R
EPRESENTATIONS
OF
THE
C
ONNECTION
BETWEEN
L
ANGUAGE
AND
I
DENTITY
SINCE
2014 C
RISIS
IN
U
KRAINE
Yuliya Ralko
Under the Supervision of Dr. Virginie Mamadouh
Submitted to receive degree Master of Science Human Geography Political Geography Track
Abstract
On August 24th 2016, Ukraine celebrated 25 years of its independence. Many things happened in Ukraine over those years, but the nation-building process was an important part of creating a new state in the post-Soviet Union world. The language is one of the instruments of this process and in Ukraine there is one official state language, Ukrainian, and one official nationality. In this thesis I am exploring how the connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is represented in Ukraine since the beginning of the crisis in 2014. I do it by analyzing the articles from KP v Ukraine newspaper over a period of two and half years since February of 2014, and also analyzing the
questionnaire performed by in spring of 2016. It is a different way to look on to the language and identity than it is often looked in the academic literature. I found that in the general the connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is represented in much simpler way than it is in reality. The crisis and the nation-building played their own important roles in this, however, it barely had any influence on the language people speak in everyday lives or how they identify themselves.
Table of Content
Abstract ………... 3
Table of Content ………. 5
List of Tables and Figures……….. 7
Tables ……….……… 7
Figures ……….. 7
Acknowledgments ………..……… 9
Chapter 1: Introduction ………..………. 11
1.1 Importance of the Research ………. 11
1.2 Academic Relevance ………..……… 14
1.3 Societal Relevance ………...………….. 14
1.4 Chapter Organization ……….……….. 15
Сhapter 2: Language, Identity and Nation-Building ………..….. 16
2.1 Ethnicity, Nation and National Identity …………...……….. 16
2.2 Language ………. 17
2.3 Language and Nation-Building……… 19
2.4 Nation-building in the post-Soviet Union State……… ……….. 21
2.5 Conclusion………...……… 25
Chapter 3: Methodology ………..……… 26
3.1 Data Collection ………..……… 26
3.1.1 The Secondary Data ……….……… 26
3.1.2 The Primary Data: The Newspaper Articles ………...……… 26
3.1.3 The Primary Data: The Questionnaire………..…… 28
3.2 Operationalization ………. 30
3.2.1 The Newspaper Articles ………... 30
3.2.2 The Questionnaire……….. 31
3.3 Data ………..……… 34
3.3.1 The Newspaper Articles ………...… 34
3.3.2 The Questionnaire………...………... 35
3.5 Conclusion……… 38
Chapter 4: Development of the Ukrainian Nation and Its Language……….…………. 39
4.1 Current Language Situation……….. 39
4.2 Ukrainian History before Soviet Union………..…… 42
4.3 Ukraine in the Soviet Union………..…… 44
4.4 Ukraine since Independence ………..….. 47
4.5 Conclusion………... 51
Chapter 5: Language Representation in the Ukrainian Media since the Crisis ………..………... 52
5.1 The Analysis of the Articles ……….. 53
5.2 Conclusion……….…………..… 60
Chapter 6: Language and Ethnic and Civic National Identity among Western Ukrainians……. 62
6.1 Descriptive Statistic……….62
6.2 The Analysis of the Data………... 68
6.3 Conclusion………... 74
Chapter 7: Conclusion ……….… 75
7.1 Answer to the Research Question……….… 75
7.2 Possibility for Further Research……….… 76
7.3 Final Thoughts ………..……….… 77
References ………. 78
Appendix I: List of Articles Analyzed………...….. 82
List of Tables and Figures
TablesTable 1: Coding of the Newspaper Articles……….……….. 32
Table 2: Operationalisation of the Questionnaire ……….………..… 33
Table 3: Language Used for Everyday Interactions…………...……….… 62
Table 4: Language Use and Media…………...……….. 64
Figures Figure 1: Ukraine: Territorial Administrative Structure………..……….. 29
Figure 2: Preferred Language to Use in Western Ukraine……….… 35
Figure 3: Language Used for Everyday Interactions………..………..………. 40
Figure 4: Pre-Crisis Division in Ukraine: Native Languages as of 2010………..………. 41
Figure 5: State Language – Only Ukrainian………..………..……… 57
Figure 6: Language Used for Everyday Interactions ………. 63
Figure 7: Language Use and Media………..……….... 65
Figure 8: Point of View about the Nature of the 2014 Crisis by Western Ukrainians ……..…………... 65
Figure 9: Point of View about Origins of the 2014 Crisis by Western Ukrainians…...………...………. 66
Figure 10: Point of View about Situation with Donbass and Crimea since 2014 by Western Ukrainians……… 67
Figure 11: Following Russian Media by Western Ukrainians………..……….……… 67
Figure 12: Change of Language Use by Western Ukrainians……….………...……….. 68
Figure 13: Ethnicity by Language Used……… 69
Figure 14: Likeness to Celebrate Independence Day of Ukraine by Language…………...………...….. 70
Figure 15: Likeness to Honor Day of Victims of Holodomor by Language……… 71
Figure 16: Support of the Country during Sport Events by Language………...…. 72
Figure 17: Voting on the Presidential Elections by Language……….. 73
Acknowledgments
Work on this thesis was long and hard. Without help of other people it would be impossible to finish it. They supported me with advise, encouraging, and reminding me that I can do it no matter of the struggles I had to over come. Thanking them here is nothing compare to what they deserve for their time and patience in helping me finishing this thesis.
First, I want to thank to Dr. Virginie Mamadouh for her patience and help while working with me. Her role was crucial in the writing of this thesis with her advice and critical view. She used her time to read my work and meet with me. She was easy to reach when it was necessary. She also shared her knowledge since the beginning of the political geography program. Additionally, I want to thank to the second reader, Dr. Inge van der Welle for her time reading, grading and advice on my work
Secondly, I want to thank my family. My parents, grandparents, aunt and cousins were always being there to support me. Especially, I want to thank my mother, Lyudmyla, who no matter what continued to push me to finish this work. She was willing to help not only with kind word, but also share her knowledge and experience with language in Ukraine through her life. Also, she was one who made me work hard through all years of life and to not give up no matter of the struggles. Her
encouraging and believe in me made me stronger and be able to reach this point in my life.
