). Due to the lack of workers, the Dutch government brought various contract workers from, for instance, India in 1873 and Indonesia in 1890, to work on the plantations (Jubithana-Fernand, p. 191). The first Chinese contract workers (18 persons in total) arrived in 1853 in Suriname from Java (Jubithana-Fernand, p. 191; Choenni, p. 7; Borges, p. 24). Up to 1870, several thousand Chinese workers were recruited directly from China’s Guangdong province (Borges, p. 25). However, according to Choenni, Chinese contract workers were not really suited for

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Chinese workers immediately started their own business (ibid., p. 7). The vast majority of Chinese workers stayed in the country (Borges, p. 25). From 1883 the first ‘free’ Chinese migrants came to Suriname (Zijlmans and Enser, 2002). They were partly contract workers, but many were working in the business sector with friends and family. As a consequence of Dutch labour policy, an ethnic Chinese segment thus emerged in Surinamese society from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards. In 1975, Suriname achieved full constitutional sovereignty and thus became an independent country. All the attempts by several colonial powers to occupy Suriname, lead to demographic changes and an enormous diversity in Surinamese society.

2.3 Positions of Chinese migrants in Surinamese society

In general, there is a lack of data about divisions of (ethnic) groups in employment, politics and practicing a religion in Surinamese society. However, during my time in Suriname, I noticed that certain ethnic groups are clearly represented in some of these economic, political and religious layers of society, while they are not in other layers. In this section I briefly discuss some layers of Surinamese society and the position of Chinese migrants within these layers.

There are some patterns of employment for specific ethnic groups in Suriname. For instance, mostly Creoles occupy government positions (St-Hilaire, 2001, p. 1007). Furthermore, many Javanese work in or own restaurants or ICT companies. Creoles and Javanese are usually not represented in the retail industry. Hindustani people were the ones who owned a lot of supermarkets and shops, however this changed with the arrival of many Chinese migrants. Due to many shops with cheap products, owned by Chinese migrants, the amount of shops owned by Hindustani people decreased. There are still shops owned by Hindustani people, but less than a few decades ago. Many Hindustani own a lot of land and are working in the agriculture. A lot of Chinese migrants work in some form of retail business (Tjon Sie Fat, 2009a, p. 123). Most Chinese migrants own a shop or work in a shop. These shops range from clothing stores, jewellers to supermarkets. Also, some of them work in restaurants and the catering. Next to this, there are also a few Chinese timber companies and construction companies.

Political parties in Suriname are often based and organised along ethnic lines (St-Hilaire, 2001, p. 1005). Every big political party represents a certain ethnic group (Dobbeleier, Sarrazyn, van der Straeten, Willems and van Maele, 2008, p. 14). The three big groups that are mostly represented in politics are the Creoles, Hindustani and Javanese (St-Hilaire, p. 1007, 1009). The smaller ethnic groups find their way in the bigger groups. For many Chinese migrants in Suriname applies that they are not participating in politics. According to Uitterlinden (2014), many Chinese migrants explained that they prefer to earn money and focus on their business. Therefore, they do not have time to get involved in politics (ibid., p. 92). Also, politics in Suriname are not comparable to politics in the PRC and therefore it is hard for them to adjust to different systems and ideas (ibid., p. 92).

The dominant religion in Suriname is Christianity, following up by Hinduism and Islam (mostly practiced by Javanese) (St-Hilaire, 2001, p. 1008). Many Chinese migrants that came to Suriname in

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14 the early twentieth century6_{converted to Catholicism and let their children baptise, because in this way}

they could access the best schools (Uitterlinden, 2014, p. 96). Religion became in that sense a pragmatic choice and adaptive strategy for old Chinese migrants in Suriname (Tjon Sie Fat, 2009a, p. 93). How loyal Chinese migrants towards churches are, is not known (ibid., p. 96). Some churches, such as the Tshoeng Tjien church (protestant), organises church services both in Dutch and Chinese. Chinese migrants that came to Suriname in the 1990s7_{explain that they are not religious. Some of them are}

Buddhist. However, there are no Buddhist temples in Suriname to practice their religion (Tjon Sie Fat, p. 92). Traditionally, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism are popular in the PRC. However, these new Chinese migrants in Suriname have not been active with practicing these religions (Uitterlinden, p. 97).

6_{This group is also known as ‘old Chinese migrants’. See chapter 5 for a detailed discussion about this term.} 7_{This group is also known as ‘new Chinese migrants’. See chapter 5 for a detailed discussion about this term.}

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Chapter III.

Theoretical framework

In this chapter I describe theoretical perspectives and explain multiple concepts that are relevant for this research. I use general theory for my analysis to study the specific case of Chinese migrants in Suriname. Theories about identity, notions of belonging and communities are discussed in paragraph 3.2. Paragraph 3.3 gives a brief overview of literature about creating ‘us’ and ‘them’ boundaries and stereotypes. The theories discussed in paragraph 3.2 and 3.3 are necessary to understand the next chapters about identity, identifications, displaying’s, perceptions and relationships of Chinese migrants in Surinamese society. In paragraph 3.4, the focus lies, among others, on the relationship between the two states, the PRC and Suriname. This chapter concludes with the research perspective.

