1 “Everything depends on advertising”
Commercial Media, Democracy, and Press Freedom in Chile.
Charis McGowan Student ID: 11300337 Master’s Thesis
Graduate School of Communication Master’s Program Communication Science
Supervisor/Examiner: mw. dr. P.H. Sheets Thibaut Date of completion: 30th May 2017
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Abstract
Chile is one of the highest ranking South American countries on the press freedom indices Freedom House and Reporters without Borders; 27 years on from Pinochet’s dictatorship, journalists are considered largely free to operate without state interference or restraints. However, research indicates that media workers in returning democracies still experience restrictions that are greater than those in Western democratic nations. This paper explores these issues further in the context of modern day Chile, a country with little media plurality with the highest media concentration in Latin America. Based on a series of semi-structured interviews with Chilean journalists, and those who have worked in Chilean media, the perception of press freedom is explored to determine if —or in what way —journalists in Chile feel restricted. The discussion is based on whether Chilean journalists feel freedom or restriction working in a heavily market-influenced media, which has been shaped and fostered by post-Pinochet governments. By challenging the Western assumption that democracy is an enabler, or pillar, of a free press, this study hopes to enrich the academic understanding of press freedom by offering an alternative exploration of journalists’ perceptions and experiences when considering the market restrictions in a non-Western context.
Introduction:
Democracy and a free press are often considered to be interdependent. For example, press freedom and democracy work together equitably in combating corruption (Chowdhury, 2004; Kalenborn & Lessman, 2013). Press freedom is considered to be “a key component of the general level of democracy in a country” (Karlekar & Becker, 2014, p. 32), where change in one
aspect invariably influences change in the other. As Carey (1999) sums up, “without journalism there is no democracy, but without democracy there is no journalism either” (p. 51). Indeed,
press freedom indices such as Freedom House classify countries with a freer press as more democratic. The U.S.-based Freedom House measures press freedom through analyzing how economic, political and legal pressures impact a country’s media (Becker, Vlad & Nusser et. al,
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2007). As one of the oldest and most cited measurement of press freedom, Freedom House data are frequently cited as a standard of free press in academic literature and are used by NGOs and government officials for reports and policy analysis (Bradley, 2015; Burgess, 2010).
However, there has been debate among scholars whether such measurements of press freedom are reliable. Holtz-Bacha (2004) stresses the cultural bias of the most recognized press freedom indices, which are based in the West: “They mirror the norms and values of the highly developed Western democracies” (p.9). Bradley (2015) and Steiner (2016) respectively highlight
that, as a non-profit body subsidized by the US government, Freedom House’s potential U.S bias should be further scrutinized. While the work of Freedom House has been valued by scholars (Becker et al., 2007; Holtz-Bacha, 2004), the use of its data in literature is often applied without consideration of the complications that arise from the definition and normative measurement of press freedom (Becker et al., 2007).
Weaver and Willnat (2012) allude to the complications of narrowing the concept of press freedom into an empirical value, reasoning that press freedom cannot be a static term, but a concept that depends on cultural factors. Adding to Weaver and Willnat’s argument, Voltmer
and Wasserman (2014) maintain that press freedom must be considered as a flexible term in order to be valuable in non-Western settings. They criticize the dominant discourse on the topic that refers to both democracy and press freedom as universally agreed terms, “…this not only
ignores the large variation of the interpretations and practices of press freedom that exist even between and within Western democracies, but also the persisting ambiguity of these norms”
(Voltmer & Wasserman, 2014, p. 179)
There remains gap when it comes to international literature addressing press freedom in Latin America, beyond that of relying on indices’ data. This is particularly relevant in a region
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that has experienced significant democratic change in the last century; a transformation in governance that has influenced media practices. The aim here is to explore the relationship between press freedom and democracy in Chile, a country that in 1990, returned to democracy following 17 years of dictatorship. Specifically, the central research question of this project is as follows: How does the current Chilean democratic system restrain or facilitate press
freedom?
