Europe is Burning: A Qualitative Study on the West-European Ballroom Culture and the Motivations and Experiences of its Members

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Europe is Burning

A Qualitative Study on the West-European Ballroom Culture and the

Motivations and Experiences of its Members

Master’s dissertation submitted to obtain the academic degree of Master of Arts in Gender & Diversity

Kevin J. Rosseel – 01703154

Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Carine Plancke Academic Year: 2019-2020

Classic Master’s Thesis Wordcount: 23.832 words

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This master's thesis is an exam document that had not been corrected for any errors. References to this work may be made in publications, with the written permission of the thesis supervisor mentioned on the title page.

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ABSTRACT

This thesis aims to understand the motivations and experiences of West-European ballroom members within the relatively new European ballroom scene. The chosen method is a content analysis of 13 semi-structured interviews, combined with a visual analysis of various online ballroom performances on YouTube. The results show the motivations and the experiences of West-European ballroom members with the ballroom scene, the houses and the gendered performances of voguing and its substyles, Runway, Sex Siren and Realness. The thesis differentiates four main reasons why performers participate in the ballroom scene and its performances: to find a safe space for themselves (1), to find acceptance and support (2), an attraction to the extravagance of the scene (3), and the ability to fully express themselves (4).

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PREFACE

I would like to use this space to show my gratitude to several persons:

Firstly, I would like to thank Dr. Carine Plancke for her time, interest and helpful suggestions in order to improve my master’s thesis.

Secondly, this thesis would have never seen the light of day without the thirteen ballroom members that have educated me on their culture, passion and experiences: Syx, A., Savphire, Nunoy, Mamore, Noah, JJ, Brenda, Makaba, Raeesha, Maybelline, Leo and Jay Jay. No person or institution has the excuse of not knowing the history of voguing or ballroom culture with people like them having the time to educate others. Thank you again.

Lastly, the death of my father and brother at respectively the beginning and end of this master program was very hard to deal with, especially in combination with my studies and the COVID-19 crisis. I hope they are proud in knowing that I was able to finish this project and that I would become the first member of our family who has obtained a master’s degree despite the circumstances. Of course, this project would have never been finished without the emotional support and suggestions from my friends and other family members. Thank you.

Kevin J. Rosseel, 12th_{of August 2020}

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1. INTRODUCTION

In the renowned documentary about ballroom culture Paris is Burning Willi Ninja dreams:

I want to take voguing not to just Paris is Burning, but I want to take it to the real Paris and make the real Paris burn. That is what I want to do and not just there, but to other countries as well (Livingston, 1991).

Thirty years later, Europe now knows a blossoming ballroom culture: ball events are growing in number due to work of legendary pioneers such as Lasseindra Ninja and Steffi Mizrahi - now named Nikki Gucci - who had brought voguing back to its source. These pioneers have played a vital role in the establishment of the ballroom culture and spreading knowledge on this culture in Paris, which has become the biggest European chapter of the ballroom scene (Gaestel, 2019).

Voguing and the ballroom culture originated from the early American drag ballroom scene in the 19th_{century. On the one hand, as a reaction to the white dominated scene, queer black} pioneers such as Crystal and Lottie LaBeija have created their own safe space. They created the first non-white ballroom event and the first house (Lawrence, 2011). These houses can be seen as a continuation of alternative kinship relationships that are forged by queer African Americans. For example, queer black individuals have constructed new families in order to substitute the biological family from which they have been excluded from (Bailey, 2013; Dickson-Gomez et al., 2014; Stack, 2003). On the other hand, the performance of voguing that is embedded within the culture might have various sources: it could be seen as a substitution of ‘throwing shade’ - a ritual in which one verbally and creatively insults another - created by Paris Dupree. Other sources explain that it might have originated from inmates of Rikers Island in order to seduce other men, or it might have always existed, albeit in different forms (Lawrence, 2011). In addition, there are other categories as well: Runway requires the performer to showcase a themed outfit in a signature strut. Sex Siren performers sell confidence and sexuality on the runway and Realness categories offer performers the chance to showcase their ability to ‘pass’ as straight or cis-gendered (Mohenu, 2018; Wissing, 2019). Most studies on the American ballroom scene have focused on the health and Aids-prevention of gay African Americans within the scene (Arnold & Bailey, 2009; Galindo, 2013; Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017). Except for Bailey (2013) and Jackson (2002), there have not been many scholars that have focused on the gendered aspects of the performances within the ballroom. As the scenes in Europe are also relatively new, there are also not many studies on the Europe’s own ballroom culture. Through the study of this culture, Bailey (2013) suggests that studies on this community might reveal interesting perspectives on gender and

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sexuality. As such, this study aims to add to the existing literature within queer studies, gender studies, and performance studies.

This master thesis aims to understand why the members were attracted to this underground culture in West-Europe – which includes Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom - and participate in its performance categories. As such, the research question of this study is: “What is the motivation of these performers in doing the gender performances

of Voguing, Runway, Sex Siren and Realness and to participate in the ballroom?” In order to

understand any dance form, Novack (1995) argues that one also has to understand the art, the institutions that the performances it is embedded in and those who participate in it. Furthermore, Bailey (2013) divides three dimensions of the ballroom scene: the ballroom, the houses and the gender system. Therefore, other questions posed are: “What is specific to the

European ballroom culture?”, “How does the gender system work? How does the gender performances of voguing and other categories look like?” and lastly “How does the alternative kinship system of houses look like in Europe?” To answer the research question, this study

uses a combination of both in-depth interviews as well as the analysis of online visual sources such as YouTube-videos of ball events.

This thesis starts with the review of existing literature on the topic of gender, ballroom culture and voguing and the other performances. First, relevant concepts such as gender, sex, queer, (gender) performance and performativity are explained. Secondly, there is an overview of the history of the American and European ballroom culture. In addition, the American gender system and alternative kinship system of houses are also explained. Lastly, voguing is discussed as well as its substyles and other categories.

As previously mentioned, this study uses a combination of both in-depth interviews as well as the analysis of visual sources. This will be explained within the methodology section. The attained results consist out of four sections: the experiences and ideas of the members on the European ballroom culture (1), the house system (2), the gender-performance system (3) and the motivations of the members in joining and performing in the ballroom scene (4). The thesis ends with a discussion of the results, the conclusion and the limitations of this study as well as some recommendations for further studies.

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2. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. On Gender

Within this thesis, some concepts need to be clarified in order to fully grasp the research questions and the research units. Firstly, this thesis will briefly explain the difference between gender and sex, while connecting these categories with the theory of intersectionality. Secondly, as this thesis mostly targets queer members of the ballroom culture, the concept of queer will also be discussed. Lastly, the performances are a vital part of this thesis, this is why concepts such as (gender) performance and performativity is needed in the analysis and will therefore be briefly clarified.