Thirdly, I want to thank my friends and classmates who offered help and support through whole process. I specifically want to mention my dear friend Shano Shero, who was with me through whole journey of the master’s program and also thesis work. Her support sometime was more important than anyone else. She was always there during late nights, early evenings and any other times. She helped to deal with all things hard or easy and she had no ending will to help me. She was there in the times when I needed someone to talk and get support from. Also, I want to thank my friend Nicole Marquez, not only for her support, but also for her help with grammar in my thesis. It was hard and long work, but she helped me no matter what.
I am really grateful for every thing that helped me to be able successfully finish this work. Thank you!
Chapter 1: Introduction
On August 24th 2016, Ukraine celebrated 25 years of its independence. Many things happened in Ukraine over those years, but the nation-building process was an important part of creating a new state in the post-Soviet Union world. The politicians were trying to make all efforts to make sure that Ukraine was a country of the Ukrainian people, who spoke the same language, have the same culture and history. However, there was the so called ‘language problem’ that always existed. In 25 years, it had highs and lows on the importance in the public debate, however with current events, specifically ongoing crisis, it became a question of importance. Nevertheless, the essential question is if language remains a significant part of the continued nation-building process even since beginning of the ongoing crisis? It is something I will explore in my thesis.
In Ukraine there is one official state language, Ukrainian. As result, it makes Ukraine a country for one official nationality, Ukrainian, who speaks the state language. However, on the ground situation is more complicated. There are many more languages and nationalities in Ukraine. Russian is the most popularly used language in Ukraine, except Ukrainian. It is not only language of the ethnic Russian minority, but it is a language of many ethnic Ukrainians, who use it on everyday basics. In other words, in Ukraine language often does not define nationality because of the long history of the country being part of the Russian Empire, Poland, Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, to this day Ukrainian remains as the only state language and that is what the ‘language problem’. The status of the Ukrainian language was questioned in 2012 with a new law on the regional status of the minority languages, which was almost abolished in 2014. As result, some say that it led to beginning of the ongoing crisis in the east of Ukraine in 2014. It is where I am interested to start my research, as that is when language problem once more became a relevant topic.
1.1 Importance of the Research
In the academic literature, Ukraine is often discussed in a realm of the nation-building of the post-Soviet Union/post-communist states. In this debates language is often mentioned as being a significant part of the nation-building process, however, not always to the same degree of importance. It is certainly one that can repair state or do a lot of the damage to it and it become crucial problem for building healthy nation-state.
Ozminska (2014) claims that language struggles are the most important problem for unification of Ukrainian nation. She says that other things like historical regional differences, variations in the
national feelings, religion are also dividing Ukraine, but it often is going down to the language which often is in the roots of other reason. It is acknowledged to be important part, however, there are many more things that influence this process that often language is moved to the background. At the same time other scholars say that language situation is not the most important topic in Ukraine and the economy is more crucial (Kulyk 2013b). Yet, the language problem in Ukraine was and is the most
controversial topic since creation of the state after collapse of the Soviet Union.
Besides that some scholars even claim that Ukraine has no language problem, the main problem is that the state is not united, as it does not have common national identity (Korostelina 2013). Back in 1991 people wanted sovereign, but they had no vision of how the Ukrainian nation-state should be, what would unite the whole state. Therefore, Ukraine is a divided society on many levels. There are people who are nationalist and pro-Soviet Ukrainian population, ethnic Ukrainians that speak Ukrainian or Russian and there is ethnic Russians. There are West-oriented population and Russia-Soviet oriented one, and there are also regional differences. So the language problem is created by political elites to manipulate public (Kulyk 2013b). They use those differences within Ukrainian society for their own goal, which are often is to collect more wealth. However, most scholars do agree that the language topic is important for the Ukrainian nation-building, as it is what shapes not only national identity, but also ethnic identity of the citizens.
In the academic literature, language itself is usually discussed only about changes in the Ukrainian education since independence or language policies. Janmaat (2000) is one of the scholars who have looked on the Ukrainian education in the first 10 years of independence. He did a well and interesting analysis, however, it could be considered to be slightly outdated in some ways. Other scholars looked on this topic later, having less deep researches, but founding the same trends (e.g. Shulman 2004). Karabanova (2003) claims that academic literature on language in Ukraine looks so often on education because it is main way nation-building performed in Ukraine and it is also the most visible.
There is the academic literature that looks on other aspects language’s role in the nation-building process in Ukraine. A big part of the academic literature on the language in Ukraine is about the language policy and its implementation, as another way to perform the nation-building is
administrative. Through the years such scholars like Ozminska (2014) and Kulyk (2013b) looked on how language policy in Ukraine was changing, how it was implemented, and how it was welcomed by population. Another part of the academic literature also discussed attitudes of the Ukrainian population
on the language question or their believes about language, such as status of the Russian language in the state. It often is concluded with ideas that most people do not care much for the language (e.g
Tomaychyk 2013; Shulman 1998). Nevertheless, at the same time scholars do not look into language problem matter in Ukraine deep enough, missing many dimensions and complexity of it.
Therefore, in this thesis I will look on the language in Ukraine in a slightly different way. I will analyze two types of the data to see how connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is represented in Ukraine. The nation-building continues and this connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is a topic of importance, even during the crisis. As result, the crisis could possibly create new dynamic between language and national identity, possibly making certain language or ethnic identity not welcome or making people feel different about their ethnicity or nationality. Only changing one part of this connection, could have different influence on whole relation in whole Ukraine, even the crisis is going on in mostly Russian speaking regions. So, I find it crucial to look on this topic during the crisis. The nation-building process that would be
mentioned in this research is important background for what is going on, as no matter what Ukraine is still continue this process to create one Ukrainian nation.
It is important to explore this as political geographer, as it will help to see importance of the connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity, even there not always direct relation between them. The representation of this connection is highly important as it can play role not only in the nation-building process, but also could lead to continuation or end of the crisis. Therefore, first I would look at representation of this connection in the media and then how this connection is represented by people.
In this thesis I will try to answer research question:
How the connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity represented in Ukraine since beginning of the crisis in 2014?
In each following chapter, I answer subquestions. The answers to those will be crucial for answering main research question. In chapter 2, I will answer question: what are the key concepts that will help to see how connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is represented? In chapter 3, I am asking what methods and data I would be using to do analysis? In chapter 4, I will ask how was present day language situation created? In chapter 5, I will answer to the question how the connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is represented and what role
nation-building process play in this? In chapter 6, I will answer to question what is connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity among Western Ukrainians?