The Relationship between Press Freedom and Democracy
Recent examples across the world demonstrate how media has been liberated through democratic change. Tunisia, where the authoritarian government had strict control of the press before the 2011 revolution, has experienced a torrent of new, diverse media output since
democracy was established (el-Issawi, 2012). Bhutan, a country that had no private media before 2006 and achieved democracy in 2008, now has such a considerable amount of diverse media that it exceeds the demands of the small population (Josephi, 2015). This pattern of press
transformation was also true in the immediate post-Soviet era when Poland, Hungary and Czech Republic “underwent a journey from a condition of state monopoly in both political and media
realms to a remarkable proliferation of political parties and media outlets” (Tworzecki & Semetko, 2012, p. 409). Yet, despite the correlation of the two variables, the exact nature of the relationship between a free press and democracy is hard to determine; such as whether one factor is more significant, or whether one can exist without the other.
Academic research has addressed these issues in a number of ways. Free press can be defined as a concept dependent on a democratic system that does not interfere with the press, as claimed by Weaver (1977), “the relative absence of governmental controls is a necessary, if not
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sufficient, condition for the existence of press freedom” (p. 157). Alternatively, Anderson (2006) and Jakubowicz (1998) argue that a free press is a core pillar of democracy—and that democracy cannot exist without it. Oster (2013) rather defines press freedom as an element which fosters democracy, referring to the UK, US and Germany among countries that grant the media protection and privileges.
This discussion is made even more complex when the definition of democracy is considered, “…underlying the question about what obligations media and journalism have
toward democracy, however, is an even more fundamental question: what is meant by the concept of democracy?” (Strömbäck, 2005, p.333)
The concept of democracy is one that has been rigorously examined; it has been widely agreed that there is not ‘one’ democratic system, but that democratic governance comes in
various forms (Ferree, Gamson, Gerhard, & Rucht, 2002). Strömbäck (2005) analyses how different democratic systems have normative implications on journalistic practice. While this work is valuable in determining how media can be shaped by democracy, research that considers free press exclusively in a democratic setting evidences a Western notion that journalism can only freely operate under democratic conditions.
There remains a consensus that free press is enabled and defined by the democracy it operates in, which Gunther and Mughan (2000) attribute to the Cold War mentality, “this association of democracy with a free press and authoritarianism/totalitarianism with a media enslaved is overdrawn and has never been fully convincing” (Gunther and Mughan, 2000, p.5).
To further this argument, there is a growing body of literature which explores the
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examine how the watchdog role is perceived by investigative journalists in Central and Eastern European countries. Even though these post-communist countries enjoy a free press, the
influence of watchdog media on politics was found to be marginal. Factoring in a regional context, a strong democracy is neither strengthened nor maintained by free press, demonstrating that a freely classified press does not necessarily have the same power or influence on
democracy as it does in the West.
By researching journalism in a Chinese setting, Repnikova (2015) similarly challenges the Western assumption, drawing attention to “the increasingly blurry lines between media
practices in democracies and non-democracies by… demonstrating that watchdog media can function in the latter” (Repnikova, 2015, p. 2). Voltmer and Wasserman (2014) interviewed journalists in Bulgaria, Poland, South Korea, Taiwan, Namibia and South Africa on their views of press freedom. It was found that “interpretations are shaped by specific cultural and historical world views… leading to new forms of journalistic practice that are often in contradiction to
Western notions of press freedom” (Voltmer & Wasserman, 2014, p. 189).
Such studies demonstrate that democracy and press freedom have a more complicated relationship than signalled by the aforementioned press indices. For this reason, Becker et al. (2007) implore the wider research community to be aware of indices’ limitations, “one must guess about what it is that the organization is actually trying to measure” (Becker et al. 2007, p. 19).
Recognizing the Western normative-bias inherent in the literature that cites indices’ data, Voltmer and Wasserman (2014) alternatively advocate a social constructivist approach, arguing that press freedom and democracy are “concepts that are highly contingent on the particular historical pathway in which they developed” (p.179).
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Given its close affiliation to the West (Harmer, 2013), Chile is regarded as one of Latin America’s most progressive countries—a model for developing countries (Valdés, 1995);
especially in terms of economic stability and growth (Palma, 2014) and a high press freedom (based on indices’ results1). However, given the country’s relatively recent transition to democracy, the Chilean case of free press should not be equitable to, or measured against, a Western standard (such as the aforementioned press freedom indices). A more effective and accurate exploration of the contingency between press freedom and democracy in Chile will rather be determined based upon a social constructivist approach.
