Friend or Foe? : a Poststructuralist Discourse Analysis of Official United States’ Foreign Policy Regarding the Congo

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Wm

Master thesis

Friend or Foe?

A Poststructuralist Discourse Analysis of Official United States’ Foreign Policy Regarding the Congo

MSc. Political Science International Relations

African Renaissance the Politics of Development Christopher Tros 11162694

Supervisor: Dr Michael Onyebuchi Eze Second reader: Dr Paul Raekstad

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Acknowledgements

Writing a thesis can be a challenging experience and this journey has made me realize the value of family and friends. Over the last months, I have been lucky enough to have had a wonderful group of supportive, caring friends and family and I would like to take this opportunity to thank them for their patience and encouragement.

I would also like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Michael Onyebuchi Eze, for his feedback, enthusiasm and ongoing support throughout this process. I am grateful for his help.

Christopher Tros

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Abstract

This master thesis explores Unites States’ official discourse regarding the Congo since its independence in 1960. In the past Congo has been of significant importance to global superpowers because of the country’s strategic location in Africa and its natural riches. Today, the United States continues to influence Congo’s economic, social, and political situation in numerous ways (Gibbs, 1991, p1). Because of the economic and military power of the United States and its history of direct and indirect intervention in the Congo it is important to understand what the official foreign policy of the United States for the Congo was in 1960 and how it has developed in regard to intervening in its domestic affairs. To this end, the central question this thesis has attempted to answer is: to what extent has the United States’ official foreign policy discourse changed regarding intervention in the Congo since 1960?

In order to answer this question, I have employed a multi-method approach which includes a theoretical literature review and a poststructuralist discourse analysis. By making use of a poststructuralist methodology it has become possible to draw comparisons between official US foreign policy in 1960 and the present and thereby illuminating changes or reiteration. This method has also made it possible to shine a light on the labels and narratives the official US discourse has used to determine if foreign intervention in the Congo was required (Hansen, 2006, p.79).

I have chosen to focus this study on three key periods in the history of Congo that appear to have acted as catalysts for essential changes in its political structure thereby influencing the official foreign policy of the United States towards the Congo.

The first period of analysis is the Congo Crisis between 1960 and 1965, which I have labelled as Congolese ´backwardness´: US official discourse at this time depicts the Congolese as backward people incapable of running their own country. The second section I have labelled ‘strategic silence’, because it addresses the silence in US discourse at the time of the devastating Congo Wars between 1996 and 2003. The third section has been labelled ‘discourse as a business transaction’ based on the Trump administration’s attitude towards the UN mission in the Congo.

My research findings have practical implications. Firstly, I contend that racist conceptions and the negative representation of Congolese backwardness drove the United States

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government to intervene directly and indirectly in the domestic politics in the Congo with few moral inhibitions. I therefore argue that any future US policy proposals regarding intervention in the Congo should take this negative historical identity construction of the Congo into account. Secondly, I argue that US intervention in Congo has at no point been purely altruistic but has demonstrated mixed motives and has at least in part been directed by self-interest. Thirdly, I contend that the US, the largest contributor to the UN budget, wants to drastically reduce its contributions to various UN peacekeeping missions including the UN mission in Congo which could potentially have detrimental effects on the already precarious political situation in Congo.

Key words: Congo, United States, poststructuralist discourse analysis, foreign intervention

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1. Introduction

1.1 Problem statement

‘Congo’s size, economic potential, and mineral wealth make its international alignment

important to the West’ (CIA, 1980).

This quotation salvaged from a declassified CIA memorandum demonstrates the strategic

importance of the Congo1 for the United States (US). Global superpowers like the US have on

occasions intervened - often in secret - in developing countries to protect their own interests and this is also true for the Congo which has had to endure numerous foreign interventions (Gibbs, 1991, p1). US influence was initially felt in 1884 when it was the first country to recognize the claims of Belgian King Leopold II to the territories of the Congo basin. Leopold’s subsequent ruthless economic exploitation eventually resulted in millions of Congolese deaths. When the atrocities occurring in Leopold’s’ Free State became known the US and other powerful nations forced the Belgians to take over the country as a colony (Nzongola- Ntalaja, 2011). Colonial rule meant that Congo became little more than a country valuable for strict commodity production and raw material resources for the benefit of Belgium (Pegg, 2003, p4).

The Congo eventually became independent in 1960, but independence was quickly followed by an acrimonious power struggle. The Congo became an ideological battleground for the US and the USSR in the Cold War and ensuing ideological battle exacerbated the conflict in the Congo (Gibbs, 1991, p.2). The US government’s influence in the Congo at the time was significant and was most clearly demonstrated by the murder of Patrice Lumumba, the first legally elected Prime Minister of the Congo. The assassination was planned by the Belgian and US government and was eventually carried out by Congolese accomplices and a Belgian execution squad (Nzongola- Ntalaja, 2011). In November of 1965 Mobutu Seso Seko declared himself president

1_{As boundaries and country names constantly change it is important to define what country I am referring to} (Wallerstein, 2013, p.2) The country that is now known as the Democratic Republic of Congo has seen its name change several times in the last century. In 1908 the country was colonized by the Belgians and was called Belgian Congo; in 1960 when the country became independent its name was changed to the Republic of Congo; in 1971 colonel Mobutu changed the country’s name to the Republic of Zaire and when Laurent Desire Kabila rose to power in 1997 the country became known as the Democratic Republic of Congo once again (BBC, 2017). To avoid confusion, I will consistently use the name the Congo to refer to the country that now is the Democratic Republic of Congo (BBC, 2017).

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9 in a coup in November of 1965 and effectively became a foster child of the West. A democrat, however, he was not though he was tolerated in as much as he signified the ideological victory of the West over the USSR (Gibbs, 1991, p2).

1.2 Central research questions and sub-questions

Today, the United States is the single largest superpower in the world and still influences the

Congo’s political and economic situation in numerous ways (Gibs, 1991, p.1).The economic

and military strength of the US and its history of intervention and interest in the Congo are vital in understanding the United States foreign policy towards the Congo in 1960 and how it has developed and tried to shape domestic policy in the Congo. To this end, the central question I will aim to answer is: to what extent has the United States’ official foreign policy discourse changed regarding intervention in the Congo since 1960?

By making use of a poststructuralist methodology it becomes possible to draw comparisons between official US foreign policy in 1960 and the present and thereby illuminating changes - or reiteration (Hansen, 2006, p.79).