1.2 Academic Relevance
As already discussed there is different literature on the language in Ukraine, however, it does not cover it in a way I will be looking at the topic. As a result, my thesis would add important information to understanding language representation in Ukraine, as well as, the media’s roles in it. Additionally, it is important to look on the language situation since beginning of the ongoing crisis. Over the last two years public and political views have changed a lot and now more than ever Ukraine is trying to be a sovereign state with its own nation. Undoubtedly, the nation-building process
continues. Even though it is important now to look at this topic, there is not a lot of academic literature about it yet. Only a few years have passed from the beginning of the crisis and it is still hard to see major influences and differences. However, I believe that at this stage it is important to see situation right now while it is happening and my thesis can help to do it.
Also, this research will add more to the literature on the nation-building in the general, as well as, in the post-Soviet Union countries, and on the nation and ethnicity. Those remain to be important topics discussed in political geography. Looking on such new nation-states as Ukraine can be good example for exploring such concepts as nation, ethnicity, nation-building, nationalism and conflict. Also, Ukraine can be an important state to be looked at the political geography as its conflict has important role for European Union, relation with Russia and possible world.
1.3 Societal Relevance
My thesis is also important for the Western audience to explore more about Ukraine and its current situation, and especially language situation and representation. Often through my academic education questions about Ukraine were asked as people tried to understand what was going on. Many people, including those in the academia, seem to be not fully knowledgeable of what was and is happening in Ukraine. Such events like Orange Revolution, EuroMaidan and ongoing crisis are not well known by people on the West or even they never heard about it. Many more people do not understand the language situation in Ukraine neither. For the general public, it can be blamed for the Western media covering Ukraine very minimally and right now barely anyone talks about the crisis still going on and bringing more victims.
As a result, I believe my thesis will help to understand and see what is going on in Ukraine. To understand what the language situation is, why it matters, what the differences between Russian-speakers and Ukrainian-Russian-speakers, why some Ukrainians speak and prefer to speak Russian and more. I think that my thesis would help for the Western audience to become more knowledgeable about
Ukraine and real complex situation on the ground. Additionally, I believe that my background as a Ukrainian will only help for this task.
1.4 Chapter organization
This thesis is divided on 7 chapters, and each chapter has several sections. First chapter is the introduction, where I discussed main topics that would be discussed, asked research question and subquestions and also discussed academic and societal relevance. In second chapter, I will look at the key concepts, such as ethnicity, nation, language and nation-building, and explore their role. In third chapter, I will discuss methods and data used for the research. In forth chapter, I will explore history of language in Ukraine from early years to 2014 and the development of the crisis in 2014 and the language situation during this time, as well as, the current language state. In fifth chapter, I will
analyze Ukrainian newspaper articles to see how the connection between language and ethnic and civic national identity is represented and what is role of the nation-building process. Next, in chapter six, I will look on the questionnaire results and connection between language and national identity. Finally, in chapter seven, I will do general conclusion and answer my main research question.
Chapter 2: Language, Identity and Nation-building
Before analyzing newspaper articles and questionnaire results, it is important to understand key theory concepts and their relation to my work. In this chapter, I will explore main concepts used in this thesis, such as nation, ethnicity, language and nation-building. In the end, I will discuss how those concepts apply to the post-Soviet Union countries and specifically Ukraine.
2.1 Ethnicity, Nation and National Identity
Before talking about nation-building process, it is important to define what a nation is and how it is different or the same with ethnicity. In the literature, terms such as ethnicity and nationality are often used interchangeably. However, there are differences between them that are important when discussion identity and nation-building process. Ethnicity is define as a group of people connected in the basis of race or language in more simple manner (Varshney 2003). At the same time, there are broader definition that includes other characteristics that ethnic group shares, such as religion, common territory, history, appearance, social status and ancestry. Those all characteristics unite people under one ethnicity, making them part of one group. Chandra (2006) believes that desent can define ethnicity and such characteristics as language and religion, but history or common territory does not do that. This definition seems to include that in today’s world not all people live in their motherland, because of migration. This way decent defines more to what ethnicity those people would be related.
At the same time, Nagel (1994) points out that ethnicity created by personal identity and culture. Those both building blocks of ethnicity are the dynamic and developing properties that are constructed by particular group or society. Their specific characteristics can be negotiated and
produced in the everyday social interactions. Nevertheless, history also plays an important role in this dynamic process of constructing ethnicity. It influence both personal identity and culture in the different ways that constructs groups collective ethnicity.
Nation, on the other hand, has its own state, as some claim. Varshney (2003) points out that ethnic group can have all those birth given identities, but they do not have their own state. A
combination of the state and ethnicity creating a nation by help of the nation-building process. Being nation is a higher status and power, compared to an ethnicity, and often many ethnic groups have the goal to become a nation. It could be done through conflict such as in Ireland, or by more peaceful way, such as in some post-Soviet Union states. However, it is not always true, as there are stateless nations.
Janmaat (2000) defines nation as a group of people who share the same cultural trails, but he does not specify in his definition in his research. He is more focusing on the fact that this group considers themselves and by others to be a part of this group. Also, there is political structure that maintains individual or collective rights. It makes sense with what was previously discussed, as to be considered a nation, a group of people need to have political administration, meaning a state. For Janmaat (2000), it is important to be political part of a nation, but it is also important that individuals consider themselves to be part of this group and others can identify them belonging to this group regardless of language, race, religion, culture, territory or other factors. This way, to be a part of the nation, a person does not necessary need to be of the same ethnicity. This could not make sense, but here is where nation-building comes in as a way creating one nation from many ethnic groups and cultures.
After understanding ethnicity and nation, it is also important to look at national identity. The national identity is one of the important topics in the political geography. This represents how people identify themselves with certain nation-state to form themselves in the community (Shuman 2004). Such identity could be also divided on the ethnic and civil national identity. The civil identity is when a person feels to be a part of the nation-state by living on the territory of it, sharing the same history, having the state citizenship, follow laws of the state, and believe to have political representation (Cebotari 2015). The people with common civil identity could be a part of different ethnic groups, yet they associate themselves with the same state. On the other hand, the ethnic identity is when person feels to be part of the ethnic group, which is based on the common descent, language, culture, no matter of the nation-state they are located (Shulman 2004). Originally, Hans Kohn divided a nationalism on the ethnic and civil when was explaining difference between Western and Eastern nationalism, arguing that Western nationalism is civic and Eastern is ethnic (Sekulic 2004). Over the years Kohn’s argument was criticized, however, the ethnic and civic division could be applied on the national identity to differentiate those two kinds of national identity and can be useful for my thesis.
