GUILTY BY ASSOCIATION
Nicole Mulder (S1008096) 1-7-2018
Supervisor: Dr. Bert Bomert M.A. Human Geography Conflict, Territories and Identities
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P
REFACE
The fact that our world is full of inequalities on so many different levels, has always attracted my
attention. The imbalanced relations between human and animal, man and woman and people of different skin colour. Inequality is not inherently a bad thing, like the unequal care relationship between mother and daughter. However, if it is the case that inequality dangers the quality of people’s life, serious
attempts should be made to fight this problem. Combatting one issue at a time, lies before you my master thesis that should provide more insight into the impact of the unequal treatment of young men with a non-Western migration background by the most visible embodiment of the state: the police.
I could not have finished this thesis in this way, if I was not supervised by a number of great people. First, I want to thank my thesis supervisor dr. Bert Bomert for his constructive feedback, critical view, high approachability and fast reactions. Second, I want to express gratitude to my internship organization ‘Controle Alt Delete’, thanks to Jair Schalwijk for your guidance throughout the process, your insights, your knowledge, your kindness and the constructive conversations about my thesis. I also want to thank Dionne Abdoelhafiezkhan from ‘IZI Solutions’ and the other interns at the organization for offering me a peaceful and fun place to work on my thesis. Moreover, thanks to all the respondents who participated in this study and have spoken so openly about this quite sensitive topic. This research would never have been possible without your contribution. In addition, I want to thank my mother and father who’s love and support has guided me through the entire process. Thank you mother, for your scientific expertise and insights, which inspires and encourages me. And thank you father, for your general feedback. Thanks to the overall support of my friends, without our coffee breaks the long days at the library would not have been this bearable.
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A
BSTRACT
Several European and Dutch studies indicate the occurrence of ethnic profiling police work. In addition, the relationship between the police and young people with a non-Western migration background in multicultural neighbourhoods is often described as antagonistic and tense. This research has sketched the current relationship between young people with a non-Western migration background and the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West and the influence thereof on the self-image of these young people.
The research for this thesis has benefited from the collaboration of the internship organization ‘Controle Alt Delete’ with the Amsterdam University of Applied Sciences. They sent approximately 75 students to Amsterdam Nieuw-West to carry out quantitative interviews that questioned the current perception of the police among young people aged between 15 and 35. This made possible that data gathered from 1216 interviews could be analysed to describe the current contact situation. In order to examine the influence of this contact situation on the self-image of young men with a migration background semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted. These were all recorded, transcribed and coded.
This thesis shows that young men with a non-Western migration background more often come into contact with the police than young men without a non-Western migration background. In addition, the contact situations the young men with a non-Western migration background experienced were more often initiated by the police than by the citizen. The young men with a non-Western migration
background experience the contact situation rather negatively than positively, in contrast to young men without a non-Western migration background and the national average (CBS, 2018). Also the young men with a non-Western migration background have a more negative perception of the police, also in
comparison with young men without a non-Western migration background and the national average (CBS, 2018). The expectation that ethnic profiling consists in police work is high. Plus, in all cases a contact situation in the last 12 months worsens the perception of the police, even if this contact situation was valued positively.
Moreover, the impact of above described contact situation has been tested. The theory
suggested that the young men would dis-identify with the dominant society because of the rejection they felt due to the discriminatory treatment of the police (Jasinskaja-Lahti, Liebkind & Solheim, 2009). Nevertheless, this thesis shows that young people with a non-Western migration background, despite the fact that they indicate to feel less Dutch after a negative contact situation, mainly identify with the city of Amsterdam and the Dutch society. The country of origin comes in second place. This is in contrast with findings from other research (SCP, 2017). Other social institutions that do treat the young men equal and
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fair seem to reinforce the identification with the Dutch society. In addition, literature did expect that the self-image would be influenced due to negative experiences with the police. This theory is confirmed in the current study. The young men feel as if they embody a lower status in the Dutch society. Further, confirming the literature (Žižek, 2005), the young men feel as if they are deemed guilty in the eyes of the police. Here, the notion of ‘interpellation’, as introduced by Althusser (1971), can be applied. When the young men notice a police officer on the street, they are reminded of the perception they believe the police has of them, in the process in which they feel the eyes of this figure higher in power on them, they gain the feeling that they are guilty of a crime they did not commit and form themselves mentally and physically to the gaze imposed on them.
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ABLE OF CONTENT
Preface ... i
Abstract ... ii
Table of content ...iv
List of figures ... vii
Chapter 1: Introduction ... - 1 - 1.1 Introduction ... - 1 - 1.2 Research question ... - 3 - 1.2.1 Research questions ... - 4 - 1.3 Scientific relevance ... - 4 - 1.4 Societal relevance ... - 5 - 1.5 Reading guide ... - 8 -
Chapter 2: Literature overview ... - 9 -
2.1 Introduction ... - 9 -
2.2 The definition of ethnic profiling ... - 9 -
2.2.1 Introduction to the definition ... - 9 -
2.2.2 Ethnic profiling in the current literature ... - 9 -
2.2.3 Ethnic profiling in the context of this thesis ... - 11 -
2.3 The practice of ethnic profiling ... - 12 -
2.3.1 The basis: Profiling and ethnic profiles ... - 12 -
2.3.2 Discretionary space and symbolic power ... - 14 -
2.3.3 The practice of finding a suspect ... - 15 -
2.4 The impact of ethnic profiling on the subject ... - 17 -
2.4.1 Introduction ... - 17 -
2.4.2 The citizens’ perceptions ... - 17 -
2.4.3 Dis-identification from society ... - 18 -
2.4.4 A distorted self-image ... - 19 -
2.5 Interpellation ... - 20 -
2.5.1 An introduction to the process of ‘interpellation’ ... - 20 -
2.5.2 Karl Marx and Louis Althusser ... - 21 -
2.5.3 Foucault and the analysis of power ... - 22 -
2.5.4 Fassin and Žižek and the dimension of guilt ... - 23 -
Chapter 3: Methods ... - 25 -
3.1 Introduction: Research design ... - 25 -
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3.3 Quantitative research ... - 27 -
3.3.1 A quantitative method ... - 27 -
3.3.2 The downsides of quantitative research ... - 27 -
3.3.3 The use of quantitative research in this thesis ... - 27 -
3.3.3.1 Interview questions and respondents ... - 28 -
3.3.3.2 The research design concerning the first two subquestions ... 29
-3.3.3.3 Data analysis ... - 30 -
3.4 Qualitative Research ... - 30 -
3.4.1 Qualitative research method ... - 31 -
3.4.2 The downsides of qualitative research ... - 31 -
3.4.3 The use of qualitative research in this thesis ... - 32 -
3.4.3.1 Interview questions and respondents ... - 32 -
3.4.3.2 The research design concerning the last three subquestions ... 33