2.1.1. The Difference in the Categories of Gender and Sex

Firstly, gender is distinguished from its counterpart sex as the former refers to the economic, social and cultural rules, behaviors, attributes, opportunities and expectations related to one’s biological sex (Hanna, 1988; Marchbank, 2014). Therefore, cultures often assign a set of expectations for men and a separate set for women. Each society has its specific ways in order to discriminate male bodies from female bodies. For example, this gender discrimination might start from the early stages of the child’s development such as choosing pink for girls and blue for boys (Hanna, 1988). Gender is important as it differentiates bodies into men and women and this differentiation could potentially result into the bases of several forms of inequalities such as inequalities in power or in opportunities. The system based on power differentiation of male dominance is often named the patriarchy. It involves a diverse range of institutes: media, culture, family formations, sexual practice and so on. In addition, it is seen as a useful concept to demarcate power relations in society (Marchbank, 2014).

On the other hand, sex refers to the biological distinction of human bodies based on their anatomy, hormones and reproductive functions. For example, men produce more testosterone whereas women produce more estrogen and progesterone. However, there are exceptions to the rule: female athletes may diverge from typical female biological traits for example (Hanna, 1988). In addition to the binary distinction between men and women, intersex forms another sexual category. These intersex individuals display a range of biologically male as well as female characteristics (Longman & Motmans, 2017). Despite medical and anthropological studies proving the existence of these individuals outside the dichotomic sexual distinction of humans, society still asserts a binary sex paradigm that assign children male or female (Greenberg, 2002). This assignment of one’s sex occurs after the birth of a child and in some cases even during the pregnancy. For example, children receive their sex category based on the primary genitalia. If there is no clear distinction, a decision might be made based on the child’s chromosomes (Lorber & Farrell, 1991; Richards et al., 2016).

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Furthermore, in her book Gender Trouble, the feminist and queer theorist Butler (2006) postulates that even biological sex is gendered and is therefore a social construct as well. Gender is a discursive means that produces the idea of a “binary natural sex”, using culturally chosen criteria such as hormones, chromosomes, and human anatomy. Oakley (2015) suggests this as well: male and female are rather the ends of a continuum and this binary idea of the sexes is socially constructed. So, even though many sociological and anthropological scholars have shown that gender and sex varies in time and location, the binary conceptualization of sex and gender still persists in our society (Longman & Motmans, 2017). Returning to gender as a system of power, this system also intersects with other hierarchal power systems such as class and race (Marchbank, 2014). In order to capture the missing experiences of black female subjectivities in anti-discrimination law, Crenshaw (1989, 1991) coined the concept intersectionality. Black women were often unable to prove that they were faced with gender discrimination because in most cases not all women were discriminated, or they were unable to prove they had experienced racial discrimination because not all black persons were being discriminated against. Intersectionality thus captures the experiences of bodies facing multiple forms of discrimination. In addition, through an intersectional lens, oppression should be viewed as a multiple and interwoven system instead of a singular process (Carastathis, 2014). Even though Crenshaw has coined the term, many Black, Chicana or postcolonial female scholars have been pointing out the erased experiences of Black women and women of color within feminism, anti-racism and class politics using their own conceptualizations (Marchbank, 2014).

2.1.2. Queer (Theory)

The meaning of queer has been reconceptualized throughout decennia and has not one singular definition but has many different conceptualizations. It was first used as another word for homosexual, sometimes even used in a more derogatory way (Jagose, 1996). It was only during the 1910s and 1920s that persons with non-normative sexual identities started identifying oneself as queer (Chauncey, 1994). In this context, queer can be seen as a umbrella category for sexuality and gender identities (Somerville, 2007). In other cases, individuals might define themselves as genderqueer when neither a female or male identity suits or when they might want to challenge the binary gender system (Richards et al., 2016). Scholars such as Somerville (2007) define queer as a method to denaturalize and destabilize binary categories such as male/female and heterosexual/homosexual.

Queer theory has mostly emerged in the early 1990s as a study field in order to criticize and

question the exclusionist identity categories, binary oppositions and equations of gender and sex. It also analyses the manner in which sexual identities are interconnected with heterosexuality, gender, race and ethnicity (Duggan, 1992; Hennessy, 1993; Somerville, 2007).

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According to Hennessy (1993), queer theory can be utilized in order to uncover the silences and differences that are suppressed by the homosexual and heterosexual binary. Thus, queer theory studies the incoherencies at the intersection of sex, gender and sexuality and questions conventional notions on sexual and gender categories through the deconstruction of the categories, oppositions and equations that sustain them (Jagose, 1996).

2.1.3. (Gender) Performance and Performativity

The sociologist Goffman (1990) broadly defines performance as any act of a participant within a certain time and space that might influence other participants such as an audience, observer or co-participant. Specifically, within art studies, performance can be defined as the choices that a dancer or actor makes in order to materialize a text such as a choreographic design or a script. Other scholars might define a performance as a unit of cultural production, based on events constricted within a temporal and geographical setting (Manning, 2014).

Dance as a performance - and its intersection with gender and sex - has often taken a minimal

role within academic literature. However, dance plays an important role as humans can find, maintain or erase their own boundaries and identify themselves through the performance of dance. Ideas and constructs about gender and sex can be materialized through the act of dance, as dance can be seen as a reflection of or a challenge to societies’ ideas on gender roles (Hanna, 1988; Thomas, 1993). In other words: dance performances can both reproduce ideas of natural differences in gender as well as become a site of contestation, revision or reconstitution of gender norms (Bailey, 2013; Reed, 1998).

This double moment of representation in which bodies can produce and reproduce cultural discourses of gender, race and sexuality allows for a slippage between the somatic identity and the cultural category the body incorporates (Albright, 1997). Furthermore, dance has the vital potential to influence the ideas and emotions of other people: the viewer might be confronted with other ideas on gender through the performance of the dances: for example, it might confront a predominantly heterosexual audience with ideas on homosexuality (Hanna, 1988; Thomas, 1998).

Gender performance would mean to act out a certain gender role (Big Think, 2011). However,

Butler points out that there is a concise difference between gender performance and gender performativity. Gender performativity does not convey that gender is a role or a deliberate decision - such as wearing clothing - because this might create the illusion of a pre-gendered subject (Butler, 1993). Instead, performativity shows that gender must not be seen as an essence, but rather as a ritualized repetition of acts and speech that precede the subject. In other words: gender has no ontological status except for the acts on which it is based on (Butler, 2006). There is no power in the subject but rather in the reiterated acts of the subject

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(Butler, 1993). These repetitions of acts can further become embodied and naturalized (Butler, 2006).