Next, I will discuss one of the characteristics that can define ethnicity or nation, a language, and its role for creating nation.
2.2 Language
Language is often considered a key medium for communication between people. However, there are several other roles it plays. Language has an important role in the constructing world and the
identity of a group (Passi 1996). It can unite or divide different groups of people. Passi (1996) points out that language can be used for power relations within a state. For example, during the
nation-building process, language is used as a political way of connecting people into one distinct nation. It is similar to the gene code of a nation and culture. The self-identification of the nation can be best done through language (Ozminska 2014). The society is creating, developing language, and its lives and works. Language is often is not creation of the history. It carries out a normal function of nation politics, economy and culture. Nevertheless, it is important that language, political borders, religion, geography and ethnicity correspond to each other, as it would make peaceful coexistence. If they do not, it can lead to conflict (Hailemarian, Kroon and Walters 1999).
Caviedes (2003) says that religion, language and symbols are parts of a nation. Nevertheless, language is more visible part of the culture and is a significant part of a nation. The survival of a nation and its development of a successful nation-state are predicted by existence of the language (oral and written) among the local population. This shows that language becomes an important and defining part of the nation-state and nation-building process. Language separates a nation from all others. It creates boundary of who can and not not join this nation. It determines nature and content of the nations, making culture more alive.
However, sometimes it is not a case as Shevel (2002) points out that ethnicity and language may not be analogous to a politically determined nationality. The population in the nation-state could be different and consist of many ethnic groups. A nation can include certain ethnicity, but not language of that ethnicity and other way around. This exemplifies what is happening in Ukraine. The politically approved identity is Ukrainian, who speaks Ukrainian. However, a large portion of the people in Ukraine are Ukrainians who speak Russian and they are not identified as true Ukrainians because the government has determined that true Ukrainians speak only Ukrainian. If the Russian language could be given an official status, it would expand meaning of being Ukrainian nation in Ukrainian nation-state.
Language differences can be potentially be divisive, yet it is not necessary (Rich 2001). The language can play a role of unification material, which can contribute to a stable state, politically and socially. If a state has one language everyone uses it is one less problem to worry for the government. Language contributes to the stability and the country does not have to have one state language, which everyone uses everyday. At the same time, in the nationalistic ideologies language can be the defining factor of the group or it can not be, as there other things can play that role. As a result, the language not
always need to be the main and important part of nation-building. However, it may take that route as it often becomes easier to differentiate individual characteristics. It can be base for social and political connection and differentiation between nationalities, group identities and also can be base for group discrimination (Shabad and Gunther 1982).
Nevertheless, a language is a mechanism that creates cultural differences (Tomaychyk 2013). As a result, language is often a major national symbol and a way to make specific ethnicity different, but also it can be a resource used by government for political games. Political leaders use language as tool to establish their legitimacy (Goujon 1999). Language policies become a way to control and regulate language use in general as well as the people that use it, but also public discourse. On the other hand, the language can become national symbol and a subject that makes one ethnicity different from all other nations.(Tomaychy 2013). As discussed above, the nation or ethnicity could have different characteristics, but the language people use is the most visible to distinguish groups. So, a language can become that characteristic or symbol that will make that group different.
Therefore, the language can create conflict. However, Laitin (2000) claims that it is not necessary conflict of cultures or any other kind of conflict. He also point out that such conflict would not necessary lead to violence and it usually solved politically. Also, the biggest difference between languages, it is less likely to become reason for the violent conflict (Laitin 2000). This shows that even language can create conflict, it would not necessary if the state has two or more language groups. A language makes differences between people, but again there are other characteristics of identity, such as religion, that are more likely to lead to conflict.
In the next section, I will look what role language plays for the nation-building process.
2.3 Language and Nation-building
Nation-building is process done by political actors (government) to make people living on certain territory (state) believe that they are part the same community (nation) (Polese 2011). It is very broad definition, however, it does focus on making people believe certain things even they do not feel to be sharing certain similarities. In general, nation-building is the process of making the nation match state. This is process in which political elite tries unify and homogenize population of the state under one national identity. It is often created with combination of ethnicity and language (Shevel 2002), but language is the main base for a nation. Identification with certain nation is taught and developed by using one language during nation-building process (Caviedes 2003), and it seem to become impossible
to unify nation with two or more languages. However, there is never a single pure language, as dialects, minority languages, mixes of languages continue to exist no matter of formation of national integration. Unification based on the language creates problems because it often done on the expense of another languages and it becomes ground for potential conflict (Karabanova 2003).
For nation-building one of most important parts is having one standardized language in the public sphere (Janmaat 2000). Sometimes it can be language that is not a first language of the population, as in case with post-colonial states, but more often it is language of the majority of population. Promoting of the one language is also way to promote one national identity, which could lead to protest from non-national population, as their culture and language often is neglected, during nation-building process. Minority then could demand equal rights to their language and culture as they feel that national population had advantages in the state (Janmaat 2000).
Another part of the nation-building process is manipulating history and geography in a way to legitimize new state (Janmaat 2000). In ‘new’ history it is shown that people of the nation always felt to be part of one nation and fight for independence for their land for as long as they were occupied by the conquerors. And lastly, nation-building process includes making of the central political institutions and national symbols (Janmaat 2000). It is highly pointed out that state parliament, president and other government institutions are representing people. Additionally, national symbols, such as flag, the coat of arms, and anthem, play role of representing state and populations, from school students to soldiers, swear allegiance to the motherland through them.
Many new states focus on the making one language in the education and jobs as it often the main and most efficient way to nationalize population and create monolingual society in the state (Karabanova 2003). Weber (1976) showed in his book that in France education was one of the most important tools to unite France under one language. He showed that before 1870s many people in France did not speak French as we know it, however, as education was becoming available to more people and focused on teaching right French, Frenchmen, true French nationality was born which did not existed before. It was as well nation-building, which eventually created nation-state. Janmaat (2000) shows that the same in a way was happening in Ukraine for nation-building of Ukrainian nation-state. Education was the first way of promoting and teaching Ukrainian language, culture and history. However, the situation in Ukraine is different as it was building this on the parts of collapsed previous state which promoted another language and left many people speaking that language. It makes language situation in Ukraine more complicated.