3.2 (Collective) identity, notions of belonging and communities

Identity theories often emphasise that identities are relational, situational, fluid, dynamic, ambiguous, multi-layered and not innate, fixed or static (Eriksen, 2010b, p. 37, 89, 93; Eriksen, 2010a, p. 286; Yuval-Davis, 2010, p. 275). Social experiences and sociocultural contexts shape identities and identities can attach people to different communities based on nationality, gender, age, class, ethnicity, religion and so on (Eriksen, 2010c, p. 10; Hunt and Benford, 2004, p. 450). So, identities are negotiated in social worlds that often exist out of more than one place (Vertovec, 2001, p. 573). People are members of, and belong thus to, multiple groups/communities depending on context, situation and meaning (Yuval-Davis, Anthias and Kofman, 2005, p. 528). Thus, people have many identities and many statuses (Eriksen, 2010a, p. 286). The context and the location in the social world as a member of certain communities, groups and/or classes decides which identity is activated at any time (Eriksen, 2010a, p. 286, Entwistle, 2000, p. 114).

Identities that are assigned to a community, group, organisation or movement are called collective identities (Hunt and Benford, 2004, p. 436). Collective identities can be seen as narratives that are produced and reproduced, negotiated and renegotiated, in the interactions of individuals who are embedded in particular sociocultural contexts (Hunt and Benford, p. 447; Yuval-Davis, 2010, p. 279). A collective identity is a shared sense of “we-ness” (Hunt and Benford, p. 440). Often, within a community, group, organisation or movement, there are shared interests, attitudes, values, norms and meanings that bind members together. So, (collective) identities are about inclusion, belonging and exclusion, not-belonging. Thus, belonging and not-belonging coexist, and this is where power comes in. (Collective) identities create a sense of other via boundary identification, construction and maintenance (Hunt and Benford, p. 450).

A popular and a widely used concept within the social sciences is identity (e.g. Brubaker and Cooper, 2000; Yuval-Davis, 2010; Hunt and Benford, 2004; Eriksen, 2010abc). Even though, a lot of scholars use the concept of identity, they do not always define this concept clearly. Moreover, I take notice of the critique of over-emphasising identity. There are some scholars that criticise the use of the

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16 concept identity and they argue that scholars should not use this term. For instance, Brubaker and

Cooper (2000) state that identity tends to mean too much, too little, or nothing at all (ibid., p. 1). They suggest to replace the concept of identity and use other terms, such as, categorisation, connectedness, group-ness, identification or self-understanding (ibid., p. 1, 14, 17, 20). However, the concept of identity can be useful and important, if it is kept within the boundary of a specific and clear definition (Yuval-Davis, 2010, p. 262). Yuval-Davis defines identity as “a specific kind of narrative in which people tell themselves and others who they are, who they are not and who/how they would like to/should be” (ibid., p. 279). Although, this definition of identity will be used as a guideline throughout my Master’s thesis, other ideas and terms will also be considered and if suitable, used.

There is much research done on communities (e.g. McMillan and Chavis, 1986; Anderson, 1991; Tardini and Cantoni, 2005). Tardini and Cantoni (2005) explain that a community can be intended as a group of persons who share something more or less decisive for their life, and who are tied by more or less strong relationships (ibid., p. 372). For instance, for Chinese migrants in Suriname, communities are often based on ethnicity. Ethnicity is related to classifications of people and group relationships (Eriksen, 2010b, p. 5). Ethnicity refers to aspects of relationships between groups which consider themselves, and are regarded by others, as being culturally distinctive (ibid., p. 5). There are two basic kinds of communities. Communities where members share similarities and communities where social relations are established through interactions (Tardini and Cantoni, p. 371). In both kinds of communities, notions of belonging are important. The construction of borders and boundaries that differentiate between those who belong and those who do not belong, determines the meaning of a particular belonging (Yuval-Davis, Anthias and Kofman, 2005, p. 521). The concept of belonging is not only about membership, rights and duties, but it is also about the emotions that such memberships evoke (ibid., p. 527). Belonging has a number of dimensions. For instance, the dimension how people feel about their location in the social world (ibid., p. 527). This is related to experiences of inclusion and exclusion. Usually, a notion of belonging becomes activated when there is a sense of exclusion (ibid., p. 527). Therefore, belonging is tied to the idea of sameness and belonging involves a dimension relating to important social bonds and ties (ibid., p. 527, 528).

Identity is an important concept for my research because it helps to understand how Chinese migrants in Suriname see themselves and tell others who they are. Besides that, identity is displayed in relation to others and is linked to notions of belonging and communities. By using the ideas of Vertovec (2001), Hunt and Benford (2004), Yuval-Davis et al. (2005), Tardini and Cantoni (2005), Yuval-Davis (2010) and Eriksen (2010abc) about (collective) identity, notions of belonging and communities, I can study (relationships of and with) Chinese migrants in Surinamese society. I will see their identities as a narrative and I will approach identities, notions of belonging and communities as flexible, relational, dynamic and fluid.