-3.4.3.3 Data analysis ... - 34 -
3.5 Reliability and validity ... - 34 -
3.5.1 Reliability ... - 34 - 3.5.2 Validity ... - 35 - 3.5.2.1 Measurement validity ... - 35 - 3.5.2.2 Internal validity ... - 36 - 3.5.2.3 External validity ... 36 -3.6 Conclusion ... - 36 -
Chapter 4: The current contact situation ... - 38 -
4.1 Introduction ... - 38 -
4.2 The experience of contact... - 39 -
4.2.1 Introduction to the experience of contact ... - 39 -
4.2.2 Indicator (a): The occurrence of contact ... - 40 -
4.2.3 Indicator (b): the way the police listened ... - 41 -
4.2.4 Indicator (c): Fairness of treatment ... - 41 -
4.2.5 Indicator (d): Politeness of treatment ... - 41 -
4.2.6 Summary ... - 41 -
4.3 The image of the police ... - 43 -
4.3.1 Introduction ... - 43 -
4.3.2 Indicator (A): Trustworthiness ... - 43 -
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4.3.4 Indicator (c): The helpfulness of the police for young people in the neighbourhood ... - 45 -
4.3.5 Indicator (d): likeliness of turning to the police when in trouble ... - 47 -
4.3.6 Summary ... - 47 -
4.4 Different experiences and perceptions ... - 49 -
4.4.1 Ethnic profiling? ... - 49 -
4.4.2 The amount and occurrence of contact: a comparison ... - 49 -
4.4.3 The kind of treatment: a comparison ... - 51 -
4.4.4 Different perceptions of the police ... - 52 -
4.4.5 Expectations of ethnic profiling taking place in police work ... - 55 -
4.4.6 Summary ... - 55 -
4.5 Conclusion ... - 56 -
4.5.1 The current relationship: antagonistic and tense ... - 57 -
4.5.2 The question of use of ethnic profiling ... - 58 -
Chapter 5: The impact of ethnic profiling ... - 60 -
5.1 Introduction ... - 60 -
5.2 The Influence on the daily lives of young men ... - 60 -
5.2.1 Experiences ... - 60 -
5.2.2 On a daily basis ... - 63 -
5.3 Dis-identification with society and an inferior self-image ... - 64 -
5.4 Interpellation ... - 67 -
5.4.1 Guilt and changes of behaviour in order to not be seen as guilty ... - 67 -
5.5 Conclusion ... - 69 -
Chapter 6: Conclusion & Reflection ... - 71 -
6.1 Introduction ... - 71 -
6.2 Conclusion ... - 71 -
6.2.1 The current contact situation ... - 71 -
6.2.2 The impact of the current police-youth relationship ... - 72 -
6.3 Discussion ... - 74 -
6.4 Recommendations for practice & follow-up research ... - 76 -
6.5 Reflection on the working process ... - 77 -
Bibliograhpy ... - 78 -
Appendix ... - 87 -
Interview guide 1: The questionnaires ... - 87 -
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IST OF FIGURES
Chart 1 ...40 Diagram 1 ...40 Diagram 2 ...41 Diagram 3 ...41 Diagram 4 ...41 Figure 1 ...48 Figure 2 ...50 Figure 3 ...50 Figure 4 ...50 Figure 5 ...52 Figure 6 ...52 Figure 7 ...52 Figure 8 ...54 Figure 9 ...54 Table 1 ...42 Table 2 ...49 Table 3 ...56- 1 -
C
HAPTER
1:
I
NTRODUCTION
1.1
I
NTRODUCTION
“I was on my way visiting someone who was sick, and I was with a friend who has an obvious Moroccan appearance when the police stopped us. It made me think like, what do they think that I could have done? That I committed a burglary? No, I am wearing normal clothes. That I am dealing drugs? Yes, who knows. Maybe they stopped me just because I am Moroccan.” (Respondent #6)
The quote above is from one of the young people1 I interviewed during fieldwork and expresses a feeling that is widely shared among ethnic minorities in the Netherlands (Amnesty International, 2013): the perception of being stopped by the police based on one’s appearance rather than one’s deeds. Being stopped by the police for no reason apart from having a Moroccan appearance is described in scientific and social debate as ethnic profiling (Van der Leun & Van der Woude, 2014).
On February 7, 2018, Dutch author Arnon Grunberg had a conversation about ethnic profiling with Peter Slort, head of the diversity programme within the Amsterdam Police Department. Slort expressed that he is against all practices related to ethnic profiling. However, he also stated that it is understandable that if police officers on two occasions stop Polish people and in both instances intoxicated Polish people are involved, police officers will tend to think that Polish people are often intoxicated (De Volkskrant, 2018). This statement in itself is problematic, and the fact that it was made by a man whose prime concern is dealing with diversity in the police department is even more troubling. Ethnic profiling is unacceptable—not because those guilty of intoxication are arrested more quickly based on the idea of a fixed appearance, but rather because innocent people are stopped and/or arrested as a consequence of stereotypes tied to their appearance instead of on the basis of their behaviour. When people with a particular appearance are arrested twice as often as people who do not have a ‘suspicious appearance’, the number of innocent people arrested without a proper reason is also doubled. It might sound logical or reasonable for these innocent people to be stopped at twice the normal rate to create a
1 In this thesis, I use the terms ‘young people’ and ‘youths’ to refer to individuals with a non-Western migration background in Amsterdam Nieuw-West between the ages of 15 and 35.
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safer environment, but the impact of these practices on the people who are stopped by the police is often unknown or neglected. I will explain the problem with a simple example.
I am a fan of running, and I prefer to carry with me as little as possible when I run along the canals of Utrecht. I often only take my keys or maybe my mobile phone, but I have never considered taking my identification (ID) card. Although I know it is obligatory to always carry one’s ID card on one’s person in the Netherlands, I neglect this rule when I am running because I have never been stopped for an ID check in any situation. However, one of the participants in this study told me that the police stopped him while he was jogging; as he described it, he was stopped because he was doing ‘something suspicious’ in a ‘suspicious environment’. Fortunately, he brought his ID card with him while jogging; otherwise, he would have been in significant trouble with the police. The fact that this man thought about bringing his ID card along while jogging because he knew he could be stopped for no apparent reason by the police is one example of how ethnic profiling influences the daily life of young people in the Netherlands with a migration background. Furthermore, the idea that I never have to bring my ID card while doing something as innocent and simple as jogging, while this man must do so is unfair and reflects that citizens with a migration background are treated differently by the state and its most visible representation: the police.
Stops or arrests by the police based on one’s appearance influence the daily lives of young people with a migration background because they are (often) stopped in their daily routines (Bovenkerk, 2014), such as described above. Research has shown that, particularly for young people, it is difficult to put such a situation into perspective. The experience has not only practical consequences, but also an impact on the emotional well-being of the juvenile. Research has revealed that experiences with ethnic profiling by the police make young people feel humiliated, anxious, powerless, and unsafe (RADAR, 2014). Within the Netherlands, young people with a migration background already must deal with existing negative
stereotypes relating to their ethnicity because of the wider negative debate concerning ethnic minorities. These stereotypes can lead to the development of a negative self-image (Amnesty International, 2013). If young people are treated poorly by the police because of these stereotypes, the already constructed negative self-perception can be reinforced (RADAR, 2014). Furthermore, the negative debate concerning ethnic minorities will be reinforced if bystanders see mostly ethnic minorities being stopped by the police. Therefore, ethnic profiling has a broader impact, including the stigmatisation of minorities within a society, and it can strengthen the existing negative stereotypes the majority group has regarding a minority group, which in turn causes additional polarisation (RADAR, 2014).