This thesis also has two sub-questions that will serve to answer the central question. First, which metaphors, assumptions, terms, labels, and narratives have been used in US discourse to determine if foreign intervention in the Congo was necessary? Second, how has the US government defined itself in relation to Congo?

1.3 Research relevance

The UN peacekeeping mission in the Congo is the largest in the world (United Nations Peacekeeping, 2018). Analysing official US discourse, a central player in the UN, is therefore of paramount importance. Congo has a variety of natural riches, which has made it an important country for the US in the past (Gibbs, 1991, p2). Moreover, most scholarship conducted on the history of the world is highly Eurocentric2 and is largely done by Western scholars (Amin, 1991, p.349). It could therefore be academically fruitful to analyse the Congo-US relation using a poststructuralist methodology. This type of methodology makes it possible to analyse how US discourse has constructed itself and how it has constructed the political situation in the

2_{Eurocentrism; ‘the tendency for analyses and explanations to presume or centre the experience of Europe as the} normative referent’ (Biswas, 2016, p.222)

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10 Congo (Hansen, 2006). The central aim of this thesis is to provide an analysis of official US discourse regarding intervention in the Congo and thereby adding to the insufficient academic work done on this topic.

1.4 Thesis outline

This dissertation uses a case study approach to investigate US official discourse regarding intervention in the Congo since 1960. By employing qualitative methods of inquiry, I attempt to illuminate US foreign policy since Congo’s independence.

This thesis has the following structure: chapter two presents a theoretical framework that focuses on the concepts of sovereignty, foreign intervention, world systems theory, and the resource curse. Chapter three discusses research methodology, with special emphasis on research design, epistemological and ontological position, data collection, data analysis, and research quality and limitations. Chapter four addresses the results of the poststructuralist discourse analysis. Chapter five analyses the results. Chapter six concludes and addresses the central question and sub-question. Chapter seven deals with the limitations of my study and recommends further avenues for research.

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2. Theoretical framework

The central question of this thesis is: to what extent has the United States’ official foreign policy discourse changed regarding intervention in the Congo since 1960? Before being able to answer this central question, it is important to define the central concepts guiding the study. In this chapter I will consider the different theories that are central to this thesis and attempt to explain how various authors have their own distinctive definitions for concepts such as sovereignty, foreign intervention, world systems theory and the ‘resource curse’. I shall also discuss why these different theories help to explain the political situation in the Congo and the reasons for choosing a particular definition.

2.1 The disputed meaning of sovereignty

The modern understanding of sovereignty is heavily influenced by the Westphalian model, which suggests that a state has clear boundaries and has sovereignty over the people inside its territory.Sovereignty gives clarity as to the domestic realm and what is outside of the national realm (Hansen, 2006, p34). Internationally this means that leaders of states regard themselves as sovereign and do not accept any foreign power to intervene in their domestic affairs without consent. Since the Westphalia peace accord states have seen sovereignty as an organizing principle in international politics and although non-sovereign entities might be allowed to participate in the proceedings, it is the sovereign states that have determined the international rules (Eckes, 2014, p.11). This being said, states have regularly ignored the Westphalia logic and globalization is further eroding the concept (Dunne, Kurki & Smith 2016, p.354).

Today, the meaning of the concept sovereignty is severely contested, and one can find several definitions and key characteristics to describe the concept (Eckes, 2014, p.2). A popular definition of sovereignty is one which includes the characteristics: ‘authority, territory (population, society) and recognition’ (Berg & Kuusk, 2010, p. 40). It is argued that there are three dimensions that help to understand sovereignty. Eckes (2014) explains sovereignty as a legal status which is inseparable with factual and fictive dimensions. First, sovereignty describes a political and legal status; second, it refers to a factual condition i.e. the state’s ability to govern; third, sovereignty involves a fictional element that exists independently from factual or legal changes and this emotional element justifies the sovereignty of a state. It is argued that these dimensions influence and reinforce one another (Eckes, 2014, p2). These dimensions

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12 demonstrate how law has much power in the international system but also remains a social phenomenon that continues to develop (Eckes, 2014, p.10).

Another important distinction that has to be made when theorizing about sovereignty is the difference between internal and external sovereignty (Berg & Kuusk, 2010). Internal sovereignty refers to within the sovereign entity and therefore national law. In order to have internal sovereignty one needs the legal authority to govern and the capability of doing so. External sovereignty refers to the international context and the relations of the sovereign territory with the other states and international organizations and thus international law (Eckes, 2014, p3). Internal and external sovereignty are intertwined and influence one another. For example, to be able to claim external sovereignty a state must be in the position of governing its territory and people. When making their case for external sovereignty states argue they represent their people because popular sovereignty legitimizes any claim for sovereign status in the international society (Eckes, 2014, p.20). A state is then allowed to join the international society when it can effectively govern domestically, and is recognized internationally (Berg & Kuusk, 2010, p. 40). It is thus politically determined if the legal status of sovereign is given (Eckes, 2014, p.26).

While different characteristics and definitions of sovereignty have been widely debated there has been little attention for the difference in the degree of sovereignty between states. It is argued that although states can have internal and external sovereignty, the factual degree of sovereignty among recognized states varies significantly. The argument is made that ignoring this fact could lead to failed states (Berg & Kuusk, 2010, p. 40).

The boundaries of many of the African states today were created by colonizers. The boundaries they created were arbitrary and did not consider the different existing communities. The colonizers also actively pitted communities against one another in order to profit from the natural wealth of these colonies. After the colonizers left, the arbitrary boundaries and the tensions they created were still present in postcolonial states (Biswas, 2016, p.222). These newly independent states were incapable of demonstrating their sovereignty internally or externally and were consequently likely to become weak states (Biswas, 2016, p.224). It is posited that Congo, an independent failed state under international supervision has a low external sovereignty, which is the effect of internal divisions and inadequate security capabilities (Berg & Kuusk, 2010, p. 46)

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13 In summary, sovereignty continues to be central to international relations and law despite its ambiguity. In this section it has been discussed that internal and external sovereignty are linked together and that there are three dimensions that help to understand sovereignty. Sovereignty is explained as a legal status which is inseparable from factual and fictive dimensions (Eckes, 2014). In the following section the concept of foreign interventions will be discussed.