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3.3 ‘Us’ and ‘them’: stereotypes

A distinction is made between old and new Chinese migrants in Surinamese society8_{. As Rajaram and}

Grundy-Warr (2004) explain, the use of particular words, such as the categories ‘old’ and ‘new’ Chinese migrants in Suriname, create a difference among people living in Surinamese society (ibid., p. 49). Language plays a crucial role in creating perceptions of the social world (Perdue, Dovidio, Gurtman and Tyler, 1990, p. 475). Names and labels applied to particular persons and/or groups give impressions of those persons and/or groups suggested by those labels (ibid., p. 475). Belonging and not-belonging to a particular group is implied by the use of certain words, such as ‘we’, ‘us’, ‘ours’ or ‘they’, ‘them’, ‘theirs’. These words are powerful influences in perceptions (ibid., p. 475).

Literature about inclusion and exclusion among Chinese migrants in Suriname, show that in various ways ‘us’ and ‘them’ boundaries are created. For instance, the difference between the Chinese migrants in Suriname and Surinamese people, are expressed through different stereotypes and generalisations made about these Chinese migrants. Tjon Sie Fat (2009b) give some examples of stereotypes: the background of Chinese are shopkeepers, the Chinese homeland means Hong Kong and Chinese language is Keji9_{(ibid., p. 156). Specific differences, perceptions and stereotypes about Chinese}

migrants in Suriname are further outlined and discussed in chapter 6.

The Cambridge dictionary defines a stereotype as “a set idea that people have about what someone or something is like, especially an idea that is wrong”. Steele, Spencer and Aronson (2002) explain that stereotypes can affect a person and/or group even before the stereotype is translated into behaviour or judgements (ibid., p. 389). Concrete, they show that the threat of stereotypes and thus the threat of discrimination and devaluation implied by the perceived relevance of a group stereotype can have effects of its own, for instance on a person’s behaviour (ibid., p. 389, 435). Stereotypes are situational and contextual (ibid., p. 389-390). In certain situations and/or contexts stereotypes may have a bigger influence on a person and/or group. Devine (1989) discusses that prejudices are an inevitable consequence of ordinary categorisations and stereotyping processes (ibid., p. 5). She discusses the idea that as long as stereotypes exist, prejudice will follow (ibid., p. 5). This approach suggests that stereotypes are automatically applied to members of the stereotyped group (ibid., p. 5). Although, people may have knowledge of a stereotype, this does not mean that a persons’ personal beliefs are similar to the stereotype (ibid., p. 5). Chapter 6 deals with stereotypes and ‘us’ and ‘them’ boundaries that exist on a daily basis in Surinamese society.

3.4 The states: the Republic of Suriname and the People’s Republic of China

The PRC is engaging in different countries on a global level. The government of the PRC is paying attention to and is interested in strengthening relations with countries in Latin America and the Caribbean in general for two reasons. First, the PRC is in need of powerful global allies (Evan-Ellis, 2011, p. 7). Six of the 23 nations in the world that diplomatically recognise the Republic of China (Taiwan) are

8_{For a detailed overview and explanation of this distinction, see chapter 5.}

9_{Keji is a language that was spoken in the northeastern part of Guangdong in China. Keji speakers are named under the label}

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18 located in the Caribbean (ibid., p. 7). Second, the importance of Latin America and the Caribbean in the

world energy market and the region’s potential are attractive to the PRC, because in this way they can secure their long-term energy supply and other resources for continuous economic growth (Jiang, 2007, p. 480).

For Suriname this is also true. On the 29th_{of May 2016, a news article}10_{appeared on the website} www.starnieuws.com where ambassador Zhang Jinxiong from the PRC explains the importance of Suriname for the PRC. Suriname has supported the PRC for many years (for instance with the one-China policy) and in return Suriname received aid, investments and loans from the PRC. The ambassador points to the support from Suriname at the reforms of the United Nations Security Council. Furthermore, Suriname serves as a harbour to other countries in South-America and the CARICOM11_{. 2016 has}

become a celebration year for both Suriname and the PRC, because it is exactly 40 years ago that they established diplomatic relations with each other. In Suriname, different Chinese (dance and military) performances, films, documentaries, workshops and a fashion show are organised.