Furthermore, gender is performative as it an effect of a constrictive and regulatory hierarchical gender system. One is not free to simply fashion a gendered self but follow and reiterate the hegemonic gender norms. These norms constrain the gendered subject but might be the source of resistance and subversion as well due to the failure of bodies to perfectly reiterate gender norms and ideals (Butler, 1993).

2.2. On Ballroom Culture

According to Bailey (2013), an anthropologist who has studied the ballroom scene in Detroit (USA) in the last decade, the social world of voguing and ballroom-culture consists out of three dimensions: the ballrooms where ritualized performances are held, its gender system and the kinship system of houses. Firstly, the balls are the center of the ballroom community. These are events organized by houses – an alternative kinship structure – and where these houses perform in dance and runway competitions in order to acquire cash prizes and status (Bailey, 2013; Telander et al., 2017). The history of both the American as the European ballroom-culture will be briefly discussed. Secondly, the ballroom has its own gender system and will be examined as well. Lastly, this thesis will explain the kinship system of houses within the ballroom.

2.2.1. The American Ballroom Culture

Ballroom culture, the ball community or the house community refers to a subculture within the Black and Latinx LGBTQ community (Bailey, 2011). It offers a safe(r) space for those marginalized due to their skin color, gender identity or sexuality (Bailey, 2013; Kubicek et al., 2013). The community can be quite complex and conflicting: it might offer inclusivity and fluidity, but it also might be exclusionary and hierarchal. For example, cisgender gay men enjoy more privilege within ballroom spaces, reflecting the dominant LGBTQ culture (Bailey, 2013). The historian Lawrence (2011) describes in his work ‘Listen, and you will hear all the houses

that walked there before’: A history of drag balls, houses and the culture of voguing that the

known ballroom-culture of today evolved from the early drag ballroom scene in 19th_century New York City. Masquerade balls or drag balls were held in the 1880s and 1890s throughout large American cities and were one of the most underground and prominent cultural institutions gay men might have organized. During these events, men would present themselves as women by dressing up in feminine clothing and competed with each other. This was done in defiance to the laws prohibiting to cross-dress. In the 1920s, these drag balls evolved into annual events (Chauncey, 1994; Erickson-Schroth, 2014).

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During the same period, Harlem harbored an emerging black LGBTQ culture: the neighborhood experienced a cultural and artistic movement known as the Harlem Renaissance (1920-1935). The movement produced all forms of artistic media centered on black life. Due to this flourishing culture, Harlem might have placed the foundation for a possible non-white ballroom culture in the 1970s (Lawrence, 2011; Wolde-Michael, 2018). This first non-white ballroom event was created by the first house in Harlem - namely the House of LaBeija - founded by Crystal and Lottie LaBeija in 1972. One of the reasons Crystal LaBeija was motivated to create a safe(r) space for black queens was the on-going discrimination towards black queens in drag balls. For example, it was expected of black queens to whiten their faces in order to have a chance at winning a competition (Lawrence, 2011; Simon, 1968).

Quickly, other Houses featuring black LGBTQ members were founded such as the House of Dupree. From that moment on, contestants participated in ballroom competitions in order to win trophies. The ball would often start at 5 am, giving members who had a night job the ability to join the competition (Lawrence, 2011). In Livingstons documentary Paris is Burning, it was heavily implied that some members might have been sex workers and came to the ball after their working hours (Livingston, 1991). The competition was built on different categories in which the members would walk the runway in a costume that corresponded with the theme of the competition. The categories evolved quickly since the 1970s: they would leave the focus on passing as women and would also welcome masculine categories. The performances would then be judged by a selected jury that would cast their verdict: tens across the board or being chopped – disqualified due to a bad performance - and having to leave the runway (Lawrence, 2011). After receiving their tens, the remaining competitors would battle until one person remains and receives a trophy, and in some cases a cash prize (Bailey, 2013).

As the number of houses grew, so did the frequency of balls that were held (Lawrence, 2011). After its success in Harlem, Ballroom culture spread to other major cities in the US and Canada with the demography of each city shaping the ethnic/racial composition of the ballroom members. For example, the New York ballroom scene consists out of a mixed Black and Latinx group, whereas other cities might have predominantly Black members. However, it is not clear what might influence the composition of other scenes in other continents such as Europe or even Asia. Additionally, ballroom culture is spreading to other continents: an evolution that can be attributed as positive and negative. On the one hand, ballroom offers a safe space to many individuals. On the other hand, ballroom culture might become appropriated by some and by doing this, might diminish the legacies and history the Black and Latinx LGBTQ community has brought forth within the ballroom (Bailey, 2013).

Lastly, in 2012 the kiki scene within the ballroom community was created by Aisha Prodigy Iman in order to inform Black youth about HIV/AIDS prevention. Within the Black LGBTQ community, to kiki refers to having a good time or to laugh with one another. It is an

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alternative scene to the main scene as some might characterize the main balls as too competitive, serious and rigid. It is a safe(r) space for younger individuals who want to test out the waters. There is a no risk of being ‘shaded’ - being subtly insulted - or being chopped. However, the Kiki scene might be copying its predecessor through the incorporation of its competitive nature (Bailey, 2013; Telander et al., 2017).

2.2.2. The West-European Ballroom Cultures

As mentioned earlier, ballroom culture has spread to other continents. Not many academic sources describe how the ballroom-culture has emerged within the European continent. Instead, news articles shed some light on how the European ballroom culture and houses have come to be. Due to geographic restriction in the scope of this study, only Belgium and its neighboring countries - which more or less coincides with Western-Europe - will be discussed. Therefore, this thesis will discuss the history of the ballroom culture in the capital cities of France, the Netherlands, the UK, Germany and Belgium.

Firstly, one of the most legendary European ballroom members are the French pioneers Lasseindra Ninja and Nikki Gucci. Due to a lack of ballroom culture in Europe during the 2000s, Ninja had to vogue at hip hop competitions in drag. At these competitions, Ninja dealt with racism, homophobia and transphobia. When meeting each other for the first time, Nikki Gucci suggested to bring voguing back to its source: the ballroom, as this performance did not belong in a mainstream setting. After the founding of the House of Mizrahi and the House of Ninja, others houses - often branches from American houses - followed. Even though the Parisian scene might still be small compared to America, it has produced a wave throughout Europe, making American houses take notice of the new rising capital of the European ballroom culture (Catz, 2019; Gaestel, 2019).