2.2 Foreign intervention

Like the concept of sovereignty ‘foreign intervention’ means different things to different people. One could even go as far as saying that a word like humanitarian intervention is merely a label and that the real motivations of a mission become apparent in practice (Berg & Kuusk, 2010, p. 47). Since the end of World War II and the development of nuclear weapons foreign intervention has become even more ambiguous. Nuclear weapons have deterred the superpowers from fighting each other directly, so instead they fought each other indirectly in Third World Countries. It is argued that even though the Cold War is over, foreign intervention – particularly by the United States – is likely to continue (Gibbs, 1991, p1.).

Foreign intervention is one the most prevalent forms of modern day conflict even though it violates several international laws and agreements (Gibbs, 1991, p1.). So, when UN members unanimously voted for the responsibility to protect (R2P) agreement in 2005 this was an international breakthrough. The core principle of this agreement is ‘every state has a responsibility to protect its inhabitants from mass atrocities and that this responsibility may fall to the broader international community should peaceful means be inadequate and national authorities manifestly fail to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity’ (Paris, 2014, p. 569). This agreement has helped to explain when foreign intervention is legitimate but has not answered the question how the interveners’ actions get the desired outcome: protecting the people of a sovereign state from mass killings (Paris, 2014, p. 571).

It is argued that R2P has five structural problems: first, the mixed motives problem, which refers to the problem that humanitarian interventions are claimed to be done solely for humanitarian reasons, however, in practice there is always a mix of motives (Paris, 2014, p. 572). Secondly, the counterfactual problem posits that it is tremendously difficult to prove that a humanitarian intervention was successful because if an intervention was successful something is prevented and there is no way of knowing what would have happened without the intervention (Paris, 2014, p. 574). Third, the conspicuous harm problem which suggests that

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14 the costs of an intervention operation - like the death of soldiers - are clear, the benefits, however, have to be imagined, which will have more influence in the public debate regarding the desirability of humanitarian intervention. Fourth, the end-state problem which refers to the case where if humanitarian intervention was successful the problem arises of how to withdraw without the situation going back to how it was (Paris, 2014, p. 576). The fifth problem is the inconsistency problem which refers to the perception of double standard when in some cases international actors cannot or will not intervene, which delegitimizes R2P’s credibility (Paris, 2014, p.578).

The five structural problems of a humanitarian mission give rise to a paradox: the five structural problems imply that humanitarian interventions could likely fail, however, if the international community does not intervene, R2P would be meaningless (Paris, 2014, p. 593).

The above description of foreign intervention helps with understanding when the UN find foreign intervention legitimate. However, the UN’s focus on crimes against humanity does not pay attention to the act of one state deliberately meddling in the internal affairs of another state. For this study, this description therefore is too narrow. Gibbs studied several forms of intervention in the Congo and provides a broader definition of foreign intervention: ‘the manipulation of the internal politics of one country by another country’, this definition has the advantage that it covers more than mere military intervention to stop war crimes (Gibbs, 1991, p1.)

According to Gibbs’ definition there are several direct and indirect ways for one country to intervene in the domestic affairs of another country. A clear example of a direct intervention is an invasion. The interventionist then installs a government that serves the foreign government’s interest. There are, however, also indirect ways to influence another country’s domestic political system. A country can influence another by corrupting political leaders in order to change a government´s policies. Another form of indirect intervention is by helping rebels remove a government. The intervening country can also aim to create political chaos through propaganda, supporting the opposition and pressuring lawmakers to block any proposals by the government. A final way to intervene indirectly is by providing financial aid. This aid empowers the government and enables the government to ignore domestic pressure groups (Gibbs, 1991, p.9).

Developed states are not the only actors that try to influence the political system in Third World Countries. Developing states also intervene in the domestic affairs of other developing

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15 countries. States, however, are not the only actors to intervene in the domestic affairs of Third World Countries. International governmental organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have been known to significantly influence the policies in developing countries (Pegg, 2003; Wallerstein, 2013).

Multinational companies (MNCs), typically from core countries, influence domestic politics in periphery countries to secure their lucrative investments (Gibbs, 1991, p.30). This can happen in two ways. Firstly, MNCs influence foreign policies of their own governments. Secondly, if influencing the foreign policy of the own state does not work then MNCs can intervene independently in the internal affairs of developing states (Gibbs, 1991, p1). It is argued that for profit-seeking MNCs it more important to get a return on their investment than it is to develop Third World Countries (Kuditshini, 2008, p.205). It is speculated that the unequal power distribution in favour of businesses from core-states create perpetual socio-economic conflict in the periphery (Akiwumi, 2011, p.581).

In conclusion, it can be said that there are several interpretations of when a foreign intervention is justified. It has become clear that even interventions that are labelled as ‘humanitarian interventions’ and are claimed to be done for altruistic purposes in practice are proven to have a mix of motives (Paris, 2014, p. 572). It has been argued that there are several interpretations to what foreign intervention means. In this dissertation Gibs’ broad definition of a foreign intervention will be used, which argues that a foreign intervention is: ‘the manipulation of the internal politics of one country by another country’ (Gibbs, 1991, p.1). According to this broader definition the US for example has intervened in various direct and indirect ways in Congo, ranging from installing a pro-American leader like Mobutu to providing aid to keep a certain favourable leader in power (Gibbs, 1991; Nzongola- Ntalaja, 2011). Moreover, it has been argued that even though the Cold War is over, foreign intervention by the United States is likely to continue (Gibbs, 1991, p1.). It has also become clear that multiple international activities by a variety of actors can be described as foreign interventions. In particular the power of MNCs has been emphasized who are willing to intervene in Congo’s internal affairs by influencing foreign policy of the United States or through independent intervention in order to protect their investments in the natural resources of Congo (Gibbs, 1991). As it is beyond the scope of this study to include all of the above-mentioned actors, the study will focus on the United States government and its position on foreign intervention in the Congo. Analysing US foreign policy for the Congo is of importance because the US has been the hegemon in the international system since the end of World War II.

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16 In the following section World Systems Theory (WST) will be discussed, which argues that the developed core capitalist societies flourish because they exploit the underdeveloped periphery countries (Chirot, 2015, p. 750).