China’s relationship with Suriname arguably began in the nineteenth century with sending contract workers to Suriname. Suriname became independent in 1975, and diplomatic relations with the PRC started soon after the independence in 1976 (Tjon Sie Fat, 2014, p. 198). In 1977 the PRC opened an embassy in Paramaribo. The first large-scale project of the PRC in Suriname was initiated in the early 1980s: the Anthony Nesty Sporthal12_{, a gymnasium (Tjon Sie Fat, 2009a, p. 152). Interesting enough}

is that the project was fully carried out by the PRC, without Surinamese input: the building was designed by PRC technicians and built by construction workers from the PRC, who worked and lived on the construction site (ibid., p. 152). However, the gymnasium is described as built with ‘Chinese assistance’ by the Surinamese government, because the construction of the building was funded through a PRC loan to the country (ibid., p. 152). From the 1990s onwards, various documents and agreements were signed between the PRC and Suriname. For example, in 1998 President Jules Wijdenbosch paid a visit to China’s President Jiang Zemin. They signed a Trade Agreement, an Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation and a Framework Agreement on the PRC Providing a Preferential Loan to Suriname (ibid., p. 152-153).

There are three schools of thought regarding the global engagement of the PRC in Latin America. The first school of thought is that some scientists, politicians and journalists13_{believe that}

Latin America is already living in the shadow of the PRC, in the sense that the PRC is controlling the economy, the trade sector, the energy sector and the natural resources. According to followers of this school, the PRC takes over Latin America (Jiang, 2007, p. 488). The second school of thought is the

10_{http://www.starnieuws.com/index.php/welcome/index/nieuwsitem/35594}_{accessed on the 31}st_{of May 2016.}

11_{CARICOM stands for the Caribbean community, which is established in 1973. Suriname became a member of this organisation}

in 1995.

12_{Anthony Nesty was the first and only Surinamese Olympic gold medal winner in 1988. The gymnasium is used for local and}

international sport events, music performances, fairs and so on. The Chinese background of the gymnasium does not figure in the public consciousness (Tjon Sie Fat, 2009a, p. 152).

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19 opposite of the first school. Many scientists, politicians and journalists14_{in Latin America see the rise of}

the PRC as a positive development (ibid., p. 488). For example, some people value the huge market potential, while others appreciate the sustained economic development that the PRC has achieved in contrast to the ups and downs in Latin American countries (ibid., p. 488). United States politicians and members of congress in Washington D.C. have been showing their concerns about the growth of activities of ‘a potential enemy’ of the United States in Latin America (ibid., p. 488-489). They are fearful that Latin American countries will attempt to replace the United States with the PRC as a primary benefactor (Teufel Dreyer, 2006, p. 85). The third school of thought15_{goes against this and believes}

that the PRC does not constitute a particular pattern of planned expansion in Latin America (Jiang, p. 489). According to followers of the third school, there is no strong correlation between an agenda of anti-Americanism and the PRC’s economic or political movements in Latin America (ibid., p. 489). Moreover, the PRC’s engagement with the region does not have a clear line of ideological preference (ibid., p. 489).

Among many Surinamese people there is some distrust of the intentions of the PRC (Tjon Sie Fat, 2009b, p. 165). The PRC presents itself as a model of development and “an alternative source of funding for the cash-strapped Surinamese State, and technical cooperation projects now dominate the PRC’s relationship with Suriname” (ibid., p. 166). The PRC is not out to control local markets, but these technical cooperation projects increase the Surinamese infrastructural capital (ibid., p. 166). Many Surinamese people never fully appreciated the nature of the relationship between the PRC and Suriname (ibid., p. 167). They began to see the role of the PRC through the rhetoric of decolonization combined with images of China as the Yellow Peril: the Chinese were replacing the Dutch as the new colonizers, the Chinese were not actually doing anything for the Surinamese, just taking advantage of them (ibid., p. 167). Moreover, many Surinamese also assume that the PRC is in control of Chinese immigration (ibid., p. 165). ‘Us’ and ‘them’ boundaries were created, and stereotypes developed. More about these perceptions, boundaries and stereotypes in chapter 6.

From 1978 onwards, the government of the PRC began to pay attention to overseas Chinese wealth and to new Chinese emigrants (Nyíri, 2001, p. 41). New Chinese migrants can be shortly defined as people who have left mainland China to reside abroad, since reform and opening of China (ibid., p. 42). These new Chinese migrants are recognised as a highly useful resource for economic construction in the PRC, the attraction of business partners and foreign investors and the leadership of overseas Chinese communities (ibid., p. 41). So, migration is seen as beneficial for the PRC. Since the late 1980s, the foreign affairs ministry has issued directives on strengthening new migrant work (ibid., p. 41). Slogans, such as ‘serve the country’ became standard for migrants (ibid., p. 42). Despite having left the PRC, the vast majority of Chinese people overseas are patriotic (ibid., p. 43). Often, people that leave the PRC, remain part of the Chinese economy and polity, and they strengthen the ties of overseas Chinese to the PRC, and improve the standing of the Chinese in their host societies (ibid., p. 44). So,

14_{See "Brazil and China: Falling Out of Love", The Economist (London), 5}th_{of August 2005, quoting economist José Roberto}

Mendonca de Barros. www.hacer.org/current/Brazi1077.php. Accessed on the 15th_{of June 2016.} 15_{See Delamer, Goldstein, Malena and Porn (2004).}