There another thing that the nation-building process needs to deal is multilingualism, as it is what makes it hard (Hailemarian, Kroon and Walters 1999). It is important to find equilibrium between goals of national unity and multilingual population. In this process not always most progressive and democratic policies work and its all is about finding that good middle part, and it is complex to create a perfect language policy. It is an important part of the nation-building, as it is a way how government manipulate language and change its function in the society that is communication (Caviedes 2003). Having one language in the nation-state helps to have efficient administration, which eventually leads to language hegemony and replace local languages on all levels from official to everyday use. Official language would be main for education, job availability, courts and other government related activity. For one that would want to have full role in the state, he or she would need to know state language. This way language becomes tool of participation, access or deprivation (Caviedes 2003). It influences existing relationships between groups. Of course, group whose language is state language becomes more powerful and have more ability to participate in everyday life of the society and develop their culture, while other groups would be denied of certain things because of this and will need to live under shadow of the main group.
Caviedes (2003) points out that language policy values efficiency for the state and society over democracy, equal rights and ethnic self-determination. As result, having one state language is much more practical as all documents will not be translated, can spend more school hours on one state language and other. However, people who speak other languages, and especially those people who lived on the territory of the state long time and often before this state was formed denied their own language and culture. The state denies their basic rights of their ethnicity to develop and promotes assimilation into main ethnicity of the state.
2.4 Nation-building in the post-Soviet Union State
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the former republics started their own process of the nation-building. In the new state that is in the process of the nation-building several things are in the conflict for the population (Shevel 2002). They need to choose between how they characterize themselves versus how state policy on ethnicity and language is that would determine their identity versus citizenship and language. All those characteristic determine identity of the people however they can be in conflict if they do not match to each other. It would divide society.
Bilingualism is one of the reasons for cultural and language division, and it can be seen clearly in Ukraine. As a result, new assimilation is not possible as of right now and present language
bilingualism is just continuation of the assimilation from Soviet Union (Panasyuk 2013). However, the reason for it can be because of European model that is monolingual state with defined political and geographical borders (Hailemarian, Kroon and Walters 1999). It was the result of the long nation-building processes that went on for years and still many states in Europe are not fully monolingual.
In Ukrainian constitution all ethnic groups are welcome to the state, however, there is one single state language of the major ethnicity. Another languages are protected, including Russian and other minorities. However, Karabanova (2003) explains that denying Russian to be second state language raise the importance of the language for self-determination and nation self-consciousness. As result Ukrainians and Russians view language to be significant part of the ethnicity and nation. This way political actions of trying to do nation-building of Ukraine as one language and nation state only raise possibility of conflict and wishing of the population to see their language as state language. It becomes endless circle as it seems no end to solving language situation in Ukraine without making one group unhappy.
Nevertheless, in the Ukrainian politics both Ukrainian nationalists and pro-Russian are present and allowed into the government (Kuzio 2001). Pro-Russian politicians tend to be for more civil state. However, Shevel (2002) shows that pro-Russian politicians promoting change of the state language in Ukraine and as a result it remains political issue. Such parties that represent Russians or Russian-speaking population continue to promote importance of the official language status making people feel that their point of view is not matters in the state. Kuzio (2001) does say that there are nationalist among non-Ukrainian speakers in the government, who want to see their language to have official status. However, Ukraine is not letting Ukrainian nationalist to get into much power because those were mainly present in the west of Ukraine, yet it was small amount of people who really support them. As result, even there was active nation-building process, ethnic minorities were still respected and had rights (Janmaat 2000). Neither way, in reality is that most everyday people do not really care for everyday life what language is state language.
The problem is that Ukrainian language is not only language used by ethnic Ukrainians. Ozminska (2014) claims that problem with language situation in Ukraine is that state language is language of minority, even it is language of ethnic majority. This creates paradox as language that is promoted to use and gains more use in public is not actually language that most of the population
wants to speak. That is where conflict come to life. Nevertheless, the national language and history became way of ethnic mobilization in many post-Soviet Union states (Tomaychyk 2013). This way a new identity is formed even it often is base on the historic and already existing ethnicity, which often just did not have ability before to become own state and nation. Tomaychyk (2013) names this process “mobilizing linguism”, which is creation of nation-state using new state language as base for nation rebirth. However, Caviedes (2003) points out that not that multilingualism is reason for division, but more attitudes of the population, sentiments and symbolism attached to particular language. In Ukraine the Russian language symbolizes oppression and many Ukrainian-speaking people opposing Russian to have official status as it symbolize power of Russia over Ukraine once more.
The language problem became an important political instrument for Ukrainian-Russian relation (Karabanova 2003). Often in the politics, especially Ukrainian, the relation to Russian-speaking population had to have direct relation to Russia. Often Ukrainian people feel like having any relation with Russia will return them to pre-independence status of being part of Russia. As result Ukrainian-speaking population can feel threaten by the Ukrainian-speaking population. At the same time Russian-speaking population of ethnic Ukrainians does not see that. Neither way the political elite of Ukraine uses this situation for their own purpose, like get votes and gain more power in the state.
Granting status of Russian language as official language of the state became to be political flavor and not right. (Karabanova 2003). It is strange situation as it is denying rights of the people who are also local population, such as ethnic Ukrainians, but also Russians who feel that they do not get the same amount of the rights as they would get in Russia. As result, language political games influence and change identity of the ethnic Russians in Ukraine. They become unwelcome minority, unlike they were in Soviet Union. It is often believed that nation will unite under only one language (Karabanova 2003). In Post-Soviet Union state, the Russian minority feel to belong to another nation and at the same time to the new state as well (Brubaker 1994). This kind of experience for the Russians in the successor states could be confusing. They feel to be Russian ethnically, however, they often lived long time on the territory of the newly created state, which connects them to this state. However, new laws such as state language becomes to be not Russian, they can be considered themselves in strange situation. They feel belonging to that other country that now is outside of the borders and one that possibly does not have good relation with new state. It is possible that Russian minority would move from one side (Russia) to another (successor state) depending from different events. Possibly
Shulman (1998) claims that creating a Ukrainian national identity that includes weakening Russian ethnic identity and breaking all connections to Russia will be creating a lot of complications and make nation-building process more difficult. Most of the people on the east of the country are supporting Ukrainian state, however they do not like losing the connection with Russia. As a result, cutting ties with Russia is not good thing for Ukraine as it can be seen threatening the rights of the minority.