2.3 World Systems Theory

World systems theory (WST) emerged as a reaction to dependency theory (Hannerz, 2015, p.308). Dependency theory had challenged the logic behind modernization theorists who claimed that modernity and prosperity would diffuse from developed countries to underdeveloped countries when the two had contact with one another. Dependency theorists rebutted this argument by claiming that inequality was at the core of the global system and that these disparities were socially designed. Dependency theory argued that powerful core countries were still exploiting weaker periphery countries even after the end of colonization3 and the creation of sovereign countries in the periphery. An important contribution of dependency theory is that even though manufacturing has mostly moved from the core to the periphery this has not reduced global inequalities but has created new forms of exploitation and control by means of financial transactions and foreign investments (Chase-Dun, 2015, p.196).

As mentioned before, world systems theory builds on dependency theory. WST envisions an unequal global system which is comprised of core societies, semi-periphery, and periphery regions. This global system is formed by capitalist accumulation and geopolitics in which a great variety of by businesses and countries compete for power and prosperity. The battle is in essence a clash of classes and the struggle against the domination by the core. In this view, core countries are culturally, economically and militarily leading and exploiting the semi-peripheral and peripheral countries (Akiwumi, 2011, p.583). The semi-periphery is the world’s middle class stabilizing the system. The periphery are the underdeveloped dependent countries. It is argued that even though some developing countries have been able to improve their position in the system hierarchy, most have not (Chirot, 2015) It is, however, also argued that world-systems are not everlasting and that developing countries can break out of the constraining system by means of a world revolution (Wallerstein, 2013, p.4)

World system theory has aimed to explain inequalities between countries in a modern capitalist world. It has shown that there is a capitalist world system and that its rules - which are made by

3_{In this thesis I will be using the following definition of colonialism: ‘the conquest, domination, subjugation,} and exploitation of primarily non-Western people and lands by European powers’. (Biswas, 2016, p.221)

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17 the powerful core – affect everyone. Furthermore, it has become clear that the system is continually changing and that periods of economic growth are followed by economic dips. World systems theory contends that in today’s globalized capitalist world no country can be adequately researched without considering its global political, economic and socio-cultural context. A country’s position in the global system thus influences its economic development. Free trade can have a negative effect on developing economies. It is, however, suggested that it is possible for a developing country to operate in this system if political leaders work effectively with entrepreneurs whereas revolt against capitalism is ill-advised (Chirot, 2015, p.750).

A hegemon in the globalized capitalist world has the military, economic, and symbolic abilities to coerce other states into an open trading structure even if it is not in their own interest. It is therefore claimed that it is probable that in a world system with a hegemonic4 distribution of economic power an open trading structure will be created (Krasner, 1976, p. 322). One could argue today that the global economic system is organized according to the interests of the global North who have beaten the global South and are now aiming to establish a hegemonic globalization (Kuditshini, 2008, p.213).

WST has helped to explain the current global economic situation. However, its Marxist and economic assumptions have limited the theory. These limitations have to be borne in mind but if used flexibly have important insights. Especially, WST’s emphasis on looking at the global context rather than at single countries has helped to understand current global economic inequalities (Chirot, 2015, p. 748). In the following section meaning of ´the resource curse´ will be discussed

2.4 The resource curse

Sub-Saharan countries have access to a variety of natural resources such as oil, gas and minerals. Although one would naturally assume that natural riches are a blessing for a country it is now known that they can also have undesirable socio-economic effects. It has become clear that countries that are dependent on extractive industries are relatively slow economic developers, have low living standards, and have a relatively high level of violence and

4_{).’A hegemonic system is one in which there is a single state that is much larger and relatively more advanced} than its trading partners’ (Krasner, 1976, p. 322).

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18 corruption. The negative effects of a country’s natural resource dependency will in this dissertation be referred to as the ‘resource curse’ (Pegg, 2003, p.3).

In Congo’s case its natural resource dependency has produced and strengthened internal conflict in the country and has created a profitable business opportunity for Congolese rebels and their customers in Rwanda and Uganda (Pegg, 2003, p.13). Although natural riches held the promise of poverty alleviation in the Congo they have never made true on that promise (Pegg, 2003, p.23). In the following section intervention by IGO such as the World Bank and the IMF in sub-Saharan Africa will be discussed.

2.5 Globalization & IGO intervention in Sub-Saharan Africa

The international community has voluntarily created intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) such as the IMF and the World Bank to achieve collective interests such as poverty reduction and aiding development in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sterling-Folker, 2016, p.89). From the mid-1970s until around the mid-1990s IGOs like the IMF and the World Bank argued that developing countries should embrace globalization and neoliberalism. IGOs such as the World Bank have advocated that periphery countries should open their borders to foreign investment, aim for export-orientated growth, reduce social spending, privatise state corporations and downsize the government (Wallerstein, 2013, p.6). Sub-Saharan countries reliance on assistance by these institutions lead them to follow these guidelines. The neoliberal policies put forward by the World Bank and other IGOs have had a significant influence on the economic development of Sub-Saharan states. Although the Wold Bank strives to reduce poverty there seems to be substantial evidence that in the contrary the neoliberal policies advocated by the Bank have worsened the already miserable situation and has left many Sub-Saharan countries heavily indebted (Pegg, 2003, p.5; Akiwumi, 2011, p. 586).

Despite the lack of evidence as to the effectiveness of poverty reduction initiatives such as free trade and extractive industries the IMF and the World Bank support for these policies has remained. The World Bank claims that extractive industries and free trade create jobs, bring economic development, innovation, and improve infrastructure. The World Bank uses various loans to urge resource-rich countries to liberalize trade and investment policies, privatize extractive operations and reduce royalties (Pegg, 2003, p.23). Developing African countries heavily reliant on aid provided by these IGOs have not been able to resist (Pegg, 2003, p.1).