Secondly, one of the first vogue collectives Hause of Chocolate brought voguing to the Netherlands. However, they were not part of the ballroom community (Makaba, personal communication, 19 May 2020; Maybelline, personal communication, 25 May 2020). In 2012, it would be Amber Vineyard - one of Lasseindra Ninja’s students – who would establish the House of Vineyard, one of the first ballroom houses in the Netherlands and only Dutch house not affiliated with an American house. Similarly to Ninja and Gucci, Vineyard wanted to bring back voguing to its source in the Netherlands, as well as to create a safe(r) space for those who need it (van Velzen, 2015). Another important name is the legendary Marina, who is now an ex-member of the House of Ultra-Omni. She visited the United States to learn more about voguing and brought back what she had learned in the Netherlands. In addition, she is the only person in the Netherlands to achieve the status of legendary (Makaba, personal communication, 19 May 2020; Maybelline, personal communication, 25 May 2020).

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Thirdly, the ballroom scene in London is slowly but steadily growing according to Benjamin Milan (Rasmussen, 2018). One of the most famous London legends are Les Child and Roy Brown. Les Child was the one who established UK’s first house in the 80s: the House of Child. In the 2010s, ballroom has experienced a revival in London due to the Parisian influences on the English members (Macpherson, 2016).

Continuing, Berlin has known a recent surge in ballroom events in the past years. Pioneer Leo Melody created the first German house and ballroom event in 2012: the House of Melody. Since 2019 this house joined itself with the House of Saint-Laurent - a house with roots in New York City - under Leo Saint Laurent (Kakaire, 2014; Shepherd, 2018; The Iconic House of Saint Laurent, n.d.). Even though the first house has recently been established, Germany has already known voguing since 2008 through several performances within the German Funkinstylez urban dance competition of Düsseldorf (Kakaire, 2014).

Lastly, there is the small but developing scene in Brussels with Lynn Ninja as one of the first Belgian voguing pioneers. After seeing a performance by Lasseindra Ninja, Lynn Ninja persuaded the house mother to let her join the house. Due to a lack of ballroom culture in Belgium, Lynn Ninja mostly performed in Paris or in neighboring countries (Antonissen, 2015). Now, an organization in Brussels is offering workshops in different voguing styles, Runway and Sex Siren: For All Queens. In addition, For All Queens organizes ball events as well (For All Queens, 2019a, 2019b, 2019c). There are also other organizations setting out to establish a ballroom scene in Belgium such as Vogue Bootcamp Belgium and Ballroom Scene Benelux (Ballroom Scene Benelux, 2020; Vogue Bootcamp Belgium, 2019).

2.2.3. The Gender System

The gender system of the ballroom culture works subversive against the dominant culture through its denial of binary categories such as male/female and gay/straight. This system exists out of a wider and expanded range of gender and sexual identities that are created through gender and sexual performativity. Although it does not necessarily break from the dominant culture, this system might provide alternative subjectivities for those who need it. Similarly to the dominant gender system, sex, gender and sexuality are heavily intertwined (Bailey, 2011, 2013).

On level of sex, Bailey (2011, 2013) and Jackson (2002) describes that members often note that there are three sexes. These three sexes are men, women and intersex persons. On the level of gender, Jackson (2002) separates four genders identities. However, Bailey (2013) discerns two additional identities within the ballroom. These six genders within the ballroom scene are Butch Queen, Femme Queen, Butch Queen Up in Drag, Men, Butches and Women.

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Firstly, Butch Queen is the normative and dominant identity within the ballroom community, much like how gay men dominate the LGBTQ community. They are cisgender gay men and are the most represented category within the North American Ballroom scene. Even though this category consists out of cisgender men, it still consists out of a vast range from hypermasculine to hyperfeminine men (Bailey, 2013; Jackson, 2002). However, butch queens are expected to be able to perform both masculinely and femininely within the ballroom. As such, the male body is freed from its sole connection to masculinity and is free to express itself, however these ideas on what masculinity and femininity entails can still be based on dominant understandings of masculinity and femininity (Bailey, 2013).

Secondly, Femme Queen mostly consists out of male-to-female transgender individuals in various surgical or hormonal stages of their transition (Bailey, 2011; Jackson, 2002). Outside of the ballroom’s gender system, Femme queens tend not to identify themselves as transgender individuals but would rather identify themselves as women. Femme queens are often in a hormonal transition and in their first steps to their gender transition and self-fashioning. In other cases, femme queens might choose the dangerous option of silicone injections. This dangerous nature stems out of the fact that the appliers of these injections often don’t know how to administer them and are thus cheap enough for femme queens to afford. Hair is also an important factor for femme queens: through the usage of wigs or by letting their hair grow longer, femme queens augment their femininity. Even though there is a clear normative idea on who constitutes as Femme Queen and who does not, this identity category offers space for fluidity. For example, Lovely Mohair uses padding instead of surgical or hormonal interventions. She competes as a Femme Queen, but does not identify as a transgender woman or a Butch Queen Up in Drag (Bailey, 2013). In addition, femme queens – through embodying a transwoman subjectivity - question the idea of women within mainstream society. Their identification as women in broader society challenge the common idea of who constitutes as a woman and who doesn’t (Bailey, 2013; Stryker, 2006).

Thirdly, some butch queens are separated in the category of Butch Queen Up in Drag which refers to butch queens performing as women by doing drag. (Bailey, 2011, 2013). The difference between this subjectivity and the gender identity of Femme Queen is that femme queens live as women. In addition, butch queens up in drag do not use hormones or surgery. Instead, they rely on wigs, padding and clothes in order to perform their gender identity within the ballroom (Bailey, 2013).

Fourthly, the category of Men refers to male-bodied persons who identify as straight or bisexual (Bailey, 2011, 2013). Men are often very masculine and - if they participate within the ballroom - compete in realness categories. It is both seen as a gender and sexual category due to the subjectivity being related to straightness. It is often related to the concept of trade within the broader Black LGBTQ community. Trade refers to male-bodied persons who might be paid to have sex with men (as a trick) or who might express interest in homosexual acts but

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does not identify as homosexual, bisexual or pansexual. This conceptualization might bear some resemblance to the term often used in health discourses: men who have sex with men (Bailey, 2013).

Fifthly, Butches refer to female-to-male trans persons in their various surgical or hormonal stages of their transitioning (Bailey, 2011; Jackson, 2002). This category is often a broad subjectivity in order to refer to female-to-male trans individuals, masculine lesbians, drag kings and so on. Even though, there might be a differentiation between transgender and cisgender female-bodied persons, there are not as many identities for women as for men within this gender system. For example, a separate identity for Butches Up in Drag does not often exist, but Butch Queen up in Drag does; or a separate category for lesbians does not exist as Butch Queens for gay men does (Bailey, 2013).