Idea that Russians are big community that is united through language and it define nationality came from Russian Empire and Soviet Union (Tolz 1998). In the Soviet Union, to claim to be Russian in passport or state census, you would just need to speak Russian, but not necessary be Russian ethnically. When Ukraine become independent this idea continue to live on and Ukraine wanted to be different, to not be Russia. It was seen to be only done with help of Ukrainian language that would make new Ukrainian state stand out from Russia. At the same time, Ukrainian nationalists believed Ukrainian that speaks Russian language and also adopts Russian culture loses their Ukrainianess. This way Russified Ukrainians are not real Ukrainians and are more “Little Russians”. However, it should not be contradicting identities. It is possible to have characteristics from both ethnic groups and at the same time being loyal to the political state, as well as, to both ethnicities (Shulman 1998). Ukrainian and Russian identities does not compete with each other.
During the Ukrainian nation-building it was important to create new and different independent state, one that does not have any connection to another states, specifically Russia. However, Ukraine and Russia have very close historical connection and Ukraine had to stress its own symbols of the identity, which are different from Russian ones (Karabanova 2003). This way Ukrainian language is what can create this difference. It is showing that Ukraine is not Russia and not even part of Russian, but separate state. Karabanova (2003) shows that politicians worry that if Russian language would get any official status, it can the Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity to be challenged. By having one state language which is Ukrainian, Ukraine tries to prove own ability to have separate sovereign state that is not under Russian power. At the same time, resistance to Ukrainian language is just psychological rejection which is heated by nationalistic movements (Karabanova 2003). This way language politics become forceful and artificial, being possible reason for the crisis.
After EuroMaidan and beginning of the crisis, there were also changes in the Ukrainian identity (Kulyk 2016). Many people started to show more pride in being Ukrainian citizen, identify themselves more as Ukrainian, more want to fight and work for Ukraine and also have more believe that people
themselves can change Ukraine for better. Also, during EuroMaidan, Russian speakers consider their Ukrainian identity being a choice, and not something base on ethnicity or language (Kulyk 2016). As result, EuroMaidan and the crisis changed meaning of who belongs to Ukrainian nation, but also alienated Russia. However, this events did not make people more likely to speak Ukrainian in everyday life. Russian speakers did not find it necessary to change language they speak, as there was no treat for using Russian and also speaking Ukrainian was not characteristic that made them feel Ukrainian, as mentioned above. In a way, Russian-speakers have civic national identity as Ukrainians, which was independent from their ethnic national identity.
2.5 Conclusion
In this chapter I discussed theoretical framework for my thesis. I covered what is ethnicity and nation, and how they are different. There are no much differences between them, as both create group of people that are different from others by certain characteristics, such as language, culture, race and so on. However, there is difference in ethnic national identity and civic national identity, where one is based on ethnic characteristic, such as decent and language, and other is based on the state
characteristics, such as common state, territory and so on. Nevertheless, a language plays important role in this, as it is often considered to be one of most visible characteristics for the group. It can help to unite people, but also can separate and create conflicts.
A language is also important part of the nation-building process, and it plays crucial role in Ukraine since independence. However, trouble was that not everyone was speaking Ukrainian and the nation-building policies over last 25 years did not made a lot of improvement. Even after EuroMaidan and beginning of the crisis, most people remain speaking the same languages, even with raise of the pride in Ukrainian identity. In the chapter 4, I will tell about historic background that would help to understand this dynamic. However, first in the chapter 3, I will show methods used for the research and what kind of the data was collected.
Chapter 3: Methodology
In this chapter I will discuss methods used for the research, which include a primary data, such as the newspaper articles and questionnaire, and a secondary data, such as an academic literature. I will discuss how and what kind of data was collected. In the end I will discuss limitations and ethical aspects of the research.
3.1 Data Collection
This section will explain how data for the analysis of this thesis was collected and how I made choice to use one kind of the data over another.
3.1.1 The Secondary Data
For this research, a variety of the data was collected. First, the secondary data was collected by looking at the academic literature and previous researches on the topic on three languages: English, Ukrainian and Russian. There was wide amount of the literature on Ukraine, but I focused on one that discussed language, national and ethnic identity and nation-building in Ukraine. Additionally, I looked on the literature that covered topics of the language and its relation with ethnic and national identity, as well as, the language and its use for the nation-building process in the general, without focusing on my case study. I tried to focus on more recent literature to see development in the nation-building in the recent years, however it was important to look on the earlier literature as well. Of course, the basic understanding of what ethnicity, nationality, ethnic and national identity was covered while doing this secondary data research. Part of the general academic literature was focused on the nation-building process in the post-Soviet Union countries, as those states had a different kind of experience compared to the nation-building process was and is in the West European states or in the countries with colonial history. The data collected this way was used to creating theoretical framework and make deep analysis and understanding of the primary data collected.
3.1.2 The Primary Data: Newspaper Articles
Second type of the data collected came from articles from KP v Ukraine newspaper. I focus on the online version of the newspaper. It was due to time limit of the research and also because of the high amount of the people reading an online version. The articles were looked in the newspaper’s
online archive, however, it did not have a good search system and research for relevant articles generally was done manually by going through pages of the articles with any mentioning of the
language over last year. If I would try to use more specific terms, the search system would ignore many articles I found useful for my research. I chose this newspaper as it is one of the most popular
newspapers in Ukraine with about 870 thousand copies of the printed version per week. In 2009 an online version of the newspaper got to the top 10 of the most visited Ukrainian media and news websites (KP v Ukraine 2009). Also, it is published in the Russian language and this way it able to reach to more population in Ukraine, even regions where most people speaking Russian. At the same time, the people from the regions that mostly speak Ukrainian are also able to read it, as most
Ukrainians can understand and are willing to read on Russian. Additionally, it can be seen base from comments to the articles that is read by Ukrainian and Russian speakers, even there are no official statistic on the numbers of the people reading from different regions in Ukraine. My knowledge of the Russian language helps that I did not need to translate the articles and I was able to read them in the original. Furthermore, the newspaper audience has readers of the different ages. The older generation continues to be loyal to it because of its connection with the Soviet Union version, and at the same time the younger generation is able to read it as well in the print or online version as newspaper is relevant for them. This way this newspaper works great for my research.
Komsomolskaya Pravda v Ukraine (KP v Ukraine) is a Ukrainian newspaper in the Russian
language, which was founded in 1996. Nevertheless, its name comes from the Soviet Union newspaper
Komsomolskaya Pravda that still exists in Russia under the same name and remains to be very well
known and read. Both newspapers are very different and the Ukrainian one focuses on Ukraine and is not pro-Russian. Both newspapers have similar names because the Ukrainian version was created on the base of the Soviet Union newspaper, which was founded in 1925, and brought license for a name from Russian version. Right now KP v Ukraine is privately own by “Ukrainian Media Holding”, which in the end is owned by Ukrainian oligarch Sergiy Kyrchenko. In the beginning of 2016, it changed its full name to KP v Ukraine, because of decommunization law. It covers many topics from politics, sports, health, entertainment, Ukraine and the world. It also owns a website created in 2004, which has copies of the printed versions of the newspaper, as well as, many more articles and is updated all time.