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19 It is now accepted that dependence on extractive industries and neoliberalism has had several negative effects on economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. Firstly, heavy reliance on mineral extraction can cause the stagnation of other areas of the economy (Pegg, 2003, p.9). Secondly, developing countries cooperating with the World Bank tend to favour big business over local small businesses thereby weakening local entrepreneurs (Akiwumi, 2011, p. 586; Kuditshini, 2008, p.195). Thirdly, it is argued that countries dependent on extractive industries are subject to long-term price devaluation and price instability. The World Bank in some cases contributed to low prices for commodities by encouraging increased production of a certain commodity in different developing states thereby creating a surplus and thus a lower price (Pegg, 2003, p.11). Fourthly, the imbalance in power between developing states and MNCs has meant that corporations determine the price for minerals (Akiwumi, 2011, p.587). Moreover, this imbalance in power has helped to establish unfair concessions and contracts favouring MNCs. The World Bank in cooperation with MNCs has encouraged policies that allow businesses to take money out of the developing country whilst giving them significant tax reductions and asking for lower royalties. These unfair contracts and lower mineral prices have hindered the governments of developing countries trying to attain sufficient income from extractive businesses (Pegg, 2003, p.18). Finally, economic development of sub-Saharan economies has been obstructed by the OECD which has no tariffs on many unprocessed minerals. However, if resource-rich states add value to raw materials and export hem they are regularly faced with tariffs and non-tariff blockades (Pegg, 2003, p.22).

It could be argued that Congo is a prime example of asymmetric global power relations. In the resource-rich Congo mining and forestry resources are managed by neo-liberal actors of globalization (the World Bank, MNCs, IMF) and Congolese political and military leaders who have privatized the land and natural riches and introduced one-sided mining, forestry and investment codes. These new unfair codes were one-sided codes that favour MNCs and the Congolese elite whilst undermining the ability of local governments to govern effectively. Congo was adhering to the World Bank’s doctrine of privatizations programmes and was largely influenced by the armed conflict in 1996 about the natural resources of the country. The new laws were created to end the profitable Congo Wars for natural resources (Kuditshini, 2008).

In summary, in this chapter I have discussed important concepts which will be central to this dissertation. This chapter has argued that the meaning of the word sovereignty is contested in the academic literature. It is theorized that there are three dimensions that help to understand

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20 sovereignty. Sovereignty is explained as a legal status which is inseparable from factual and fictive elements (Eckes, 2014, p.2). It has also become clear that WST contends that developed core capitalist societies flourish because they exploit the underdeveloped periphery countries (Chirot, 2015, p. 750). This chapter has also shown that even though Sub-Saharan countries have access to a variety of natural resources these natural riches have had significant undesirable socio-economic effects. Also, it is argued that the neoliberal policy prescriptions put forward by the World Bank and other IGOs have had a negative influence on the economic development of Sub-Saharan states (Kuditshini, 2008; Pegg, 2003). The concepts and definitions described above are fundamental for this thesis, however, I do recognize that theorizing about concepts and definitions is subject to change and therefore multiple interpretations of the same concepts are possible (Bryman, 2012, p.388). In the following chapter I will discuss my research design.

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3. Research methodology

This dissertation aims to analyse official United States’ discursive changes - or reiteration - regarding foreign intervention in the Congo since its independence in 1960. In this thesis a qualitative research strategy5_{is chosen in accordance with my ontological and epistemological} position. I will also be employing an inductive approach meaning that I am attempting to generate a theory instead of testing a theory and this theory will be the result of research and not the other way around (Bryman, 2012, p.36).

In this chapter, I will explain how I have conducted my research using a multi method approach including a theoretical literature review and a poststructuralist discourse analysis. Building on the concepts and theories as explained above, I argue that a poststructuralist discourse analysis is a helpful method to study foreign intervention because it examines the historical identity constructions that guide ideology concerning the advantages and disadvantages of foreign intervention (Klotz, & Prakash, 2008, p.62). In this thesis it is assumed that foreign policy is reliant on descriptions of the other state, the security issue, or calamity to be able to respond adequately. It is therefore necessary to give identity and meaning to a situation. It is posited that intervention is not possible without a representation of the situation (Hansen, 2006, p6).

It is argued that there is no one way of conducting a discourse analysis as traditionally discourse analysists have refrained from systemizing their methodology (Bryman, 2012, p. 530). Lene Hansen, however, does provide a comprehensive outline for this methodology in her book

Security as Practice: Discourse analysis and the Bosnian War, which will be utilized in this

study. In this book the method of poststructuralist discourse analysis is explained which builds on the work of important poststructuralist authors such as Derrida, Kristeva, and Foucault (Hansen, 2006).

In the following section I will discuss my research design which is based on the outline provided by Lene Hansen (2006). Subsequently, I will explain my ontological and epistemological position. After this, I will clarify how I have collected and analysed my data. The final section describes the research quality and limitations of this study.

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3.1 Research design

In order to utilize a poststructuralist discourse analysis there are four important choices to make: picking a model for conducting intertextual analysis; deciding how many states or foreign policy objects to study; choosing a one-moment-study or a historical analysis; and determining the number of events to study. These choices make the basic structure of discourse analytical research design (Hansen, 2006, p.73).

In her book Hansen argues that poststructuralist discourse analysis operates under the assumption that all texts, including foreign policy texts, build on previous texts and therefore one should view writings as a textual web. It is postulated that every text makes references, explicit or not, to earlier writings and because of this they can be seen as new writings, but also as mediations of the meaning of other writings. Meaning of a text is thus always influenced by preceding texts and interpretations (Hansen, 2006, p. 55; Klotz, & Prakash, 2008, p.62). This concept is called intertextuality. It is argued that this sort of genealogical approach helps with understanding how present knowledge and identities have become accepted over time (Jackson, 2007, p. 398) Research designs can also be constructed around concepts. This thesis will focus on conceptual intertextuality which refers to political concepts such as ´intervention´ and how they have been given meaning by written and spoken texts (Hansen, 2006, p. 57).

When utilizing an intertextual research model, one has to decide between four different models of intertextual research. Model 1 focuses on official discourse; model 2 focuses on the wider foreign policy debate including the media and opposition; model 3A focuses on cultural representations; and model 3B focuses on marginal political discourses (Hansen, 2006, p.73). This thesis addresses a case study; official US foreign policy regarding the Congo. I have therefore chosen for model 1 because this model focuses on official discourses. Furthermore, it is beyond the scope of this thesis to theorize about fiction, popular culture and marginal political discourses.

Model 1 focuses directly on official foreign policy discourse, political leaders with the authority to formulate foreign policies, and the writings that have had an intertextual influence on the discourse (Hansen, 2006, p.60). This model therefore makes it possible to investigate the construction of the identity of the Self, the United States, and the Other, the Congo, within official US discourse.