Police-youth relationships are examined in ethnographic research by Didier Fassin (2013), who studied these relationships in the banlieues of Paris. For several months, Fassin accompanied the anticrime squad of the Paris police department, mainly active in the banlieues. While conducting his research, Fassin observed a process of so-called interpellation. The notion of interpellation was first introduced by Louis Althusser (Althusser, 1971). It relates to a situation in which an individual is
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transformed into a subject during his or her interaction with someone in a power position and recognises the lower position that is imposed on him or her. In the case of the banlieues, Fassin found that young people started to run when they saw a police car, even if they had not done anything against the law. This can be interpreted as an outcome of the way they are viewed through the eyes of the police. A feeling of guilt is imposed on them because the police often seems them as guilty (Fassin, 2013). In addition, young people with a migration background were stopped more often by the police than white youths in Paris. As a result, innocent young people with a migration background tend to see themselves as having an inferior social status compared to the white majority due to how the they are treated by the police (Fassin, 2013).
Sinan Çankaya (2015) conducted comparable ethnographic research in Amsterdam-Amstelland, where he joined and observed police officers on patrol. In his introduction to this research he wrote about a situation where police was conducting surveillance. As the police passed a group of young people with a ‘Moroccan appearance’, they stopped the youths, shone lights on them, and asked them for their ID cards without stating any specific reason. When the lights were shone on the youths, some stepped back, and some even started to run away (Çankaya, 2015).
In this thesis, I combine the ideas of Fassin and Althusser on interpellation with existing insights into the police-youth relationship in Amsterdam from, for example, Çankaya. I examine the extent to which the negative experiences of youths who have been stopped by the police—and who perceive that these stops are based on their appearance—influence the self-image of these young people in relation to their position in Dutch society. My research was carried out in collaboration with my research internship organisation, Controle Alt Delete, which fights against police violence and ethnic profiling. In consultation with Controle Alt Delete, and in order to delimit my research, I chose to focus on the police-youth relationship in Amsterdam Nieuw-West because these particular neighbourhoods have long been known for problematic relationships between youths and the police.
In the following parts of this chapter, I state my research objective and research questions, outline the scientific and societal relevance of this thesis and provide a reading guide that will lead the reader through the thesis.
1.2
R
ESEARCH QUESTION
In the context of the debate on ethnic profiling, I am primarily interested in the influence of ethnic profiling on the self-image of young men. I will therefore explore to what extent the notion of
interpellation can be applied to the police-youth relationship in Amsterdam Nieuw-West. This notion is necessary to examine the process through which the experiences of the youth with ethnic profiling affect their self-image. I have formulated a main research question and several sub-questions—listed below—to analyse these issues.
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1.2.1
R
ESEARCH QUESTIONSThe main research question of this thesis is: How and to what extent do contact situations between young men with a migration background and the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West influence the self-image of these young people?
In order to be able to answer this main question, several sub-questions have to be answered first:
o How can the contact situations between young men with a migration background and the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West be described?
o To what extent do the young men with a migration background experience ethnic profiling by the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West?
o What influence do the contact situations between young men with a migration background and the police have on the daily lives of these young people in Amsterdam Nieuw-West?
o What influence does the feeling of being subjected to ethnic profiling have on the self-image of young men with a migration background in Amsterdam Nieuw-West?
o To what extent can the notion of interpellation be applied to the contact situations between young men with a migration background and the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West as a result of ethnic profiling?
In Chapter 3, addressing the methodology, the research design per sub-question will be discussed.
1.3
S
CIENTIFIC RELEVANCE
The debate around ethnic profiling originates in the United Kingdom and the United States. Nonetheless, ethnic minorities in the Netherlands are also stopped by the police without any objective reason more often than the white majority (Amnesty International, 2013). The Dutch academic debate on ethnic profiling and the relationship between youths with a migration background and the police is strongly influenced by the debates in the United Kingdom and the United States (Harris, 2002; Van der Woude et al., 2011). This influence is partly the consequence of the relative scarcity of research concerning Dutch cases. The Dutch history of race and clashes between minority groups differs from that of the United Kingdom and the United States (Adang, Van der Wal & Quint, 2010; Junger, 1989), and these cases, as Junger (1989) argues, are hardly comparable. The Dutch discussion started with reports from the Open Society Justice Initiative (2009, 2013) and Amnesty International (2013). Yet, significant research on the effect of ethnic profiling on ethnic minorities in the Netherlands is still lacking. This thesis contributes to the existing quantitative and qualitative literature by examining the relationship between the police and young men with a migration background in Amsterdam and the impact thereof on the self-image of these young people.
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The existing literature revolves mainly around questions of whether or not ethnic profiling takes place in the Netherlands (Çankaya, 2012; Kleijer-Kool, 2013; Van der Leun et al., 2014; Svensson et al., 2012) and, if so, in which form (Çankaya, 2012; Kleijer-Kool, 2013); also the issue of whether ethnic profiling is justified on any grounds has been addressed (Bovenkerk, 2014). An important follow-up to these two questions is research on how being stopped by the police based on perceived ethnic profiling affects those who are the subjects of this process. This thesis focuses on young people with a migration background who are identified by the police with the stereotype of a criminal and are therefore stopped more often than the white majority, who do not match the stereotypical appearance of a criminal. The negative experiences of the youth with a migration background with the police cannot be used to determine whether or not ethnic profiling actually takes place. However, they offer an indication of what might be going on and tell us something about the experiences of these young people. The impact of ethnic profiling on the subjects in the Netherlands has only recently been investigated (Amnesty International, 2013; Çankaya, 2015; RADAR, 2014). With this thesis, I try to contribute to the debate on the effects of ethnic profiling on individuals who encounter this discriminatory treatment by the police.
This research is of scientific relevance, as I reintroduce the notion of interpellation as offered by Althusser (Althusser, 1971) and used by Fassin (2013) while conducting ethnographic research on the relations between youths with a migration background and the police in the banlieues of Paris.
Interpellation is the process in which “individuals are transformed into subjects who recognise themselves in the condition imposed on them” (Fassin, 2013, pp. 6-7). This research contributes to a broader scientific body of literature on interpellation. In addition, it provides new insights into the current debate on ethnic profiling and its effects on innocent individuals who are repeatedly stopped by the police for no reason aside from their appearance.
1.4
S
OCIETAL RELEVANCE
One of the fundamental rights contained in the Dutch Constitution is that every citizen has to be treated equally before the law. The Dutch police is the most visible embodiment of the laws that represent this value (Çankaya, 2015). If it were the case that the process of interpellation takes place in the interaction between the police and youths with a migration background in Amsterdam, then a young individual in Amsterdam Nieuw-West is—through this process of being subjectified by the police—defined as having an inferior status while also constructing his or her own inferior social status within Dutch society.2 This process of subjectification, in which young people attain a second-rate status, underlines the fact that these young people are not treated as equal to other citizens before the law. Individuals who become
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subjects through ethnic profiling have an inferior status compared to other Dutch citizens who are considered to have an unsuspicious appearance. In this respect, one of the core values of Dutch society is being violated by the police (Çankaya, 2015). In addition, the stigmatisation of these young people as not belonging to the ‘normal’ social order is problematic, as it negatively impacts their self-image (Bakker et al., 2013). The fact that one of the core values of the Dutch Constitution is potentially being violated, reflects the societal importance of this topic.