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20 the new migrants are bound to and connected with actors and agencies in the PRC, not only because

of ties by blood and culture, but also because of sharing the modernizing goal of the state (ibid., p. 44). It is all about contributing to the development of their home country. Chinese state agencies and actors try to manage its increasingly dense web of contacts with new migrants, by means of encouraging formation of migrant organisations based on profession or province of origin (ibid., p. 45). They also organise or endorse frequent and large meetings, to bring together leaders and people of the organisations (ibid., p. 45). Often, the organisations and associations can be seen as a bridge between the local society, the PRC and the country of residence (ibid., p. 52). Moreover, media are used to spread messages from state agencies and actors of the PRC to overseas Chinese across the world, but also from overseas Chinese to people and state agencies and actors in the PRC (ibid., p. 48). To sum up, many overseas Chinese people stay in contact with actors and agencies in the PRC and they feel that they are still a member of and belong to the PRC, because PRC actors and agencies continue to play a role in and influence the lives of overseas Chinese people. This raises the question, what the situation and influence of PRC actors and agencies in Suriname is.

In Suriname, there are 16 Chinese organisations (Tjon Sie Fat, 2014, p. 194). Chinese organisations in Suriname have grown with the arrival of new Chinese migrants in Suriname (Uitterlinden, 2014, p. 90). The new Chinese organisations are set up to represent new Chinese migrants from the same province. Uitterlinden explains that Chinese organisations organise social activities, but they also provide services to help members with, for example, certain documents written in Dutch that members cannot understand. Moreover, many organisations are also trade associations. Hereby, favourable purchase prices can be arranged (ibid., p. 90). Three of these 16 organisations are dominant and they claim to have a gatekeeper role between people with a Chinese background and the government of Suriname (Tjon Sie Fat, p. 195). For instance, these Chinese organisations run a Chinese school, a cemetery and they organise cultural events (ibid., p. 194). Often, the embassy of the PRC is involved in preparation of particular activities (Nyíri, 2001, p. 51). These activities are often attended by embassy officials and sometimes they also serve as occasions to communicate the political messages from the government of the PRC, particularly regarding the unification of the motherland. Until the 1980s, the PRC embassy in Paramaribo did not really engage with Chinese people in Suriname (Tjon Sie Fat, p. 198). However, the role of the embassy changed and since the 1990s the embassy became the representative of a superpower with local ambitions and a resource of development aid (ibid., p. 199). For instance, the embassy have donated funds and machinery to certain Chinese organisations, and demands input in return (ibid., p. 199). The PRC dominates the image of the Chinese state in Surinamese society (ibid., p. 199). Furthermore, the government officials from the PRC are occasionally joining with anniversaries and celebrations (ibid., p. 200). These everyday experiences, examples and practices show, that various state agencies and actors of the PRC continues to play a role in and influence the lives of Chinese migrants in Suriname. Chapter 5 deals with the question how Chinese migrants show to the outside world that they are (still) a member of and belong to the PRC in a certain way.

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3.5 Conclusion: research perspective

The discussed literature in this chapter show different relations between identity, communities, notions of belonging, stereotypes and the two states: Suriname and the PRC. The literature has shown that an identity, a narrative, can be expressed in multiple ways and is not created in isolation, but in relation to others and communities. Due to a gap in the literature, there is not much known about new Chinese migrants in Suriname. However, it is known that certain perceptions, stereotypes and images about this group exist in society. In the coming chapters, I discuss these perceptions, stereotypes and images and I look at why these factors in society exist. Inclusion and exclusion of Chinese migrants in society are displayed and shown in different ways, especially chapter 6 will focus more on this.

Even though the literature in this chapter discusses multiple theories and concepts, these concepts are not directly visible in daily life. Therefore, it is necessary to go beneath the surface and focus on meanings and ideas behind, for example, being a Chinese migrant and the existence of certain stereotypes in Surinamese society. The concepts discussed in this chapter are approached as flexible, fluid and relational and with a holistic view: the sociocultural context in Suriname plays an important role and will be deepened out in this Master’s thesis. For instance, in the coming chapters I focus on the influence of new Chinese migrants on ideas about and relations between different groups in society. So, research about Chinese migrants in Suriname reveals more insights into societal changes in Suriname as well. In the following chapters, the discussed literature in the theoretical framework is combined with other specific literature and collected data about Chinese migrants in Suriname.

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22

Chapter IV.

Methodology

In this chapter I discuss the methodology of my fieldwork in Paramaribo from the 29th_{of December}

2015 until the 24th_{of March 2016. The key idea of ethnographic research is to pay attention to wider}

structures and the thoughts and feelings of agents, within the context of daily life and individual action to research and understand the practice of social life (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 10). To get insights in the daily life of (Chinese) people in Surinamese society, it is necessary to study literature, conduct interviews, be a participant observer, look at objects and artefacts meaningful for (Chinese) people, visit (Chinese) stores, map certain places, take photos of (Chinese) people and/or objects and visit people’s homes. This chapter operationalises first the theoretical notions and abstract concepts that are discussed in the literature, and which are used in my research questions, in to observable and researchable facts, situations and phenomena in the field. Second, I describe the research scene and I will discuss some challenges that I experienced in the field. Furthermore, the research methods are presented. The last part of this chapter discusses the ethics of my research and how I influenced the research site in particular.