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Analytical focus Official US discourse regarding a foreign intervention in the Congo

Research materials - Statements by political leaders of the United States - Official documents Central Intelligence Agency - Official documents US department of State

- Official document United States Mission to the United Nations - Official documents U.S. Embassy in Congo

- Official documents The White House - Academic journals

- Newspaper articles - Video files

Goal of the study - Analyse official United States’ discursive changes -or repetition- regarding foreign intervention in the Congo since 1960

Figure 1. Model 1 applied to this case study (Hansen, 2006, p.64)

The number of selves refers to the choice of how many states or foreign policy subjects one wants to study (Hansen, 2006, p.75). This study takes the form of a case study and therefore has one Self: US’ official foreign policy discourse regarding intervention in the Congo. US discourse has been selected because the United States is the single most powerful country in the international system and it therefore has a significant influence on the international system and Congo more specifically. Moreover, a poststructuralist discourse analysis necessitates comprehensive knowledge of a specific case which makes it beyond the scope of this study to

analyse a larger number of countries(Hansen, 2006, p11). What is more, the United States has

a vested interest in Congo and has shown a willingness to intervene in the country’s domestic affairs (Gibbs, 1991). Additionally, practical consideration played a part in choosing the United States because for a discourse analysis language competency, knowledge of the country’s history, and availability of historical information is essential. It is argued that the more cultural competency one has the easier it becomes for a researcher to reveal change in representations and subjectivities (Klotz, & Prakash, 2008, p.62).

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24 As there is an abundance of information available on US foreign policy regarding the Congo, a selection of politically salient moments were made in an effort to narrow the scope of the study (Klotz, & Prakash, 2008, p.63). I have therefore chosen for a three-comparative-moments study. This means that three key periods in the history of post-independence Congo have been selected on the basis that they changed important political structures and therefore influenced the official foreign policy-identity of the United States. It is argued that by mapping discourse around vital periods one can analyse the stability of the official US (Hansen, 2006, p.32).

First, the Congo crisis of 1960-1965, when Congo gained its independence from Belgium and the ensuing five years of power struggle eventually ending with colonel Mobutu becoming President. The United States also officially recognized the Congo’s independence on June 30th, 1960 and this heralded the establishment of official diplomatic relations between the two countries (Department of State, 2018). The second period of analysis covers the Congo Wars. The First Congo War began in 1996 and finished in 1997 when Mobutu was defeated, and Laurent Désiré Kabila rose to power. The Second Congo War starting in 1998 and officially ending in 2003 (BBC, 2017) These wars will be covered by one sections as the wars have much overlap and can therefore not be discussed separately. The third period will analyse official US discourse regarding President Kabila’s refusal to hand over power after his second term came to an end in 2016 (Loffman, 2016).

Period: Years:

1 1960 - 1965

2 1996 – 2003

3 2016 – present

Figure 2. The three key periods of this study

In order to demonstrate change it is important to determine layering within the discourse (Klotz, & Prakash, 2008, p.63). I will expose layering within the US official discourse regarding the Congo by describing a model of US foreign policy across time with two layers: first, the different assumptions, terms, labels, and narratives which are used use to determine if foreign intervention in Congo is necessary; second, by showing the stability or change in identity construction by the US in relation to the Congo.

This thesis will analyse one policy issue, namely US official discourse concerning foreign intervention in the Congo at three different periods in time. As mentioned above the analysis will be divided into three key moments which will make it possible to compare across time and

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25 identify patterns of change and reproduction in US foreign policy ideas about the desirability of foreign intervention in the Congo (Hansen, 2006). The following section will discuss my ontological position.

3.2 Ontological position

It is argued that one’s ontological position refers to his or her beliefs about the nature of social beings. The fundamental question is then ‘should and can social entities be considered as objective entities that have a reality external to social actors or can and should they be considered as social constructions built up from the perceptions and actions of social actors’ (Bryman, 2012, p.19). The fundamental ontological assumption of this thesis is that identity representations and foreign policy are intertwined and linked through discourse. This ontological position is referred to as ‘the ontology of linguistic construction’ (Hansen, 2006, p18). What is meant by this is that language is of fundamental importance as it produces meaning (Jackson, 2007, p. 396). Language itself thus becomes a subject of research rather than a resource (Bryman, 2012, 522). When a state for example creates foreign policy it also generates an identity and this identity is simultaneously used as legitimization for the proposed foreign policy. A state’s identity is thus used as an argument for a particular policy, and if ratified, this new policy reproduces this identity. Identity can therefore be cause and consequence at the same time (Hansen, 2006, p.21)

For a poststructuralist discourse analysis language is of fundamental importance as language generates meaning by concurrently constructing an identity and something different. For poststructuralists identity constructions are thus created by referencing to something that is different (Hansen, 2006, p6.) A state’s national identity is for example made possible by differentiation from others. A researcher conducting a poststructuralist discourse analysis is therefore looking for meaning behind what is said (Bryman, 2012, p.530).

Language in a poststructuralist discourse analysis is seen as social and political. By seeing language as social it is argued that language consists of shared conventions and codes that enable an individual to communicate with others. By seeing language as political one acknowledges that language is utilized for the promotion of certain identities and subjectivities while concurrently disqualifying others. (Hansen, 2006, p.18).

Identity is understood to be political, discursive, and relational. By understanding identity as political and discursive it is argued that identity representations influence a governments ability

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26 to justify a certain foreign policy. By understanding identity as relational it is posited that identity simultaneously creates a Self and Others, which can range from radical difference to not so different (Hansen, 2006, p.6).

This ontological position incorporates material as well as ideational aspects. It is, however, argued that material facts are created by human and discursive agency. Humans determine which facts become politically important and influence foreign policy (Hansen, 2006, p32). In the following section I will discuss my epistemological position.

3.3 Epistemological position

One’s epistemological position refers to the questions ‘what is regarded as appropriate knowledge about the social world’ (Bryman, 2012, p.19). Discourse analysis can be performed from a variety of epistemological positions (Jackson, 2007, p. 396). As mentioned above the ontological position I am taking in this thesis emphasizes the importance of language, and my discursive epistemological position will focus on the different ways in which identities and policies are formulated and influence one another (Hansen, 2006, p.23).