If interpellation is indeed taking place, it is probably a result of a complex police-youth
relationship in the neighbourhood. This is problematic because a poor relationship between youths and the police has proven to have negative influences, not just only on young people, but also on entire neighbourhoods. Research has revealed that safety in a neighbourhood deteriorates when trust between the police and citizens declines. Continued collaboration between residents and the police is crucial for reducing crime within local communities (Beyens, 2005; Stoutland, 2001; Tyler, 1990). The police is less successful in preventing and solving crime when it is distrusted by residents (Bayley & Shearing, 1996; Harris, 2005; Skolnick & Caplovitz, 2001). Furthermore, some studies have shown a connection between ethnic minorities’ poor relationships with the police and higher degrees of crime within these ethnic minority groups (Smith, Visher & Davidson, 1984). Young people in particular seem to struggle to trust the police (Hurst & Frank, 2000). This relationship is often tense and antagonistic (Friedman et al., 2004), particularly within neighbourhoods with a high percentage of minority groups (Friedman et al., 2004; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005). In addition to pointing to reduced safety within a neighbourhood, some
researchers see a link between reduced trust in the police and school absenteeism (Flexon et al., 2009). These poor connections with the educational system and the police can extend to other social
institutions, which might result in the people involved no longer identifying with the dominant society (Van de Donk et al., 2007; Van Strijen, 2009). This can lead to unhealthy tensions between different groups within society, which can harm mutual trust and thus the Dutch economy and democracy (Van de Donk et al., 2007). Citizens’ negative perceptions of the police are likely to lead to less cooperation and compliance on their part, as well as to reduced satisfaction with and support for the police in general. Ultimately, this has consequences for how well the police can do its job and thus for public safety. Citizens who have confidence in the police because they feel supported, will be more inclined to make a much-needed contribution in solving crime (Smeets, Bervoets, Bik & Schram, 2013; Tyler, 1990). An improved relationship of trust appears to have a positive influence on the effectiveness of the police in a
neighbourhood (Beyens, 2005). A relationship of trust must be built on mutual trust and respect (Skogan, 2006). This can only be achieved when ethnic profiling is tackled and every citizen is treated fairly and with respect by the police, regardless of the citizen’s ethnicity. If the outcome of my research is that interpellation is taking place because of a relationship of distrust between the police and youths in Amsterdam Nieuw-West, this will represent a problematic situation in light of the reasons explained above; a situation that should be dealt with.
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The unequal treatment of ethnic minorities by the Dutch police poses another danger for Dutch society as a whole. Various ethnic groups live together in Dutch society, and if a particular ethnic minority feels discriminated against by the police, this can lead to a (further) polarisation of society (Van der Woude & Van der Leun, 2013). During the second half of the twentieth century, an equality culture gradually emerged in the Netherlands, based on the recognition that all cultures are equal. As a result of the growing labour market, from the mid-1950s on a large number of guest workers began arriving in the Netherlands from the Mediterranean region. The idea was that they would return to their native
countries after completing their work, but they had different plans. Gradually, women and children also left for the Netherlands. In view of the heated immigration debate, the equality culture could no longer be maintained. However, this observation was made only decades later, when Paul Scheffer argued against the existing immigration policy in ‘The Multicultural Drama’ (2000) because it was overly broad and integration was insufficient. Events such as the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York on September 11, 2001, and the rapid growth of ISIS since 2014 only intensified the immigration debate (De Rooy 2014, pp. 244-248). In addition, statistics indicating that ethnic minorities are more likely to commit crimes might be boosted by ethnic profiling, since members of ethnic minorities are more likely to be arrested than people from the ethnic majority (Bovenkerk, 2014). When the representation of ethnic minorities in Dutch crime statistics presents a distorted picture of reality, it hampers mutual
understanding in Dutch society among different ethnic groups. According to De Rooy:
“Inequality was formerly self-evident and decided in the order of things, nowadays the great differences have faded; however, a lot of experience in dealing with large differences has also been lost. Once again, ‘the Netherlands’ has become the focus of debate.” (De Rooy, 2014, p. 248)
In recent years, the Netherlands has had to learn again—and is still learning—how to deal with major differences within one society. Research on the influence of the relationship between police and youths will contribute to mutual understanding among different groups in Dutch society. This will help the Netherlands in becoming more unified despite its differences.
To sum up: research on the impact of ethnic profiling on young people with a migration
background is important, because everyone should be treated equally before the law, and if interpellation takes place as a result of a poor relationship between youths and the police, this right is violated. In addition, a negative trust relationship between the police and youths will result in a negative self-image among these young people, which could have a detrimental impact on the safety of the whole
neighbourhood. Underexposing this theme could lead to major consequences for society, such as growing polarization. The ideas presented in this thesis might help improve the social position of minority groups by contributing to mutual understanding between ethnic minority groups and the police, as well as between ethnic minority groups and the ethnic majority in the Netherlands. Depending on the outcome,
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this thesis might also contribute to the societal debate on ethnic profiling and be an argument for combatting the problem.
1.5
R
EADING GUIDE
In the next chapter an overview will be given of the most important theoretical insights in the current academic debate concerning the practice and impact of ethnic profiling and the process of interpellation. Chapter 3 focuses on the research methods that are used in the qualitative and quantitative parts of this research. Per sub-question will be explained how these are answered. Chapter 4 presents the results of the quantitative part of this thesis. In a collaborative project between Controle Alt Delete and Amsterdam University of Applied Sciences, approximately 75 bachelor students in the Public Administration
programme conducted quantitative research on the relationship between youths and the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West. I joined these students several times in their fieldwork, and was able to use their data. I used data from the Amsterdam University of Applied Sciences’ students to sketch an image of the current relationship between the young men and the police in Amsterdam Nieuw-West. The aim of Chapter 5 is to dig deeper into this relationship and examine to which extent the experiences of the young men with ethnic profiling influence their daily lives, their self-image and if the concept of interpellation can be applied to this case study. To do so, I conducted ten in-depth interviews with young men with a migration background living in and around Amsterdam Nieuw-West who have had negative experiences with the police. In Chapter 6, I present the all-encompassing answer to the research question, as well as a reflection on the research process and recommendations for further research.
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C
HAPTER
2:
L
ITERATURE OVERVIEW
2.1
I
NTRODUCTION
This chapter addresses the theoretical background of the concepts used in this thesis. First, different definitions of ‘ethnic profiling’ are discussed, and the work definition that has been used in this thesis is elaborated (2.2). In the following section (2.3) literature revolving around the explanation of the practice of ethnic profiling is described. Finally, the impact of ethnic profiling on the subject as examined in current research on this topic is portrayed in Section 2.4. The concept of ‘interpellation’ is then discussed (2.5), based on the most important and influential theorists on this topic: Marx (1818-1883), Althusser (1918-1990), Foucault (1926-1984), Fassin (1955) and Žižek (1949).