4.2 Operationalisation

This section explains and translates certain theoretical concepts into researchable subjects in the field.

Identity

Yuval-Davis (2010) gives a clear definition of identity and therefore this definition is adopted in this Master’s thesis. Identity is “a specific kind of narrative in which people tell themselves and others who they are, who they are not and who/how they would like to/should be” (ibid., p. 279). Identity is also linked to notions of belonging. I focus on how people in Suriname perceive their “Surinamese” identity. What kind of meanings do they give to their identity as a member of Surinamese society? I study identities in particular contexts. So, it is about how people in Surinamese society tell themselves and others who they are. I focus on particular behaviour and artefacts of people in Surinamese society, and the ideas and meanings behind this. I ask questions related to these behaviours and artefacts, such as what specific artefact means to them.

Ethnicity

As Eriksen (2010b) clearly explains, ethnicity is about aspects of relationships between groups which consider themselves, and are regarded by others, as being culturally distinctive (ibid., p. 5). Ethnicity is also linked to notions of belonging. I focus on the importance of ethnic relations, in particular among Chinese people, in Surinamese society. I go beneath the surface and study social situations and encounters that make ethnicity relevant in Surinamese society. Ethnicity can be studied by looking at how people cope with the demands and challenges of life (ibid., p. 1). I ask questions to people related

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23 to the importance of being Surinamese and if this influences particular decisions or their life in Suriname.

Furthermore, I ask questions that are connected to the ethnic Chinese group in Suriname and how they perceive this group.

Community

There are different communities in Surinamese society. I focus on the Chinese community in particular. Chinese communities can be based on certain aspects, such as if all members are from Chinese descent, where they are from (regionally), what kind of language do they speak or what kind of food do they eat. I try to observe these aspects as best as possible, and I ask questions related to these aspects. Studying Surinamese society and the Chinese community show if communities in Suriname are symbolic constructions and entities of meaning, shared values and norms that provide members with a sense of collective identity (Cohen, 1985). Communities are linked to notions of belonging and therefore I ask questions related to membership of these communities. How do members of different communities treat each other? Does belonging to the Chinese community, while living in Suriname, mean that they are treated in the same way as other members of communities in Surinamese society? Moreover, it is about belonging or not belonging to the Surinamese society. I look at different levels of connections of members within and outside the communities (for instance, connections of personal and/or economic ties with Suriname and the PRC). This provides insight in the relationship and influence on everyday life of (Chinese) people in Surinamese society.

4.3 Research scene

The first two months, I lived in the city centre of Paramaribo in a private apartment that was located near many other (Dutch) students or interns. The location was convenient, I could walk to almost everything in the city centre, and thus I could explore, observe and visit many different Chinese shops, (Chinese) people and their actions and behaviour. This location helped me a lot with mapping places and spaces. However, it was an expensive apartment and the last month I decided to live with my family-in-law in a resort (a kind of municipality consisting of a central place with a few settlements around it) of the district Wanica, called Houttuin. Houttuin is located approximately 19 kilometres from Paramaribo. This is a more quiet area where many people know each other. Although, I could not walk to stores anymore, there was always a car available for me to drive to the city centre or to any place I wanted. I noticed that outside the city centre of Paramaribo, no matter how small the resort or area is, there is always a supermarket that is owned by a Chinese person (or family). Staying at different locations in Suriname helped me with my research, because this sketched a broader picture of daily life in and the sociocultural context of Suriname.

I did not have one research area in particular in Suriname. Because shops owned by Chinese migrants are spread throughout Suriname. Therefore, at any moment or any time I was somewhere, I observed the shops and streets. There were some particular spaces and places I visited more than once, such as the Chinese market that is held every Sunday on the corner of the Grote Combeweg and the Sommeldijckstraat in Paramaribo. Also, the Gompertstraat is a street where many Chinese stores and

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24 restaurants are located. A special event held for Chinese communities in Suriname, was the celebration

of Chinese New Year on the 7th_{of February 2016 at the terrain of the Chamber of Commerce and}

Industry. I spent time at these locations, but also at many other locations spread through Paramaribo and other places in Suriname.

4.4 Encountering challenges: the language and finding respondents

Before entering the field, I was aware that I probably would encounter some practical problems in the field, for instance with the Chinese language. I do not speak Chinese, and I knew that many of the (new) Chinese migrants in Paramaribo cannot speak Dutch (yet). Unfortunately, these (new) Chinese migrants also do not speak English. A few of them do learn Sranan Tongo (a Creole language spoken by most people in Suriname), however I do not speak this language properly. Therefore, it was impossible to have a fluent conversation with Chinese migrants. In some cases, my first contacts helped me translating Sranan Tongo, however this did not always work because often they would give me a short summary of what was said. It was difficult, because I could not ask all my questions directly. So, there was a language barrier. Since we only have three months of fieldwork, it was impossible for me to learn better Sranan Tongo or to start with Chinese language. Therefore, unfortunately meeting (new) Chinese migrants was difficult.