Publicly, KP v Ukraine considered to be generally objective of its points of views most of the time. During events of EuroMaidan there were wide range of ways it covered events (Vakulych and Sharow 2015): generally neural, neutral to the government, negative to the opposition, positive to
security forces and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, negative to the protestors and radicals. Vakulych and Sharow (2015) claim that this newspaper was supportive of the security forces actions, more than of the government. However, there are few instances when newspaper approve the actions of the protestors as well, discussing the unity of the Ukrainian population. Only after February 22, 2014, KP
v Ukraine published article with significant support of the protesters and their actions.
I concentrated my research of the articles on the period since February of 2014 to September 2016. I chose this period because of my focus on the time period since beginning of the ongoing crisis. However, my first article comes from February 23, 2014, as Ukrainian Parliament abolished the language law, which by the Russian media often claimed to be reason for the beginning of the crisis (Steshyn 2014). I believe it is an important turning point for the language discussion in Ukraine, which should not be ignored. The last article comes from the most recent speech of the Ukrainian president Poroshenko before Parliament in September 2016, where he did mentioned the language situation in the state. All other articles come between those two dates.
I chose articles that cover the topic of the language on the state level. It usually is about government actions and claims about the state language, minority languages and Russian language. Search was done on KP v Ukraine website looking through all articles over last two years, choosing only appropriate ones, as discussed above. I did not chose articles about education changes if it did not have specific connection to the language, as well as, the state test results for the Ukrainian language subject in the schools. Also, I did not cover personal view articles of the politicians, bloggers and famous journalist with very definite and sometimes extreme point of view about language situation and politics in Ukraine, as I want to focus more on the way this particular newspaper reports news about the language. This way I was able to research through KP v Ukraine website for specific articles for my thesis to explore topic of the nation-building and language in Ukraine.
This way wide range of the data was collected and it will help me to answer my research question and sub-questions through my thesis. Chapter 5 will focus on analysis of the data collected through KP v Ukraine website.
3.1.3 The Primary Data: The Questionnaire
The additional data I collected was by using the online questionnaire on the Ukrainian and Russian languages to help me to understand connection between language and ethnic and national identity of the people who live in Ukraine since the beginning of the crisis in 2014. The unit of the
analysis is people living in Ukraine right now. I focus on the people between 18 and 32 years old, which is a group of the adults who went to the school and grew up in independent Ukraine. This group was chosen base on the research that people raised during the nation-building process could have different views on the situation unlike other age groups. Additionally, more division of the responses was made, base on the region where people lived: West, East, South or North. It is based on Janmaat’s division, as it based on the influence of Russia, which is crucial for discussion of the language in Ukraine (Figure 1). It will explained better in chapter 4.
Figure 1: Ukraine: Territorial Administrative Structure (Janmaat 2000)
I myself constructed and translated a questionnaire on Russian and Ukrainian. As the
questionnaire was performed on two language, maximum similarities were between two versions, so I made sure that the questions on both languages were the same in meaning. The questionnaire was constructed and performed on Qualtrics platform and it was shared with anonymous link. The questionnaire was spread online. Friends and family were contacted so they could help me to reach most people possibly. Additionally, I posted on few of the different often used forums, as well as, Facebook, Vkontakte (Russian version of Facebook) and Odnoklasniki (similar to Facebook, base on
the finding classmates) groups that focus on the research, surveys and questionnaires. Some of the groups were specifically Ukrainian, other ones were not, but I specify in the description that
questionnaire was aimed to the people living in Ukraine. Other groups were focused on the political or economical questionnaires. The questionnaire was performed for about 3 months. As results, I got 127 filled questionnaires, 101 of which were completed.
3.2 Operationalization
To be able to perform analysis of the newspaper articles and construct questionnaire, the key concepts were operationalized. For each kind of the data was operationalized or coded on its own. First, I will discuss bottom-up coding done to analyze the newspaper articles, and next I will look at operationalization of the key concepts for the questionnaire.
3.2.1 The Newspaper Articles
For analysis of the newspaper articles, the bottom-up coding was done to match themes in the articles with key concepts. such as national identification/identity, language, crisis and nation-building (Table 1). First, there were found main themes in the articles, which were coded first to variables, then dimensions and then finally to the concepts as it can be seen in the Table 1.
Such themes like Ukrainian ethnicity is a part of majority, which is a part of ethnic national identity. At the same time Russian and other ethnicity, like Crimean Tatars, Romanians, Hungarians and other. are part of minority, which is also a part of ethnic national identity. Themes about respect of Ukrainian state law and learning of Ukrainian language and culture are a part of the honoring state, which represents civic national identity concept.
The languages mentioned in the articles were coded in the way they were mentioned. The Ukrainian language is the state language and other languages, including Russia, were coded official local or ethnic minority language depending on how article talks about those languages. The themes of the crisis were coded as well. They were grouped to variables like reasons for crisis, continuation of the crisis and resolving of the crisis. It is divided this way to see influence of the crisis on the language and ethnic and civic national identity.
The last themes are language and cultural policy, schools that teach Ukrainian, symbols of Ukraine, necessity of strengthen Ukrainian language, culture and state criticizing of not using
Ukrainian and pushing out use of Russian language. All of this goes under concept of the nation-building, which is background for whole discussion of the language (Table 1).
This bottom-up coding will help to analyze newspaper articles, the list of which is included in Appendix I.
3.2.2 The Questionnaire
For the questionnaire the concepts, such as national identification, language use and crisis, were operationalised to be measured them during the research (Table 2). National identification was focused on the parts of the national identity that change and will be divided on the couple dimensions:
ethnic/ethnicity, civic, Slavic and regional. Ethnic national identification is divided on the desent and traditions, as a way of trying to different Ukrainian and Russian ethnicity, which have a lot of
similarities, and to see any changes since the crisis. In the decent category, there was measured things like claimed ethnicity and ethnic decent. In the traditions category, there was measured holidays celebrated and honor days honored. The civil national identification divided on the political
participation (participation in the elections and protests) and support for the nation (such as boycott of the products and support of the national sport teams). The Slavic national identification was measured by looking if Ukrainian and Russian histories are believed by person to be shared. The regional national identification was measured by if they support Ukraine’s leaning toward West or Russia.