Lastly, Women refer to female-bodied cisgender or female appearing individuals who display a range of hyperfeminine to hypermasculine behaviors (Bailey, 2011, 2013; Jackson, 2002). Contrasting to Men, the category is not defined by sexuality. For example, lesbian women can still be part of this category. As mentioned, there are not as many categories for female-bodied persons as for male-female-bodied persons. In fact, Bailey (2013) only describes two: butches and women. In contrast, subjectivities based on male-bodied individuals are more numerous: Butch Queen, Butch Queen Up in Drag and Men/Trade. This might indicate the power and privilege gay men and masculinity enjoy within the ballroom community, much like within the broader LGBTQ community (Bailey, 2013). Due to the small participation of women within the ballroom, the new category of Female Figure might be used instead. This category focusses on the performance rather than the identity (Ryan, 2016). However, the participation rate of women seems to be increasing within the ballroom scene and might provoke changes within the gender system (Bailey, 2013).

2.2.4. Houses

Some ethnographic studies such as Stack’s (2003) work All our Kin: Strategies for survival in a

black community have documented the social, emotional and instrumental importance of

constructed families in the African American community (Dickson-Gomez et al., 2014). The formation of flexible and extended constructed families might date back to the late 19th century due to the separation of families during slavery or economic instability (Dunaway, 2003; Ruggles, 1994). In order to survive economic instability, poor African Americans show flexibility and resilience through the formation of new families (Davis, 1990; Dickson-Gomez et al., 2014; Stack, 2003; Stack & Burton, 1998).

Within queer kinship studies, the ethnographies by Hawkeswood (1996), Moore (2011) and Weston (1997) have shown that LGBTQ members perform the queer community practice of forging alternative kinship relationship with their friends. Focusing on black gay men,

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Hawkeswood’s work One of the children: gay black men in Harlem describes how new familial ties are being constructed in order to create a substitution to the biological family these men have been excluded from. The kinship system of the ballroom community follows this long history of alternative kinship. Furthermore, Bailey describes how many black LBGT people often have to accept the “familial deal”. This deal requires these individuals to suppress their non-normative gender or sexuality in order to receive the benefits of living with their biological family e.g. shelter and food. Not fulfilling this deal might possibly result in living in intolerance, eviction and a deteriorating relationship with their bio-family (Bailey, 2013). This acceptance of their own non-normative sexual and gender identity within the ballroom community are some of the reasons why these persons join the community (Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017).

Specifically within the ballroom culture is the formation of houses, where members construct homes and families for themselves (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). Houses refer to an alternative kinship system that reformulates home and family (Bailey, 2013). The term “house” refers to the prestigious fashion houses the members often adore (Lawrence, 2011). Other house names might refer to certain characteristics the founders want to instill within their members (Bailey, 2013). For example, Willi Ninja wanted a house with members that resembles ninjas: being able to hit hard, being fast and being similar to invisible assassins (Livingston, 1991). Once a person is successful in becoming a member of a house, the new member must be a continuing success within the ballroom community. Even though members might be contributing to the house in other ways, performing within the ball is a key requirement. Houses only receive legitimacy once they participate in a ballroom event and the success of each of its members boosts the prestige of the house. Lastly, those who are not part of a house may still perform within the ballroom community under the name 007 (Bailey, 2013).

Furthermore, these houses are led by a house mother or a house father, which Bailey (2013) refers to as “platonic parents”. Even though a mother or father seems more similar to the dominant family roles, their parenting roles are comparably larger: to be a parent, one must attain a certain sense of accomplishment within the ballroom community, decide who may or may not join the house, might even become the father or mother of a house on a national level and lastly perform the act of mothering or fathering. Age is not a condition to become a mother or father. Instead, one’s length of membership within the ballroom community is the main criterion (Bailey, 2013).

The parental labor is gendered within the ballroom community: on the one hand, mothering refers to the feminine labor performed often by butch queens and femme queens (Bailey, 2013). House mothers perform what Glenn (1994) conceptualized as the social construct of mothering: they perform the most labor of care in a house ranging from providing shelter and food to offering an understanding presence (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). On the other hand, fathering refers to the masculine labor of parenting and contains less and different

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responsibilities than mothering (Bailey, 2013). Fathers act more as mentors and are performing acts that are related to upholding the reputation and representation of the house (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). Interestingly, this gendered labor might seem as a reflection of the hegemonic roles, where masculinity might be privileged over femininity. However, the roles may be performed by different bodies (Bailey, 2013).

2.3 On Voguing and the Performances

Central to the ballroom culture are the ritualized performances that are intrinsically linked to its gender system (Bailey, 2013). In this chapter, the various styles of voguing – Old Way, New Way and Vogue Femme – as well as Runway and Sex Siren will be discussed.

2.3.1. The Origin(s) of Voguing

The historian Lawrence (2011) links the origin of voguing to the ballroom member Paris Dupree. According to him, Dupree transformed the concept of ‘throwing shade’ in a dance performance. Simply put, shade refers to backhanded replies in order to put others down. However, Galindo refers to a much more complex usage of shade: “the deliberate oppression of other individuals to maintain power relations among those with status” (Galindo, 2013, p. 293). Inspired by the poses in a Vogue magazine, Dupree danced and posed on the beat of the music playing at that time. This provocation towards other ballroom members was copied and returned, initiating the first competition. In other words: the ritualized performance of voguing replaced the verbal act of insulting another person. Alternative sources suggest that voguing emerged from the performances displayed by the black gay inmates of Rikers Island in an effort to seduce and attract other inmates. Kevin Ultra Omni believes that voguing might have existed in different forms and performed by different people prior to emerging in the ballroom scene (Lawrence, 2011).

2.3.2. The Performances

Voguing consists out of three styles within the ballroom community: Old Way, New Way and Vogue Femme. The styles have five elements that must be applied: duckwalk, catwalk, spins and dips and hand performances and floorwork. Duckwalk and catwalk refers to a forwarding small-step movement with the body respectively in a low-level or mid-level squat. Spinning and dipping are recurring highlights of the performance where one spins within one’s own axis and falls graciously on the ground. The performers work up towards a spin and dip by using the coordination of the music as well as the voice of the commentator (Bailey, 2013).

Old Way refers to the voguing style that emphasizes hard angles, straight lines and emerged in the 1960s-80s (Wolde-Michael, 2018). However, before it was called the Old Way, this style had different names: ‘pop, dip and spin’ or ‘performance’. According to icon Jamal Milan Old

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Way consists out of the following elements: pop, dip, spin, posing, locking, strength, style and grace (Milan, 2012). It also incorporates many African diasporic dances and movements such as break dancing (Bailey, 2013).