Before I came to Suriname, I already had some personal contacts in Suriname. These first contacts were my starting point and they helped me with sketching their perception of Chinese migrants and how this affect relationships in Surinamese society. These first contacts helped me with showing me around the first days and they showed me some important places and spaces in Paramaribo. Through these first contacts, I also had the chance to meet many other people. I tried to select as many informants as possible, who came in contact with Chinese migrants and who had experiences with this group. The backgrounds of my informants are diverse. Many Surinamese citizens have different ethnic backgrounds because of the history of Suriname16_{, this was also the case with my contacts. I have}

spoken to people with (mixed) ethnic backgrounds of Creole, Javanese, Hindustani, American Indian and Chinese descent. Today, in Surinamese society, it is more common for people with different ethnic backgrounds to marry each other. A few decades ago, marrying someone with a different ethnic background was considered a taboo. Especially among Hindustani, Javanese and Chinese people. Creoles have always been more easy with mixing ethnic backgrounds. Nowadays, many Chinese migrants still prefer to marry other Chinese. I have spoken to a few more men than women. Their ages vary from 14 years old to 80 years old. Most of my informants live in Paramaribo, however I have also talked to people from Nieuw-Amsterdam and smaller resorts in the area of Paramaribo. Since a lot of people know each other in Suriname, and thus for the privacy of my respondents, I do not give detailed information about the residences of my informants. However, their ethnicity and occupation are described in the matrix of respondents in the appendices.

16_{See chapter 2, the historical and regional background, for more information about diversity and heterogeneity in Surinamese}

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4.5 Methods: literature study

Studying literature about Surinamese society and Chinese migration to Suriname before entering the field enabled me to not be totally blanc in the field. Through this preparation, I could explore certain developments and issues in more depth and I could start asking questions immediately. Studying literature has been a preparation before entering and exploring the real world (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 37). Furthermore, because there is a gap in the literature on Chinese migrants in Suriname, the literature study gives a good overview of what is already known and what is unknown. Looking at previous literature locates my study in a wider context as well (ibid., p. 37). Hereby, I am able to link my study to broader debates.

4.6 Methods: interviews

Listening and interviewing are important aspects of doing ethnographic research. Asking questions is necessary, because it not only strengthens the relationship and bond with people in society, but a lot of information can be uncovered too. The interviews took place in the field, this is part of the ongoing development of trusting and ethical relationships with people in society (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 139). The first conversations with people in Suriname were informal, casual chats. After a while, I explored some topics and issues in more detail and depth. The interview questions are semi-structured and open-ended. This means that I could explore ideas with people, but I also get answers to the questions that I want to know. For an overview of main interview questions, see the appendices. I used the snowball sampling for finding people in Suriname. The snowball technique is about using initial contacts for generating further contacts (ibid., p. 44). I conducted in total 20 interviews with Surinamese citizens from different (ethnic and social) backgrounds and in different age categories to get insights in the daily life of and relationships between different groups in society. If it was possible and I got permission to record the interview, I did this, so I could focus on the conversation more instead of taking notes all the time. However, many people explained to me different issues and developments at an unforeseen moment, therefore it was often not the moment to prepare and start recording. During or after the interviews I took a lot of notes and at home I immediately transcribed the interviews.

4.7 Methods: observations

The main method of ethnographic research is participant observation (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 86). I looked at both the spoken and the unspoken part of daily life and relationships between different groups in Surinamese society. I observed and took part in their daily activities, meetings and conversations. It is necessary to combine observations with interviews, because there can be a difference in what people say they do or say they should do rather than what they actually do (ibid., p. 119). There was a lot to observe in Surinamese society on a daily basis, mainly in some particular areas that were influenced by Chinese stores and/or markets. I observed many places and spaces in detail and I mapped my surroundings.

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4.8 Methods: mapping, photography and studying places and spaces

Mapping spaces is important for getting answers at certain questions. It is a way to understand relationships and identification between Chinese migrants and Surinamese people in society. For instance, mapping spaces such as Chinese supermarkets and the Chinese market every Sunday in Paramaribo revealed a lot of information. Chinese migrants are tied or linked to some spaces and places. Mapping and observing spaces and places showed where Chinese people in Suriname spend their time and where not. Besides that, visiting Chinese stores revealed what was sold in the stores (for instance, not in particular only Chinese food or products) and it showed the communication and relationship between Chinese migrants and Surinamese citizens. Also, who visited the Chinese stores became clear. In some cases, stores became meeting places for (Chinese) people in Suriname. Furthermore, studying places and spaces in detail showed that Chinese migrants keep and show that they are still linked to and are a member of the PRC, for instance with decorating their stores with Chinese calendars, paintings or lanterns outside. These artefacts are meaningful for Chinese migrants and this is what Surinamese people get to see of them. Also, almost every Chinese store has their name of the shop written in both Chinese characters as well as in the Roman alphabet. I used photography as a tool for mapping spaces and places. Also, photography visualizes the written text and add to the content. Many respondents pointed the visibility of Chinese migrants in society out.