2.2
T
HE DEFINITION OF ETHNIC PROFILING
2.2.1
I
NTRODUCTION TO THE DEFINITIONA quick look at the academic debate shows that the literature is lacking a clear and general understanding of what is exactly meant when using the term ‘ethnic profiling’ (Dekkers & Van der Woude, 2014).
However, in doing scientific research on this theme, it is important to start by clarifying what is meant by the term. This is why the theoretical framework of this thesis starts with determining a work definition. First, however, the definitions as used in the current academic debate on ethnic profiling will be discussed, in order to decide which definition fits this thesis best.
2.2.2
E
THNIC PROFILING IN THE CURRENT LITERATUREAn extensive study of definitions of ethnic profiling in the current literature illustrates the complexity of defining such a heavily debated social phenomenon. The definitions differ from each other, in defining ethnicity as the sole reason for police action, a strict definition, or, the broader definition, as one of the reasons to stop citizens on the basis of their assumed race or ethnicity.3
In their multivariate analysis of national-level data on the perceptions of citizens concerning ethnic profiling by the police in the United States, Weitzer and Tuch (2002) define the term ethnic profiling as “the use of race as a key factor in police decisions to stop and interrogate citizens” (Weitzer & Tuch, 2002, p. 435).
3 The term ‘race’ (which includes: skin colour, origin or ethnic or national descent) is mainly used in a legal
context. In this thesis, preference is given to the use of concepts such as ‘ethnicity’, ‘ethnical background’ or ‘migration background’. It should be noted here that these terms (just as ‘race’) have to be interpreted broadly and thereby often appear to go hand in hand with religion and religious convictions. In the English language area the term ‘racial profiling’ is regularly used for the same concept (Amnesty, 2013).
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This is a strict definition, in which race or ethnicity is seen as a ‘key factor’ in the decision an individual police officer makes as to whether or not to stop someone on the streets. This definition is very vague, however, since the question is ‘when can race be defined as a key factor?’. The problem is that some practices may be legally permitted, but are nonetheless discriminatory in nature. It has been pointed out that ‘black’ drivers of vehicles are disproportionately stopped more often; traffic offenses are used as ‘excuses’, but in fact the police act solely on the premise that they believe these ethnic minorities are involved in crime (Harris, 1999). As a result of the use of this strict definition, some of the arguments that surfaced in the early stages of the literature discussion on ethnic profiling removed the problem by stating that the police decisions were not conducted only on race or ethnicity. A definition like this narrows the problem effectively since it seems to disappear, but the real problem is still there.
Another strict definition of ethnic profiling is used in the examination of ethnic profiling by the police in The Hague (Van der Leun et al, 2014). This definition adds the dimension of disproportionality to the definition of Weitzer & Tuch. Stops by the police of an ethnic minority that are based on (among other things) ethnicity, have to take place disproportionate compared to stops of the ethnic majority in order to be defined as ethnic profiling:
“[ethnic profiling is] the disproportional hold up of citizens on account of their visible ethnic background and/or skin colour, without any objective and reasonable justification for it” (Van der Leun et al., 2014, p. 7).
Based on this definition, Van der Leun et al. (2014) conclude that in The Hague ethnic profiling is not a structural problem, since police officers generally have objective and justified motives for stopping citizens with a migration background. However, the organization Controle Alt Delete and cultural
anthropologist Sinan Çankaya are critical about this conclusion. Van der Leun et al., opt for a very narrow definition of ethnic profiling, in which ethnicity plays an almost decisive role in the considerations of police officers, reflecting a false image of reality (Çankaya, 2014). For this reason, in other literature a broader definition is used. This is, for instance, the case in the report of the Open Society Justice Initiative, which describes ethnic profiling as:
“The use of generalizations grounded in ethnicity, race, national origin, or religion – rather than objective or individual behaviour – as the basis for making law enforcement and/or investigative decisions about who had been or may be involved in criminal activity.” (OSJI, 2009, p. 19). The same holds true for psychologist Jack Glaser (2014):
“Racial profiling is the use of race or ethnicity, or proxies thereof, by law enforcement officials as a basis for judgment of criminal suspicion.” (Glaser, 2014, p. 3)
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Broader definitions of ethnic profiling acknowledge the various factors that can play a role in police actions towards ethnic minorities. Being stopped by the police takes place on the basis of a combination of factors, including ethnicity, but also based on clothing (wearing hoodies, beanies and/or sweaters), being at a particular location (for example a ‘criminal neighbourhood’) at a specific time (like in the evening). In these definitions researchers acknowledge that ethnic profiling by the police can take place directly or indirectly. The practice of ethnic profiling does not have to be intentional, being a result of racist behaviour; it can also be unintentional, a consequence of cumulative effects of the unconscious use of racial stereotypes. In addition, institutional factors can play a role; for example, if particular police tactics focus on a specific neighbourhood that does not affect every population group alike (Amnesty International, 2013; Çankaya, 2015; Fassin, 2013).
If it is the case that racial profiling takes place unintentionally, there still needs to be an
explanation why and in which cases this practice is wrong. In 2013, in its report on ethnic profiling in the Netherlands, Amnesty International introduced another element to the definition that helps in dealing with this issue. In this report it is argued that the process of ethnic profiling takes place if someone is stopped without any objective justification.
“[ethnic profiling is] the police making use of criteria or considerations of race, colour, ethnicity, nationality, language and religion in search and law enforcement – both at operational and organizational level – while there is no objective justification for this.” (Amnesty International, 2013, p. 5)
Since the end of 2017 the Dutch police, due to the urging of Controle Alt Delete, uses this definition by Amnesty International. Previously, the police used the stricter definition, according to which the police only practiced ethnic profiling if someone was ‘kept purely on the basis of appearance’. However, they recognized, based on the considerations of the organization Controle Alt Delete, that no one is kept ‘purely’ on the grounds of his or her skin colour (Controle Alt Delete, 2017).
Van der Leun et al. criticize the definition of Amnesty International, since this definition does not pay attention to the context of police actions and the element of disproportionality. According to them, ethnic profiling is solely a form of discrimination and a violation of Art. 1 of the Dutch Constitution that states that every citizen has to be treated equally regardless of his/her ethnicity if it happens
disproportional (Van der Leun, 2014)
2.2.3
E
THNIC PROFILING IN THE CONTEXT OF THIS THESISIn this thesis the definition as introduced by Amnesty International will be used. This definition is broadly used and recognized by diverse institutional organizations, such as the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), The
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Netherlands Institute for Human Rights, as well as the internship organization, Controle Alt Delete, and, not the least important, by the Dutch police (Amnesty International, 2013; www.controlealtdelete.nl). This broader definition acknowledges that ethnic profiling can take place directly as well as indirectly – and even has unintended forms. Ethnic profiling may reflect the conscious racist behaviour of individual officials, or be a sign of the cumulative effects of an unconscious use of racial stereotypes. But it can also be the result of institutional factors.