In the 80s and 90s a new style evolved which would divide the earlier style as the ‘Old Way’ and the new style as the ‘New Way’ (Antonissen, 2015; Milan, 2012). The new style is known for its rigid movements and contortions and has been shaped by house music and by African diasporic movements and dances (Bailey, 2013; Wolde-Michael, 2018). The last style, Vogue Femme, is similar to the New Way but it has creative and feminine variation on the five elements and has a larger focus on speed, flow and the usage of stunts. It emerged in the 90s due to a growing interest of (transgender) women in voguing (Antonissen, 2015; Bailey, 2013; Wolde-Michael, 2018).

Most judges use three criteria when judging the dance performances: firstly, the five aforementioned elements must be shown. Secondly, these elements must be performed on the beat of the music and lastly, performers must show a sign of uniqueness through the incorporation of exceptional skills that reflect their own personality (Bailey, 2013). Furthermore, members can gain different titles in the ballroom events starting from Up and Coming to Statement, then Star, then Legend and finally Icon. Ascending these titles depends on one’s number of winning performances in the balls, one’s notoriety in the ballroom community and one’s impact on the ballroom community (Galindo, 2013).

Lastly, there are other performances that do not necessarily include dance moves, namely Runway and Sex Siren. Runway is a category where one performs as a model and showcase their garments. There are two different styles within this performance: American and European Runway. The difference between the styles is in the gender expression of the models: American Runway features a more masculine walk while European Runway can appear more feminine (Mohenu, 2018). It is not mentioned or clear from where this demarcation between European and All-American Runway comes from. Sex Siren is the category of seduction in the ballroom events: the performers showcase their self-assurance and their own idea of sexiness and sensuality (Wissing, 2019).

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3. METHODOLOGY

3.1. Opting for a Qualitative Method

The initial desired method for this research was a combination of participant observation in the workshops of For All Queens and in-depth interviews with several dancers participating in the workshops. As mentioned, For All Queens is one of the few organizations in Belgium that periodically organized workshops in various categories. However, For All Queens explained that the organization is at the genesis of creating a safe space for their participants (For All Queens, personal communication, October 29, 2019). In order to respect the wishes of the organization, another method has been devised that takes the lack of access to the workshops and the safe space of the performers into consideration. In hindsight, the initial method would have also needed adjustments due to the COVID-19 measures. So even if this method would have gained the support of the organization, many planned ball-events and workshops in Europe were cancelled due to the quarantine restrictions and I wouldn’t have been able to attend either way.

The newly devised method is a combination of an analysis of visual information and in-depth interviews with participants. On the one hand, (virtual) written or audiovisual documents can be equally important within ethnographic research (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). These documents can provide more information about organizations, key figures and the setting. Many Parisian events are often filmed by Kendrick Mugler or Paris Ballroom TV and are published on YouTube. These videos seem influential as some participants have mentioned that the videos were their first contact with the ballroom community in Europe. Five recent Parisian balls have been selected: The Cleopatra Ball part 2, the United States of Africa Ball part 3, the Olympics Ball, the Revolution of Colors Ball and the Unification Ball. During the viewing of the videos, notes were made on the outfits, the movements and performers of each category.

On the other hand, I had contacted many performers in West-Europe for interviews. Initially I would only meet with Belgian performers in a face-to-face interview. Due to a lack of resources and time and the geographical dispersal of possible informants, it was better to conduct non-Belgian interviews through videoconferencing technologies (Deakin & Wakefield, 2014; Sedgwick & Spiers, 2009). However, all interviews had to be conducted through videoconferencing technologies such as Instagram, Messenger or Zoom due to the COVID-19 restrictions. The danger of using such a method of interviewing is that the quality of the interview is heavily influenced by the internet connection (Sedgwick & Spiers, 2009). For example, some of my interviews had been disconnected due to a low bandwidth connection or the quality of the interviews was less due to a bad 4G or Wi-Fi connection of the participant’s smartphone.

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3.2. Data Collection and Analysis

At first, I used my own network to find possible interviewees. Through a friend I was able to contact my first performer: Syx 007. Thanks to that person I was able to receive a list of other ballroom members that I could interview. I was able to schedule four other interviews, including the mother of the House of Revlon – Benelux chapter: Savphire Revlon. Thanks to Savphire, I was able to interview two other members of the House of Revlon.

After the list was exhausted due to non-responsiveness, I decided to directly contact members through their Instagram accounts. The medium of Instagram was chosen because I could easily determine if the profile was actively online. I was also able to view their posts in order to see how active they are in the ballroom community. As ballroom members tend to follow other members and this list is displayed on their profile, I was able to compile a list of potential interviewees and contact them. An invitation with information on the goal of this thesis was sent through the private message function that the app provides.

Through this method, I was able to contact four more potential interviewees. Overall, the participation rate is rather low as many performers had read my message but did not respond. Two performers expressed their interest in aiding me, but they have not contacted me back since the initial conversation. In total, I sent out messages to more than 30 performers and I only received 13 positive messages back. One of the reasons might have been my position as an outsider. As one of my participants have noted: people need to see you five or six times at a ball before accepting and trusting you. So, using a reference from ballroom members such as Syx or Savphire has aided me enormously in finding my interviewees. In other words, gaining the trusts of a gatekeepers in the ballroom community - such as house mothers, house fathers or more prominent members - aids in the search for other informants (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). Lastly, I had reached my last respondent through his official mail, displayed on his website.

Thirteen performers from various ballroom scenes across Western Europe participated in this research. Their ages ranged from 20 to 36. Table 1 shows that most of my participants were butch queens. In addition, I was able to interview two black women as well. However, I have not been able to interview femme queen, white straight cis women and even straight men in the scene. Two of my participants were 007, the others were affiliated to a kiki house and/or a main house. Main houses - in which my participants were house mothers, house fathers or members of - were the Iconic House of Revlon, the Iconic House of St. Laurent, the House of Laconya, the Iconic House of Ninja and the House of Comme des Garçons. Some participants were members of a Kiki House such as the Kiki House of Angels, the Kiki House of Tea, the Kiki House of Versace and the Kiki House of Juicy Couture. Many of my participants were part of

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the African diaspora, others were part of the Asian and South American diaspora in Europe and one person was white.