It is argued that identity representations and foreign policy are ontologically inseparable, and it is therefore impossible to have an epistemological position that aims to find causal effects of identity on foreign policy (Hansen, 2006, p.27). Natural science models that recommend causality are therefore rejected (Bryman, 2016, p19). Poststructuralists dismiss the notion of causality and instead focus on how much discourse can explain about state action (Hansen, 2006, p.25). The rejection of causality between identity and foreign policy does not, however, mean there is not a systematic methodical analysis. Instead I will operate under the theoretical assumption that foreign policy aims to generate a stable link between identity and foreign policy proposals. The creation of Self and Other in this relational view is shaped by process of positive linking and negative differentiation and by analysing these processes it become possible to examine the relative stability of the identity discourse (Hansen, 2006, p.19). It is, however, argued that it is impossible for policy-identity links to be completely stable over time (Hansen, 2006, p.29). In the following section I will explain my method of collecting data which is based on my ontological and epistemological position.

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3.4 Method of collecting data

The focus of this study is on US discourse regarding intervention in the Congo. Data for this study has been collected by using written and spoken texts on this topic. The research material for this study has been picked on the basis of three criteria. Firstly, the primary texts for analysis will be comprised of only written and spoken texts at the time of one of the three key periods I have described above. Secondly, the bulk of the of sources will include texts that are central in the debate and are therefore quoted on a regular basis. Thirdly, the majority of the research material will be primary texts since it is argued that these sources increase reliability of the results (Hansen, 2006). Because of this, official US foreign policy documents, CIA documents, official presidential statements, speeches, and interviews will be used for analysis. This study makes use of a variety of sources thereby making sure that all three criteria that are important for resources are met: the sources have a clear articulation of identities and policies; are widely read; and possess the formal authority to define a policy position (Hansen, 2006, p.85).

The primary materials for this study were accessed through the websites of the Central Intelligence Agency, the United Nations, the websites of different branches of the United States government, and several Presidential libraries. Secondary readings were retrieved from academic journals and newspapers. In this thesis I will utilize a grounded theory approach which means that data collection is complete when it is concluded that adding new materials to my analysis does not lead to new insights (Jackson, 2007, p. 396). In the following section I will address the way I analysed the data I collected.

3.5 Data analysis

The analysis of the different materials has been done in three steps. First, reading how identity and policy are articulated within the first period of study; second, how the construction of identity and policy of the original text is represented in later periods; and third, how the original and the re-readings compare (Hansen, 2006, p.59).

In the following section I will explain my own role as researcher and address some of the biases and cultural blind spots that could have influenced my study.

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3.6 My role as a researcher

In a qualitative research approach, the researcher is the main instrument of data collection. Consequently, when I utilize the methodology of poststructuralist discourse analysis I as the researcher am heavily involved in the knowledge construction as I determine what I observe and write about (Bryman, 2012, p.394). Because of this it is important that I acknowledge my own biases as researcher and as a person. It is my belief that a researcher can never be value free. However, I do agree with Bryman that a researcher can restrain his or own values and biases by being reflexive of his or her social, cultural and political context (Bryman, 2012, p.393).

By acknowledging my biases, I attempt to not let them hinder my research. I therefore recognize that I am a Dutchman doing research on the US foreign policy regarding Congo, a country I have never visited, which could lead to biases. Moreover, I have found myself biased when it comes to US foreign policy exploiting resource-rich developing countries.

I have tried to overcome these biases in different ways: firstly, by doing extensive research into Congolese history and especially the fundamental events that have shaped the country’s history post-independence. Secondly, I have used a variety of primary and secondary data concerning US foreign policy to gain a better understanding of the country’s position on the Congo. By using a variety of materials my conclusions are based on official foreign policy texts and academic materials and not on personal biases.

In the following section I will elaborate on the quality of my research. I have deliberately refrained from using terms like reliability and validity as their use for assessing the quality of qualitative research is severely criticized (Bryman, 2012, p.389).

3.7 Research quality

I have tried to improve the quality of my research in several ways. Firstly, by comparing three key periods in Congolese history it is argued that it is possible to see a trend or break in trends of official foreign policy discourse (Hansen, 2006 p.32). Secondly, I have included a variety of primary materials like CIA documents and official US foreign policy documents, but also secondary texts such as newspaper articles and articles in academic journals. Thirdly, I have contextualized the different texts and have aimed to include a variety of texts with a high degree of formal authority and explicit articulations of identity and policy in order to catch the essence

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29 of US foreign policy regarding the Congo (Hansen, 2016, p.84). Fourthly, I have attempted to be reflexive of my own social, cultural, and political context and have thereby tried to restrain my own values and biases (Bryman, 2012, p.393).

In short, in this chapter I have elaborated on my multi method qualitative approach. I have explained that I am combing a theoretical literature research with a poststructuralist discourse analysis and that this follows logically after adopting an ontology of linguistic construction and discursive epistemology. I have also argued that poststructuralist discourse analysis is a helpful method to study US foreign policy discourse regarding the Congo and I have made clear that I will be using Hansen’s (2006) comprehensive outline for this methodology. I have also explained my motivations for the four important choices that make the basic structure for my research design. I have clarified that I will be using model 1 for conducting my intertextual analysis regarding US foreign policy concerning intervention in the Congo and that I am examining US foreign policy from independence until present, which I have divided into three key periods. I concluded by positing that this methodology has certain strengths and weaknesses. In the following chapter the results of my analysis will be presented.

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4. Results

This chapter focusses on the metaphors, assumptions, terms, labels, and narratives the official US discourse has used to justify foreign intervention in the Congo. As mentioned before the results have been divided into three periods which represent key moments in Congolese history. The first section analyses US official discourse in the period of 1960 until 1965 when Congo gained its independence from Belgium and Mobutu seized power in 1965. The second section analyses the Congo Wars between 1996 and 2003. The third section addresses US official discourse concerning President Kabila’s refusal to hand over power after his second elected term ended. Before discussing the results of each section, I will give a concise summary of the political situation to contextualize that particular time period.

4.1 The Congo Crisis (1960-1965)

Congo gained its independence from Belgium on June 30, 1960 but quickly became the location for a proxy Cold War between the US and the USSR (Gibbs, 1991, p.2). Although the Congo held free elections and voted for Prime Minister Lumumba and President Joseph Kasavubu, an elected senate, and other bodies in Congo’s provinces, the newly independent state was not correctly prepared for independence and descended into chaos. On the 5th of July soldiers of the Force Publique mutinied for independence and foreign interference against the Belgian commandants which created a wave of violence in the country. Several attempts by the elected leaders of Congo, the UN, and the Belgians (the latter without the Congo’s permission), were unsuccessful in stopping the violence in a country on the verge of civil war with the resource rich provinces of Katanga and South Kasai which had declared independence. Moreover, Congo’s popular Prime Minister Lumumba was dismissed by President Kasavubu and was later assassinated. In the midst of this political disorder Mobutu, Colonel of the Congolese National Army, staged a coup d’état and seized control (Nzongola- Ntalaja, 2011). Congo appointed several prime ministers in the ensuing four years of unrest which resulted in another coup by Mobutu 1965. This time Mobutu removed both the President and Prime Minister, and created his own pro-Western government supported by US financial and political support (Office of The Historian, n.d.).