By choosing this particular definition, the narrow definitions as used by Van der Leun et al. (2014) and Weitzer and Tuch (2002) are rejected, because they reduce the problem by narrowing the definition until the problem disappears, however in practice it still exists. Referring to the definition of Van der Leun et al. (2014) and their criticism on the definition as formulated by Amnesty International (2013): taking the idea of disproportionality into account is of course important, because if stops on the basis of ethnic background or skin colour take place disproportionately without any objective and reasonable
justification, this clearly illustrates that the process does not happen incidentally and is thus
objectionable. A lot of research has been done on the question if there is a disproportionate difference between police actions towards white people on the hand and ethnic minorities on the other. Studies have shown that ethnic minorities are confronted more often with stop orders by the police than the white majority (Çankaya, 2012; Harris, 1999; Kleijer-Kool, 2013). The problem with studies that report the existence of ethnic profiling is the so-called ‘benchmark’ problem: with which number should a figure be compared? This makes the concept of disproportionality hard to measure (Van der Leun et al., 2014). In addition, even if data show that ethnic profiling takes place, this does not necessarily give an answer to the question why or how this process happens (Dekkers & Van der Woude, 2014). Given that the
disproportionality of stoppings by the police is hard to measure, my approach is more qualitative and will focus more on the impact of ethnic profiling and the process of so-called ‘interpellation’. This is why I have chosen for the definition of Amnesty International, which focuses more on the policy aspect of ethnic profiling instead of the working of ethnic profiling in practice, as the definition van der Leun and colleagues use in their research does.
Having described the definition of ethnic profiling, it is useful to examine which capacities of police officers make this particular practice possible within police work.
2.3
T
HE PRACTICE OF ETHNIC PROFILING
2.3.1
T
HE BASIS:
P
ROFILING AND ETHNIC PROFILESThe term ‘profiling’ in ‘ethnic profiling’ refers back to the police practice of ‘criminal profiling’. Detecting perpetrators of crime is one of the main tasks of the police. With the help of technical detective work the police attempts to find the criminal (De Ruiter, 2000). ‘Criminal profiling’ is a multidisciplinary forensic
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practice in police work. This practice is multidisciplinary, because several academic and scientific approaches are combined in this practice of profiling, such as criminology, psychology, psychiatry and forensic sciences (Turvey, 2011). Criminal profiling is an accepted and legal law enforcement tool, developed to use the resources of the police and the judiciary as efficiently as possible. By analysing the nature of a criminal offense, and the way in which it has been carried out, an appropriate perpetrator profile can be drawn up to support the police investigation. Classic examples of this are profiles of serial killers or drug dealers. As long as the profiles used by the police are based on objective factors that have been statistically shown to be important indicators of criminal activities, profiling for the purposes of detection is legal (Turvey, 2011).
In addition to ‘criminal profiles’, police officers also use ‘ethnic profiles’. Unlike criminal profiles, ethnic profiles are not drawn up in the context of an ongoing investigation. Ethnic profiles contain information about which ethnic groups are usually involved in committing specific crimes. This information is based on statistical data on demographics (KOKCIS, 2006). The police and judicial authorities often set up special, temporary task forces to deal with criminal organizations of particular nationalities or ethnicities. For instance, the immigration services, the customs and the Royal Netherlands Mare Chaussee may decide to use profiles that include ethnicity or national origin in detecting illegal immigrants, smuggling activities and organized crime. Such profiles, however, might be too
comprehensive and use harmful stereotypes (Van der Woude et al., 2016).
Ethnic profiling is sometimes confused with ‘criminal profiling’. In order to gain information on criminal profiles, police officers use victim or witness reports to describe the appearance of a person or several persons who are suspects in connection with a particular offense at a certain place and time. In this ‘signalling’, racial or ethnic characteristics are (nearly) always mentioned, since these are important elements of identification (Amnesty International, 2013; Edlund & Skowronski, 2008). However, if these reports become too vague and general, the chances are that individuals who appear to have the same ethnicity as the suspect will be picked out by the police disproportionally.
There is quite some discussion on the use of ethnic profiles by police and customs services and the rather discriminatory starting point on which this technique is based. According to its critics, the crime rate is not reduced at all by using this technique. And what is more, ethnic profiling as an unintended result of the use of ‘ethnic profiles’ goes against the fundamental human right that everyone is equal before the law. In addition, ‘ethnic profiles’ in practice would often lead to unjustified stops of citizens with a migration background (Amnesty International, 2013; Controle Alt Delete, 2017).
Ethnic profiling has therefore clearly to be distinguished from ‘criminal profiling’. The latter concerns the drawing up of a profile or identification after an offense has been committed. A ‘criminal profile’ is based on eyewitness’ testimony or derived from certain details about a particular offense. This
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form of profiling is therefore used to trace and arrest perpetrators as soon as possible after they have committed an offense or a series of offenses. Ethnic profiling, on the other hand, refers to profiling without it being clear whether a crime or a violation has already been committed. Citizens are being held and detained solely, or at least to a very large extent, on the basis of their ethnicity. A Canadian study (Satzewich & Shaffir, 2009) shows how, in terms of ethnic profiling, there is a clear difference of opinion between the police on the one hand and other involved groups on the other. While police agents label their actions as criminal profiling, critics define the stops as ethnic profiling. In the eyes of these police officers, profiling is a necessary element of their work. They reject the accusation of using ethnic profiling, by stating that the police organization has taken necessary steps in order to prevent intolerance towards ethnic minorities and that the police recruits new officers who are already used to working in a
multicultural environment (Satzewich & Shaffir, 2009).
2.3.2
D
ISCRETIONARY SPACE AND SYMBOLIC POWERConcepts that are written down in law are sometimes elusive and can be interpreted in several ways, which makes that law has an indeterminacy aspect (Van der Veen, 1990). This indeterminacy refers not only to the law, but to all spheres of public administration. In situations where general and abstract rules have to be applied, tensions can arise between flexibility and uniformity (Van der Veen, 1990; Lipsky, 1980). The freedom to decide which method of application of the law one will apply, is called discretionary space. (Lipsky, 1980; Van der Torre, 1999, 2007)
The general task of the police is to ensure effective enforcement of the rule of law and to provide assistance to those who need it. The profession is carried out within a specific social context. Each police officer has a discretionary decision-making capacity and can, to a certain extent, decide which method of the law he or she will apply (Lipsky, 1980; Van der Torre, 1999, 2007). During the performance of police work, situations can arise in which police officers have no general instructions. The police organization expects officers to act with expertise and to solve everything as well as possible to the extent that safety, order and a certain quality of life are brought back in a particular situation (Van der Veen, 1990; Lipsky, 1980).
When police officers have to make self-determining choices, abuses or inappropriate uses of the power of the police can take place – intentionally or unintentionally. This relative freedom of decision gives agents walking the streets ‘symbolic power’, according Çankaya (2015). Bourdieu (1990) defines ‘symbolic power’ as the power to name, categorize and identify people. This is the power to classify people, to place them in different typologies (Çankaya, 2015). As a consequence of these categories, Feest and Blankenburg (1972) argue that this ‘symbolic power’ ensures that people and situations can be defined as risky and suspicious.