Participants Performances Ethnicity Gender Role Years active

Syx

New Way, Vogue Femme and European Runway

Belgian, Chinese,

and Filipino Butch Queen 4 years

A. Body and Sex Siren Angolan Woman 6 years

Savphire Vogue Femme Surinamese Butch Queen 6 years Nunoy Body and Sex Siren Filipino Butch Queen 4 years Mamore Vogue Femme Indigenous

Amazonian Butch Queen 1 year Noah

European Runway, Old Way, Vogue Femme and Sex Siren

Belgian and

Indian Butch Queen 6 years

JJ

All-American Runway, Old Way and Realness with a Twist

Filipino Butch Queen 7 years Brenda Vogue Femme Ivorian Butch Queen 1 year Makaba European Runway

and Vogue Femme Surinamese Butch Queen 6 years Raeesha Vogue Femme Martiniquais and

Guadeloupean Butch Queen 6 years

Maybelline European Runway, Face, Vogue Femme, Commentator vs Commentator, Bizarre

Dutch Butch Queen 4 years

Leo European Runway

and Vogue Femme

British, Italian

and Barbadian Woman 8 years Jay Jay

Old Way, Vogue Femme and Best Dressed

Jamaican Butch Queen 5 years

Table 1: Information Participants

A semi-structured interview was chosen for this thesis. The topics were based on the three dimensions of ballroom: the ballroom culture, the houses and the gender-performance system (Bailey, 2013). Question were already formulated - based on the literature review - to provide a sense of structure, but it also allowed for some space to discuss other elements related to the topic (Roose & Meuleman, 2014). After incorporating feedback from the thesis supervisor, the first draft was ready to be used. Throughout the interviews, the draft would

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continuously be adjusted by adding more relevant questions and removing the questions that did not elicit much response (for the final version, see appendix A).

The interviews were done online between the end of March and July 2020. Most interviews happened in English except for the interviews with Syx, A., Savphire and Maybelline, which were conducted in Dutch. Before beginning the interview, the research project and the participant confidentiality would be explained. Together with the participant the informed consent would be read, which afterwards the participant would give the verbal notice in having understood their participation in this research. Afterwards the participants would send me a message that stated that they were notified of their informed consent. The length of the interviews was often between an hour to two hours.

Before every interview, I would ask if being recorded would be a problem. None of my participants have protested in being recorded by me. During the Zoom meeting or Messenger calls, I have used my own personal cellphone in order to record the interview. Calls made through Instagram, which is through the app on a smartphone, were recorded by placing the smartphone on loudspeaker and recording it through my laptop. This latter method of recording has led to a significantly worse quality of recording and led to the loss of some sentences or even answers. During the interview with Makaba, the Wi-Fi connection was not working, forcing us to reschedule the appointment.

After every interview, the recording was transcribed verbatim. One participant asked to review the transcript and wished that the name would be more anonymous. Other participants did not mind that their ballroom name would be used as it is not their real name, but rather their stage name, which is often already a pseudonym. While transcribing, I have noticed that two of my interviews had certain sections that could not be replayed, namely the interview of Makaba and Maybelline. I was therefore forced to use the notes that I made during the interview as a substitute as I did not have a back-up due to using my smartphone to make the call and my laptop as the recorder.

The interviews have been transcribed verbatim through an online program named Otranscribe. Afterwards I worked with NVivo in order to start coding each transcript as well as my notes on the visual sources that showcased ballroom performances. At first, each fragment of the interviews and notes that was relevant to the research questions has been openly coded. Afterwards, through the process of axial coding, I have placed related labels under one overarching label (for the used code scheme, see appendix B). By bringing these overarching labels under certain topics, the results became more structured (Baarda et al., 2013; Roose & Meuleman, 2014).

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4. RESULTS

4.1. The Ballroom Cultures of Europe

This section contains the experiences and opinions of the interviewed performers on the various ballroom cultures in West- Europe. Many similarities and differences came up during the conversations. As such, the European scenes and their differences will be discussed. Lastly, appropriation and the scene becoming more mainstream were also important issues. This will be discussed in the last part of this chapter.

4.1.1. On the European Scenes

The European scenes have many things in common as it is based on the original source: the American scenes. On the one hand, the participants explain that the European ballroom scenes tend to remain as true as possible to the original American ballroom scenes. All participants acknowledge that the ballroom scene should always be a safe space for gay and trans black people and people of color and where respect and support for each other are important values. As long as people know and acknowledge this, they are more than welcome to participate in the scene. This safe space could be an answer for queer black people and people of color that could not find their own space within the predominantly white LGBT scenes in West-Europe.

We really want to make it into a safe space because it is a world where we can be ourselves and where we can escape reality. – A.

You can just find yourself in the ballroom scene. You find yourself. For example, you can click with many people who share the same struggles. That is something that you don’t really have in the drag community or the white gay community. I have noticed that that community can be fake. Because before I was in the ballroom scene, I was mostly in the white gay scene. There I would go out and this and that. But the ball scene was really a feeling of coming home. - Savphire

Even though the ballroom scene is a safe space for everyone who can identify with the stories of its members. It is not exempt from racism, homophobia, transphobia and other forms of oppression. It does happen - albeit very minimally - but often under noses of other members as some participants have never experienced any form of discrimination.

So, I think, just because you are in ballroom, we still have to examine ourselves because we still grew up in the same system as everybody else. So, we have to examine ourselves. When are we racist, even as a black person? When are we homophobic?

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When are we transphobic? Even if we are around this people, we are not exempted from having these blind spots or just being ignorant. - Leo

However, the members might use forms of social control in order to maintain the safe space they have created. For example, if one member would display verbal acts of discrimination, that person would be called out and educated on the matter at hand.

They are being called out, that is one thing. The example that I gave, it actually happened with two icons, which was actually strange. With both of them, their houses just left. Like the European chapter would just leave, like they couldn't support this house. "We are going to leave this house. You do whatever you need to do. But I cannot stand for this." So, definitely there is a support and a call-out when things happen or do not work well. But at the same time, there are different opinions on the matter. -

Leo

Some link the discriminatory behavior to being ignorant and new to the scene. Many participants say that they understand that some of the new members might not be able to fully accept what is happening in the scene or see it as a reaction to their own forms of oppression. Therefore, experienced ballroom members are prepared to educate those who are new. Mamore mentions that he is new to the scene but has received many chances to learn about the scene and its members:

Yeah, we have chances to learn because everything is new. When you start in the ballroom community, everything is completely new, the way that you express yourself, your words, how you define other people, how they tell you to call them. So yeah, you make a lot of mistakes actually. I am still doing them. – Mamore

Racism and sexism ... hmm ... well, this happens by people that are not educated enough or people that had a lot of emotional struggle or people that would be HIV positive and they are going through so much shit that they don't know what they are saying but remorse and guilt always comes after. And then we are still there to support them. – Noah