This section addresses the adverse representation of the Congo, its political system, its politicians and its people in official declassified documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

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4.1.1 The bleak future for Congo

‘The Congo as always is only a stop from anarchy’ and ‘destined for continued crisis’ are quotes which summarize official US discourse at the time of the Congo Crisis (CIA, 1964b, p.1; 1966a, p.1). The Congo is characterized as a collection of tribal, provincial, and foreign interests, and not as a nation. It is even argued that any concept of national interest or national responsibility is alien to the political leaders and that ‘any government would be lucky to make any measurable progress toward unifying the Congo and avoiding chaos in the foreseeable future’ (CIA, 1966a, p.6; CIA, 1966b, p.2).

Furthermore, the Congolese people are portrayed as ‘totally unconcerned with national politics and are affected by events outside their villages only occasionally when they become participants in, or victims of, violent tribal and ethnic conflicts’ (CIA, 1964b, p.3). The future for Congo is depicted as ‘bleak’ and it is suggested that the malaise in Congo will likely continue (CIA, 1966b, p.1). It is argued that the problems are worsened because Belgian help is crucial, but Congo is demonstrating ‘a clumsy vendetta against the Belgians in the name of Congolese economic independence’ (CIA, 1966a, p.1).

4.1.2 The political structure of Congo

The characterization by the CIA of Congo’s political system and its leaders is equally negative. The political structure is labelled as ‘rickety’ and it is suggested that the inexperienced Congolese leaders are corrupt, irresponsible, and lethargic (CIA, 1961e, para.3; 1964a, p2; 1966a, p.1). Leadership by President Kasavubu and different Prime ministers are described as indecisive and lacking power and backing. (Central Intelligence Agency, 1964b, p.1).

4.1.3 The rise of Mobutu

The rise of Mobutu was reported on in a slightly more optimistic way: ‘a few glimmers of hope for the Congo have appeared since General Mobutu’s coup last November’ (CIA 1966b, p.6). It was suggested that Mobutu’s new government ‘compares favourably in comparison with previous Congolese governments’. The main argument for this is Mobutu’s favourable stance towards the West which is described as ‘one of the most solidly Western orientated since independence’ (CIA, 1966b, p.1). Conversely, Mobutu’s policies in public affairs were labelled as ‘wishful thinking’ (CIA, 1966b, p.4). Also, hinting at corruption by contending ‘some of those in Mobutu’s circle are busily feathering their nests’ (CIA, 1966b, p2). Moreover, it was

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32 argued that Mobutu lacked leadership skills and sophistication (CIA, 1966a, p.2). Also stating that: ‘Mobutu often acts precipitately without fully weighing the consequences’ (CIA, 1966a, p2 & p.7). The CIA even questioned Mobutu’s grasp of the Colonial history of Congo ‘Mobutu seems to have discovered Belgian ‘exploitation’ of the Congo while educating himself on his new function as President’ (CIA, 1966a, p.6).

4.1.4 The Armee Nationale du Congo

It is argued that national power rests with the relatively well-equipped Armee Nationale du Congo (ANC) and its Colonel Mobutu. His army is described as disorganized, undisciplined and its loyalty short-lived (CIA, 1961a, para.1; 1961b, p.1; 1964b, p.1).

‘Any of them come and go from one unit to another at will, some of them switching back and forth not only between units in the ANC but between the ANC and other armies in the Congo in search of better quarters, pay, food or more indulgent commanders. Their loyalties are ephemeral, and it is uncertain that they would follow the orders of General Mobutu or other ANC officers if they required sustained fighting or hardship’ (CIA, 1961b, p.1)

The CIA suggest that an attempt by the ANC to seize power would likely fail ‘partly because of the army’s lack of leadership even by African standards, partly because of its diffuse loyalties and its preoccupation with basic needs like food and beer’ (CIA, 1964b, p.6). Arguing that the ANC soldiers lack the skills and confidence ‘to even cope with primitively organized terrorist bands or Thsombe’s bedraggled Katangan gendarmes’ and postulating that ANC soldiers are brutal looters (CIA, 1964b, p.2).

The ANC is deemed incapable of coping with the rebellion and as a result foreign intervention by the UN coupled with financial and diplomatic help by the US is seen as the logical way forward (CIA, 1964b, p.2; 1966b, p.4). The UN military presence in the Congo is justified by two arguments. ‘First, there is need for an external force to preserve order in certain parts of the Congo. Second, the UN can and should play the role of peace-maker and mediator’ (CIA, 1961d, p.2).

4.1.5 The communist threat

It is speculated by the CIA that all-out war in the Congo must be prevented as it would be in the USSR’s interests: ‘Moscow is now openly rubbing its hands in glee at the prospects of

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all-33 out war between the Katangese people and the UN’ (CIA, 1961d, p.3). It is argued that the USSR wants to create chaos in an attempt to take control in Congo. Theories circulate that Moscow aimed to disturb the flow of raw materials vital to the West (CIA, 1961a, p.1). In a cable titled: eliminating Lumumba from governmental position the CIA explicitly states its ambition to silence the popular leader Lumumba who had ties with the communists. ‘We give every possible support in eliminating Lumumba from any possibility of resuming a governmental position’ (Central Intelligence Agency, 1960, para.1).

In short, this section has discussed the negative representation of the country of Congo, its political system, its politicians, the Congolese Army, and its people in official CIA documents. In these documents Mobutu is characterized as incompetent but deemed acceptable because of his favourable stance towards the West. It is argued that the Congo at the time of the Congo crisis had become an ideological battleground between the West and the communists which was central to US foreign policy discourse. This ideological fight becoming particularly clear in a document in which the CIA gives it support for the removal of the first freely elected prime minister of Congo due to his communist links. In the following section US official discourse at the time of the Congo Wars will be discussed.