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When during police work information has to be provided about a suspicious situation, it is neither logical nor practicable to act randomly in the selection of potential suspects. In addition, there has to be some type of coherence in the work of streets agents in order for them to act efficiently. This is why they work with a selection profile (as argued previously). The combination of the relative freedom and the symbolic power of street agents makes that there is a high probability they use indicators of ‘suspicious people’. Such a selection profile forms the basis for ethnic profiling (Van der Torre, 1999; Bowling & Philips 2007; Miller, 2010).
The discretionary space in making decisions is necessary in order for a police officer to be able to act in various situations. However, it must not be an authorization to stop people as they wish. The discussion centres on the broader question of how actors in (legal) enforcement deal with the
discretionary decision-making space allocated to them by the legislator and how this space is misused. In order to address this decision-making space in more detail, it is helpful to examine the process in which an agent decides whether or not to intervene in a particular situation and which considerations and frameworks play a role in this decision (Van der Torre, 1999; Bowling & Philips 2007; Miller, 2010).
2.3.3
T
HE PRACTICE OF FINDING A SUSPECTJohnson and Morgan (2013) analysed the factors which cause police officers to suspect a particular person or situation during their police work. They conclude that suspicions come forward in four ways: the stereotype of a ‘criminal’, existing knowledge about specific citizens, circumstances that differ from ‘the normal’, and suspicious non-verbal signals (Johnson & Morgan, 2013). Dekkers and Van der Woude (2014) have distinguished three categories of elements and dimensions that can play a part in the decision to stop a person. These are personal characteristics (including skin colour), circumstances of the situation and behaviour of the citizen, and the appearance of a vehicle (Dekkers & Van der Woude, 2014). Both review articles point out that the appearance of someone with a migration background can attract the attention of a police officer. It seems that stereotyping and categorization, being the result of the police’s symbolic power, are inherent in police operations. However, the literature also clearly argues that there is a range of other factors, in addition to skin colour, that can play a role.
On the basis of previously addressed perception studies (see Sections 1.2 and 1.3), such as those carried out by Amnesty International and the Open Society Justice Initiative in the Netherlands, a
worrisome picture is sketched about the way in which citizens interpret the actions of the police.
However, recent research that really focuses on analysing the decision-making process of police officers in the Netherlands, is still relatively scarce. Fortunately, the valuable anthropological studies of Çankaya (2012, 2015) have recently shed more light on the decision-making process of the police and, more specifically, on ethnic profiling in Amsterdam. This research acknowledges the complexity of police work in multi-ethnic neighbourhoods. The decision-making process by the police in Amsterdam that Çankaya
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has witnessed mainly centres on the question which people in specific situations seem ‘out of place’. The categorization that follows is based on, among other things, gender, age, foreign appearance, way of clothing and kind of vehicle someone drives, as well as the way in which a citizen behaves in front of the police (Çankaya, 2015).
As argued before, the organizational structure of the police creates space for police officers to use selection profiles. The rather limited time-frame in which the police has to decide which citizen to stop, leads to a situation where the police has to apply the law selectively regarding citizens with a suspicious appearance. In the enforcement of their police work, agents use definitions with a common character. These common characters are effective and efficient for the coherence of police work. In this respect, Çankaya (2015) refers to Winch (1958) and his theory about language as a vehicle between thoughts and the imagination of a particular vision of social reality, so as to argue that the classification of police officers has a great influence on their daily work. Shared definitions have an interpretative
character and help officers in classifying the normal versus the abnormal. The typologies that are used in order to describe abnormal – in the sense of being out of place – persons are for example ‘niggers’ and ‘dealers’. In the literature these typologies are mainly referred to as ‘stereotypes’. Some of these labels, like ‘niggers’, refer solely to ethnicity, while others, like ‘dealers’, are a combination of variables such as sex, age and/or social class. The most frequently used police word is ‘target groups’, according to Çankaya. It turns out that this term is mainly used by the agents in relation to marginalized young people with a Moroccan background, as well as to people originating from Central and Eastern Europe (Çankaya, 2015).
In using their discretionary space agents define people as suspects, because they perceive their appearance as risky or suspicious; not on the basis of a crime they have just committed or are carrying out at the moment. In examining this process, Çankaya (2015) refers to Sack (1991), who describes this process as ‘guilty by association’. Police officers use information they have gotten through the police organization and/or previous experiences. As a consequence, they create a selection profile which focuses on certain groups that fit these classifications. In the minds of police officers these groups are defined as suspicious, because others in these groups have committed crimes and therefore the rest of this group is ‘guilty by association’ (Çankaya, 2015).
Another way in which a citizen can be perceived as being ‘out of place’ is if his (or her, for that matter) nationality is strongly represented in crime statistics. The police focuses on the deviation of the norm, because these people are seen as posing a protentional danger to society. In this way statistics serve as a ‘bio-political method’ to observe and control population groups (Çankaya, 2015). Police work does no longer just entail penalizing crime, it now also consists of minimizing (protentional) safety risks. In the latter case, police work with the typologies and target groups. In using these classifications, officers tend to generalize population groups. Specific population groups are observed and controlled. The result
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is that officers do not just rely on specific police information, but also on more general and public information. This makes the use of ethnic stereotypes a daily part of their police work (Çankaya, 2015).
Recent research does give more insight in the choices officers make in who to stop and not stop. In short, the discretionary space of police officers leads to a situation where the practice of ethnic profiling is made possible, because in the decision-making process in this discretionary space agents use common stereotypes that are based on characteristics of people that make them ‘guilty by association’, and/or on existing general information regarding ethnic minorities that turn them into target groups.
Ethnic profiling is explicit if police men and women express themselves in a negative way about certain ethnic minorities and/or use stereotypes in their reasoning for stoppings or checks. However, the practice of ethnic profiling is more often than not the consequence of unconscious beliefs about and wide-shared stereotypes of ethnic minorities, both on an organizational and operational level. An important shortcoming of the current literature is that it does not provide a concrete insight in the justifications for stoppings of ethnic minorities; this is, however, essential for the issue of whether or not decisions made by individual police officers can be defined as ethnic profiling.
2.4
T
HE IMPACT OF ETHNIC PROFILING ON THE SUBJECT
2.4.1
I
NTRODUCTIONIn the previous section the definition of and debate on the main concepts of this master thesis have been described. However, this research goes beyond a mere definition and examination of the practice of ethnic profiling, but will rather delve into the impact of this process. In this section the recent literature on the impact of ethnic profiling on a subject will be described. In this thesis, these insights will be used to further elaborate upon the impact of ethnic profiling on a subject. The reason why the victim of ethnic profiling will be called the subject will be made clear in the next section, dealing with the concept of ‘interpellation’.
2.4.2
T
HE CITIZENS’
PERCEPTIONSSeveral studies on the perceptions of people with a migration background in comparison with people without such a migration background have shown that people with a migration background more often believe that ethnic profiling does take place (Tyler & Wakslak, 2004; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005b; Reitzel & Piquero, 2006; MacDonald et al., 2007; Wu, 2014). Self-reports of citizens make clear that these perceptions of people that belong to minority groups are understandable, since these people are more often stopped or questioned by the police (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2010; Fitzgerald & Carrington, 2011; Wortley & Owusu-Bempah, 2011). In addition, citizens with a migration background more often experience unequal treatment by the police (Weitzer & Tuch, 2005b; Reitzel &
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Piquero, 2006). The subjects often blame this distinction on their ethnic background (Jones-Brown, 2000; Parmar, 2011; Sollund, 2006; Wortley & Owusu-Bempah, 2011).