On the other hand, the Afro-American history and origin still remain important for all the participants. Members of the ballroom scene should have a decent knowledge of where the scene came from and who has created voguing. A. further explains that is enough for new members to know that it stems from oppression. Leo also explains that if you don’t understand the history, you will also not understand the movements of the performances. Those who give workshops - such as Leo, JJ and Jay Jay - also teach the history in their classes and give their students homework to do:

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Yeah, sometimes I talk more than I teach them because I want them to understand what it is all about. - JJ

4.1.2. On Regional Differences

Due to the European scene being still small, many performers have to travel to different European countries in order to attend balls or workshops. Even though Jay Jay explains that in essence all the ballroom scenes can be seen as one community, many participants have mentioned the differences between the scenes of each country: each country, even each city, has their own vibe and mentality. Jay Jay thinks that these differences stem from the needs of the members of the country in question. As Paris stands out in comparison to other West-European countries, it will be discussed individually. The scenes in the UK, Germany and the Netherlands follows. Lastly, the Belgian scene will also be discussed as it is still very small compared to the scenes in neighboring countries.

4.1.2.1. On the Parisian Scene

The scene in Paris has been described as competitive, big and most true to the original source. On the one hand, performers consider the Parisian scene as the most competitive and biggest scene in Europe. Brenda has mentioned that many performers come from all over Europe to Paris as they are the only scene to periodically organize ball-events. In addition, most performers that don’t live in France eventually want to compete within a Parisian ball to prove themselves and to find more opportunities as a ballroom member. Savphire explains that performers go to Paris in order to become seen in the ballroom community:

Paris is the New York of Europe […] Everyone sees Paris as the place to be because of its ballroom scene and balls. Because the balls are very long and of good quality. The pressure is higher there. If you want to make a name for yourself in the ballroom scene and you want people to see you, you have to walk in Paris. And if can survive there, you can handle the rest. - Savphire

However not everyone is ready to participate in the Parisian scene due to its high level of competition, Syx attests: “Paris is the capital of voguing, so yeah, that is why I don’t dare to

do all of that.” A. agrees as she does not suggest to people who are new to voguing to compete

in the Parisian scene, except for the categories for beginners.

Furthermore, A. mentions that there are ballroom members in Paris that live for their scene and are also much more competitive than other ballroom members. She noticed that these individuals, that breath for voguing, are very similar to the ballroom members in the documentary of Paris is Burning. Brenda even shares that he only thinks about his ballroom life now and that his ballroom life and personal life has become intertwined. However,

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ballroom would have to come last - if he had to prioritize - as he cannot earn a living on winning only trophies.

We had some of them in my ex-house. People who would literally live, eat, sleep in order to vogue. They don’t have food, they don’t have a place to sleep, nothing. They live in function of vogue. Voguing is everything for them. – A.

Well, at some point it [the ballroom life and personal life] will start to mix with each other. Because it is ballroom every day, you know. Once you enter, you think about it every day, because you have to stay consistent with your performance, you have to keep training and sometimes you can try to adapt your personal life with the ballroom scene. - Brenda

In addition, participating in the scene can be very expensive and comes with a lot of costs depending on the category. Performers are expected to book their own hotels and pay their own travel expenses, entrances and costumes. According to A. and Nunoy, there are ballroom members that resort to sex work in order to continue to compete in the Parisian scene:

They have to work in the porn scene, have to get sugar daddies and all that stuff. I don't know how to say it in nice words. And like that they can pay for their outfits and everything. I know a lot of people who have that and some kids they start at the age of sixteen already with this. Because they do it in secret or they live in a foster home or anything. - Nunoy

On the other hand, many participants consider Paris as the truest to the original scenes in America because of its predominantly queer and black members. According to Brenda many of these members are Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latino or African. For example, Brenda is a member of the Ivorian diaspora - which was under French colonial rule - while Raeesha’s parents are from Guadeloupe and Martinique, both French overseas departments.

4.1.2.2. On the Other West-European Scenes

Younger scenes - such as the ones in the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Belgium - are considered more fun and less shady than the scene in Paris. The Dutch and German scenes also consist more out of white people and cisgender straight women.

Firstly, Leo mentions that the UK - for having such a long history with colonialism - still has quite a small scene. However, it does attract many international people: “[…] the UK also has

a colonial history, but the fact that they have such a big colonial history, it is very small, I would say, compared to Paris.” Maybelline adds that, together with Paris, the scene in the UK is much

more traditional than other scenes. Jay Jay further explains that the English ballroom scene is very diverse in terms of culture, gender identities and backgrounds.

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Secondly, the scenes in Germany are still growing. JJ mentions that it is quite refreshing to see that there is much more gender diversity coming to the scenes in Germany. Leo also adds that they are actively trying to attract more black people and people of color to their scenes. For example, one of her kids has a project that promotes voguing and the ballroom scene to queer refugees.

Definitely the rate of POC people in Germany went up, but in the beginning it was hard to engage POC people in ballroom, or kind of a lot of POC people said that there is not enough POC people in ballroom, but still they wouldn't join ballroom to make more POC people in the ballroom. – Leo

Thirdly, the scenes in the Netherlands is also still developing towards a scene with much more ethnic-cultural and gender diversity, with most black members having Afro-Caribbean roots. However, Makaba mentions that the scene could still need some more black people and people of color. Maybelline also shares that he feels that the scene in the Netherlands is more innovative than other scenes.

We are very mixed scene out here in the Netherlands. And it's good. I like that because then there is more variety though. Otherwise, there is also this thing ... personally I would like to see more people of color coming up and being in the scene. That is my own personal thing, but I see there is more and more coming. - Makaba

Lastly, the Belgian scene seems still very small compared to its neighboring countries. Mamore mentions that the small scenes in Brussels, Ghent and Antwerp do not really work well with each other, a sentiment that is shared by A. There are members of houses in Belgium, but they have never started a Belgian chapter of a house. However, Savphire has mentioned that he wants to make the scene in Belgium bigger.

4.1.3. On the American Ballroom Scene

As the scene is based on the American source, there are many similarities, such as the house system, the performance categories and gender roles. In addition, the European scenes and the American scenes still check up on each other. Raeesha views the different chapters of his house as one big international family. A. mentions that Europe has its own rules, but the rules of the American scene must still be respected. For example, Savphire explains that you need their approval first before starting a house chapter in Europe. American ballroom members are also invited to European ball events and to teach the categories to European members. However, participants also seem to notice differences between the European scenes and the American scenes. Firstly, the socio-political context of the United States is different than