The second concept operationalised is the language use. It divided on the language use home and public now, how changed of the usage in public since the crisis and use of the language for media. All was measured by asking about language use in the varieties of everyday situations. The last
concept operationalised is the crisis. It was looked through dimension of framing of the crisis, specifically the nature of the crisis, the origin of the crisis and the situation in Donbass and Crimea regions.
The last category would be personal background, which helped to find out some basic
information (that do not change) about people who take questionnaire. It was divided on the ethnicity (such as where parents came from and official nationality in the Soviet Union), civic identity (such as passport owned and serving in the army), regional/local identity (where person lives) and the mother tongue (first language learned and spoken) (Table 2).
Based on this operationalisation questions for the questionnaire was created. The questions and options of the answers could be seen in Appendix II.
Table 1: Coding of the newspaper articles
Concept Dimension Variable Theme
National Identification/I dentity
Ethnic/ethnicity Majority Ukrainian ethnicity Minority/Regional Russian ethnicity
Other minority/Hungarian, Romanian, Crimean Tatars
Civic Honoring state Respect Ukrainian state law
Learning Ukrainian language and culture
Language Language mentioned State Ukrainian language
Official Local Russian, Hungarian, Crimean Tatars’. Romanian and other languages – when talks about ‘language law’
Ethnic Minority Russian, Hungarian, Crimean Tatars’. Romanian and other languages – in general Crisis Framing of the crisis Reasons for the crisis Almost abolished ‘language law’
‘Pushing’ Russian out of use on state, local and personal level
Continuation of the
crisis New laws that limit use of Russian on different levels Resolving of the crisis Memorandum and other ways of
compromise
Keep local status of Russian and other minority languages
Unification of Ukraine by use of Ukrainian language
Nation-building
Ukrainian Policy Language policy
Cultural policy
Education Schools to teach on Ukrainian Other Symbols of Ukraine: flags and other
Necessity to strengthen of the language, culture, state
Other Criticize to not use Ukrainian
Table 2: Operationalisation of the questionnaire
Concept Dimension Variable Measure/Indicator
National
Identification Ethnic/ethnicity DecentTraditions Claimed ethnicity (question 15)Holidays celebrated (question 16) Honor days observed (question 16) Civil Political participation Voting (questions 19 and 20)
Political protests participation before and after crisis (question 21)
EuroMaidan participation (question 27) Support for nation Boycott of the Russian products since the
crisis (question 27)
Support of the nation sport teams (question 17)
Slavic Common history for Russia and Ukraine
(question 18)
Regional/ Local Ukraine orientation of foreign policy
(question 26)
Language Use Usage of the language Home (now) Language used at home (question 12) Public (now) Language used most during week for
writing, reading, speaking for not personal use (questions 12 and 13)
Language spoken at work/school (question 12)
Change of Language Use in Public
Language use before crisis (question 30) Media Language of the television (question 13) Language of the newspapers (question 13) Crisis Framing of the crisis The nature of the crisis If it is Russian intervention (question 23)
If it is war with Russia (question 23) If the separatists are fighters for freedom from Ukrainian oppression (question 23) The origins of the crisis If Ukraine started crisis (question 24)
If Russia started crisis (question 24) If EuroMaidan led to crisis (question 24) If EU started crisis (question 24)
Concept Dimension Variable Measure/Indicator
The situation with
Donbass and Crimea What should be status of Donbass (question25) What should be status of Crimea (question 25)
Personal Background
Ethnicity Decent Location where parents born (questions 6 and 7)
Official nationality in the Soviet Union (question 9)
Traditions Religion and patriarchate (question 4) Civic Identity Citizenship Passport (question 8)
Regional/Local Identity Region where live (question 3) Language Use Mother tongue Language of the parents (question 14)
Language learned first (question 14) Language spoken before school/pre-school (question 14)
3.3 Data
3.3.1 The Newspaper Articles
For analysis of the media, I use 20 newspaper articles from KP v Ukraine. There are 11 articles from 2014, 4 articles from 2015 and 5 articles from 2016. They are of different lengths and style. Some are focused only on one topic, which is language, Ukrainian or Russian. Others have more general topic, but language is a part of it and often mentioned in the title. Some of the articles are parts of the bigger article, like of the Presidential speech or other political speeches. However, those bigger articles are not included in the analysis because they do not cover topic of the language, as there is separated article that talks about language topic, which I do look at.
One part of the articles mostly from 2014 talks about the 2012 language law, how it was almost abolished and then if it was good or bad for Ukraine. Also the status of Russian and ethnic minority languages in Ukraine are discussed in those articles. They often are just statements from the Ukrainian politicians, which mainly give promise of doing something with law or give more rights to the ethnic minority’s languages. Second part of the articles, most from 2015, covers more general topics, such as language in the Ukrainian passport or call of the president to unite country no matter of the language. And third part of the articles cover language in the media. Those are mainly from 2016, which discuss
a different type of the media and laws or possible laws that should be implemented in the country to have more mass media in the Ukrainian language.
It is important to notice that none of the articles have own point of view stated, only what president or politicians said, being more informative. It was one of the criteria I did chose those articles. The actors in the articles are government and most of them end up covering governmental actions, however it is not problem for my research.
3.3.2 The Questionnaire
In this section I will describe what kind of data I was able to collect through the questionnaire and also why questionnaire did not lead to expected results. I will show the demographic composition of the sample, how well representative of the real situation and how it could have been improved.
The questionnaire was done for three month online. The are total of 91 results that I will be using for analysis. They all are coming from Western regions of Ukraine, which are Ivano-Frankivska, Lvivska, Zakarpatska, Ternopolska, Volunska, Chernigivska and Rivenska oblasts, as there was most results in this region. Results are distributed with 77 people with preferred the use of Ukrainian language (85%) and 14 (15%) people with preferred the use of Russian (Figure 2), which generally is in accordance to official surveys about the use of the language in the Western Ukraine. The latest research on the language in Ukraine showed that 96% of Western Ukrainians out of all age groups use Ukrainian as the main language (Rating Group Ukraine 2012). This does not equal to percentage in my questionnaire, however, it shows general picture.
Figure 2: Preferred Language to Use in Western Ukraine (Questionnaire 2016)
The questionnaire was performed on all people who live in Ukraine right now, however as results of questionnaire showed that all people who fill out questionnaire from the Western Ukraine are