4.9 Ethics

It is important for every researcher to protect their respondents. I conducted my interviews mainly in and around the city of Paramaribo. Many people know each other in this area, therefore I have given each of my respondents a pseudonym. Furthermore, almost every person that I spoke to knew that I was doing scientific research for my Master’s thesis about Surinamese society and the Chinese migrants in Suriname. Hereby, my respondents were aware that I could use their information in my research.

4.10 Influencing the research site

Doing ethnographic research is a reflexive practice that acknowledges my own role in the unfolding and practice of everyday life (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 99). My personal position in the field is therefore important to reconsider. I was automatically seen as an ‘outsider’ in Surinamese society, because I am a white, western, young, blonde, woman and student. Even though my appearance is different from that of the majority of Surinamese people, I do not think that this played a huge role with acting or treating me different during my observations and conversations. I have noticed that many Surinamese people are open for conversations and spreading their perceptions and opinions to anyone who is interested. Actually, many of Surinamese people were interested in what I was doing in Suriname and sometimes they started the conversation by themselves.

However, if I would have spoken Sranan Tongo or the Chinese language fluently, I might have been in contact with other (or more) people. Maybe if I was native Surinamese or Chinese, people would have treated me differently. For instance, if I spoke Chinese, I could have easier start conversations with Chinese migrants. The problems (such as the language and finding Chinese migrants) that I have

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27 encountered during my fieldwork, have influenced my study. Even though, I gained not much knowledge

through the eyes of the Chinese migrants in Suriname, I did learn how Surinamese people view Chinese migrants. Furthermore, I have shed light on a part of new Chinese migrants in Surinamese society, that has not been researched yet. So, the challenges that I encountered have had an unintended positive result. My study gave me a valuable insight into Surinamese society. However, because of the challenges, many of my arguments are based on observations, conversations with Surinamese people and literature, because I could not start a relationship with Chinese migrants in Suriname. Every researcher has to deal with unexpected twists and turns in the research, and because of these unexpected challenges I have learned a lot and I know that it is important to be flexible in the field. It is not a disaster if something does not work out, as you hoped or planned to. There is always a solution or different path you can choose. This is one of the most important lessons that I learned during my fieldwork. In three months of fieldwork, I have learned to be flexible and adjust to different situations.

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Chapter V.

An understanding of Chinese migrants in Suriname

I remember how I felt, walking the first days through Paramaribo. It felt different than expected and a little bit strange. I was in Suriname, a tropical colourful country, but things that I saw and heard were also associated with China. The stores, the written family names on the wall in Chinese, the people in the stores, the language that was spoken. It felt as a different world. I remember the first time that I entered a supermarket, owned by Chinese migrants. I entered the store and walked towards the end, where two young girls were playing. One girl sat on the ground and one girl was riding her tiny bicycle in the store. The girl riding on the bicycle was wearing a birthday crown. I congratulated her with her birthday, in Dutch. She looked at me and smiled, but she did not respond. The woman behind the counter started to talk Chinese to her. I went to the counter with my groceries, and greeted the Chinese woman behind the counter, also in Dutch. The whole day I spoke Dutch, but suddenly I realised that I could not communicate in Dutch with the woman behind the counter. She smiled at me, and showed me the price of my groceries on the calculator. No words were spoken. A little bit confused as I was, I walked away.

(Field notes, 4th_{of January 2016)}

I review in this chapter literature about Surinamese society and specifically about Chinese migrants in Surinamese society and I combine this with my data that is collected in Suriname. The context of (contemporary) Surinamese society is both written in the text and illustrated by multiple photos that add to the content and are thus relevant for my research. Central in this chapter is who the Chinese migrants in Suriname are and how they display their Chinese identity in society. In general, two groups of Chinese migrants can be distinguished: the old and the new migrants. There are similarities and differences between these two groups. But what is the image that Surinamese people get to see of these migrants? This chapter answers the first sub-question of this Master’s thesis: “Who are the Chinese migrants and how do they display their Chinese identity in Surinamese society?”.

5.2 Who are the Chinese migrants in Suriname?

As explained in chapter 2, the historical and regional background, Chinese people have been living in Suriname for a long time. Chinese people have been moving to the country since 1853 (Jubithana-Fernand, 2009, p. 191; Choenni, 2011, p. 7; Borges, 2014, p. 24). Chinese migrants, and on certain points Surinamese people too17_{, distinguish between old and new migrants of Chinese descent in}

Surinamese society. Even though, the distinction is made between old and new Chinese migrants in Suriname, the substantial difference between these two groups lies in their regional backgrounds and the way that influences the imagination of Chinese identity (Tjon Sie Fat, 2014, p. 192). Old Chinese

17_{See chapter 6 for an extended overview and explanation about in what way Surinamese people make a distinction between}

Living in a mixed world : Chinese migrants in Suriname