This reality in which people with a migration background experience unequal treatment by the police and the fact that these people blame this on their ethnicity, has an obvious effect on their personal lives (Çankaya, 2015). Only recently this impact on ethnic minorities in the Netherlands has been
analysed. In 2013 Amnesty International rekindled the Dutch debate on this issue by its publication of two reports dealing with ethnic profiling. A year later Dutch antidiscrimination agencies RADAR and Art 1, published a more extensive overview of the various dimensions of ethnic profiling, including the impact of ethnic profiling on subjects.
The first report of Amnesty International (2013) touched upon the impact of ethnic profiling on the individual. It states that ethnic profiling can lead to humiliation of the subject, which can in turn have a deep hold on someone’s personal life. The second report, published in cooperation with Open Society Justice, is a focus study of ten respondents. The participants report they were treated unfairly by the police. Experiences included racist remarks, intimidation and humiliation (Open Society Justice Initiative & Amnesty International, 2013). The report of RADAR (2014) clearly shows these experiences with ethnic profiling can negatively influence the self-image of young people (RADAR, 2014).
As a result of the experiences a person can isolate him- or herself from society; the subject may not identify himself with the dominant society anymore. On top of that, ethnic profiling contributes to a negative image of ethnic minorities and confirms or even reinforces stereotypes (Amnesty International, 2013). The two main effects of ethnic profiling can be classified as dis-identification from society, and a distorted self-image.
2.4.3
D
IS-
IDENTIFICATION FROM SOCIETYAs stated before, in 2013 Amnesty International published a report on the impact of ethnic profiling. The conclusion was reached, among other things, that ethnic profiling can lead to people being deceived. As a consequence, people can isolate themselves from and dis-identify with the dominant society (Amnesty International, 2013). The report of RADAR published a year later, argues that the feeling of being a victim of ethnic profiling can result in a stigmatization of ethnic minority groups. This stigmatization can
eventually lead to polarization within Dutch society. Ethnic profiling has a greater influence on younger people, since the youth seems to struggle harder with putting these unpleasant contact situations with the police into perspective (RADAR, 2014).
The dis-identification of people with society can be explained by the so-called Rejection-Dis-Identification Model (RDIM). This method explains that due to perceived discrimination, people may have a reduced identification with the dominant Dutch society (the ethnic majority) (Jasinskaja-Lahti, Liebkind
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& Solheim, 2009). The minority group becomes more closely tied to the original identity and less to the national identity. The reduced identification is the result of a perceived impossibility to introduce one’s own values and norms in the dominant society and to determine one’s own identity (De Vroome et al. 2014). Exposure to Dutch society can reinforce the sense of belonging by increasing familiarity with society and its customs. Contact with the majority group can increase the exposure to the Dutch society and can thereby strengthen the emotional bond (De Vroome et al. 2014). However, the majority group can also negatively influence this bond. The signals the ‘receiving society’ give to the ethnic minority are of great importance to their identification with the dominant society. Negative experiences can have a demotivating effect and can lead to a situation in which ethnic minority groups do not want to belong to the dominant order (Alba & Nee, 2009).
In their work, the police enforces moral guidelines and conveys images of the nation. In their decision-making process of who to stop and who not to stop, they classify between people who belong to the normal order and those who do not. Police officers stabilize the norms, values and traditions within Dutch society. Their daily practices are linked to the reproduction of existing cultural-normative moral order, according to Çankaya (2015). The aim of the police is to exclude suspicious-looking citizens from this cultural normative order. By doing so, the police reproduces the socio-cultural order and plays a symbolic role as ‘border guard’ (Çankaya, 2015). Thus, as argued above, admissibility has to do with the signals the ‘receiving society’ issues to ethnic minority groups. Does someone belong to it … or not? With an exclusion of specific stereotypes from the cultural normative order by the police, they send out a signal to these stereotyped ‘suspicious’-looking people that they cannot be part of the dominant society, because they will always look ‘out of place’. This can lead to dis-identification from the dominant society by these ethnic minorities. If people dis-identify with the dominant society as a result of police contact, this means that a process of subjectification takes place, which can be explained by the concept of interpellation, as will be explained in the next section.
2.4.4
A
DISTORTED SELF-
IMAGEHuman dignity can be defined as one of the most crucial and basic needs of every human being. This concept can be described as being treated with respect and having a sense of self-esteem and self-worth (Duhaime’s Law Dictionary, 2017). In a situation in which a person is treated disrespectful by someone who figures higher in a power hierarchy, the self-esteem of this person can be threatened (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2003). Such a power relation can, for instance, be found between the police and young people with a migration background in Amsterdam (Çankaya, 2012). As the Ontario Human Rights Commission (2003) states, “perhaps nothing inflicts greater psychological and emotional damage on a person than to compromise his or her sense of dignity” (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2003, p. 42). Ethnic profiling abuses this dignity. The practice of ethnic profiling by the police gives a signal to the
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subject that he/she is valued less than other living persons, because he/she is not found worthy of consideration and of a respectful treatment (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2003).
Literature about discrimination of ethnic minorities in general shows that these negative
experiences can influence feelings of safety and perceptions of being treated fairly by one’s environment. When young people are exposed to discrimination, this can influence their self-esteem. In particular discrimination by government authorities has a great impact on people. A discriminatory remark by a policeman is often seen as a huge disappointment, since an organization that is expected to protect you does not appear to trust you (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2003).
The Dutch report of RADAR reinstates this argument by arguing that negative contact situations can negatively influence the self-image of young people with a migration background and so reduce their trust in the police and other social institutions (RADAR, 2014). Çankaya (2015) also argues, based on ethnographic research into the police of Amsterdam-Amstelland, that ethnic profiling can have an impact on the self-image of ethnic minorities within Dutch society. (Çankaya, 2015).
The relationship between discrimination and a distorted self-image can be explained by the social identity theory. The social identity theory states that the self-image of individuals can be damaged if they see themselves as victims of discrimination (Simons et al., 2002). This victim role requires recognition of the fact that an important part of the self is seen as inferior by others in society. Since social identity is a central part of the self, experiencing discrimination can negatively affect the self-image (Simons et al., 2002).
The strongest critique that can be (and is) given in response to these findings is that they are based on a selective use of data. Research that describes whether or not ethnic profiling by the police is taking place, is not taken into consideration. However, as already has been argued, data on the
proportionality of ethnic profiling is hard to measure. On top of that, I believe that experiences of people are relevant enough, even if there are no hard data concerning the question to which extent the police really uses ethnic profiling.
2.5
I
NTERPELLATION
2.5.1
A
N INTRODUCTION TO THE PROCESS OF‘
INTERPELLATION’
The literature states that experiences with ethnic profiling can lead to dis-identification with society and can influence the self-image of young people. This leads to the question of how the self-image is influenced by the ‘subjectification’ process; an issue that can be explained by the notion of ‘interpellation’.