The Chilean context
Allende and Pinochet: Democratic socialism to neoliberal dictatorship.
In 1970, Salvador Allende, leader of the Popular Unity party, was the first Marxist leader democratically elected in the southern hemisphere (Bucciferro, 2012). Allende vowed to
implement a “Chilean way to Socialism”, and began conducting social reforms. These were
regarded as a threat to the country’s elite, who then rebelled and boycotted his policies (Bucciferro, 2012).
By 1973 the living wage reached an all-time low, and the country was deeply divided (Bucciferro, 2012). Acknowledging the discontent among the public due to an unsound economic strategy, Allende had planned a plebiscite on his presidency, yet this was forcefully disrupted by a military coup. With the backing of the U.S, which was threatened by the existence
1 In the Reporters san Frontiers World Press Freedom Index, Chile is ranked 31, below only Surinam and Uruguay in
the region (Reporters sans Frontiers, 2016). Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press similarly ranks Chile as “free”, measured as one of the highest free press in the region (Freedom House, 2016)
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of a Marxist state2 in Latin America, General Augusto Pinochet overthrew the Allende government. This resulted in Allende’s immediate death:
“The reasons for the military intervention of 1973 were many, both long and
short-term in their origins, the result of both domestic and international pressures. Moreover, the military coup that ousted Allende was as brutal as it was decisive,
representing one of the most dramatic ruptures in Chile’s modern history” (Hutchison et al., 2014, pg. 433).
Upon seizing power, Pinochet immediately began to conduct economic reformation (Haggard and Kaufman, 1995). Influential US economist Milton Friedman directly encouraged Pinochet to embrace the free market (Cárcamo-Huechante, 2006; Klein, 2007), urging the Chilean dictator to cut government spending to curb high inflation rates. Socialist supporters were detained or exiled and economic reforms were drastically implemented until Chile became “pure capitalist Utopia” cutting public spending by 27% (Klein, 2007, pg. 82). Under Pinochet’s
rule, Chile was radically transformed from a country with a strong state intervention, to a “free” society regulated solely by market forces. Such policies, along with support and trade subsidies from the U.S., increased the wealth of Chile’s elite, yet cuts to social welfare resulted in a deterioration of public health and education services. This produced a decline in popular standards of living (Valdés, 1995), and both dissenters and protestors were either detained or obliterated (Klein, 2007; Valdés, 1995). One understanding is that this neoliberal economic
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Declassified documents from Henry Kissinger to President Richard Nixon reveal that the US saw the election of Allende as a threat to their international interests. Letters reveal that Kissinger urged Nixon to adopt a strategy to “destabilize” the Allende government; “The consolidation of Allende in power in Chile, therefore, would pose some very serious threats to our interests and positions in the hemisphere”, also adding that Allende “will purposefully seek to establish close relations and linkages with the USSR, Cuba and other Socialist countries” (Kissinger, 1970)
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regime, which was conceived and advocated by Friedman’s Chicago Boys3, made Chile the guinea pig of free market policy: an experiment in economy at the cost of human rights (Valdés, 1995).
An alternative understanding, by Brender (2010), maintains that the Chicago Boys’ policies were justified when explored in the context of the post-Allende government: “the agreements must be seen through the lens of the economic situation in Chile at the time—high inflation, unstable employment, tepid growth rates and political groups strongly divided over economic policies” (Brender, 2010, p. 121).
Media in the Dictatorship
Whether understood as an economic remedy to a crumbling socialist state, or a brutal and voracious pursuit of capital gain, Pinochet’s drastic economic reformations had direct
consequences for the media. Pinochet confiscated all socialist partisan news sources, and destroyed the tapes and facilities of the state network, TVN (Tironi & Sunkel 2000). He
transferred TVN from the Ministry of Education to the General Secretariat of State, using it as a “propaganda machine” (Spooner, 2011, p.130). Though the press belonging to opposition party
Christian Democrats remained operational, it was subject to strict regulation and censorship (Tironi & Sunkel, 2000).
Prior to the dictatorship, Chile enjoyed a high degree of media plurality linked closely to political parties (Burnett, 1970). Pinochet’s erasure of partisan media, along with his penchant for neoliberal policy, led to a liberalization of the media. This produced an opening for corporate players to buy and use publications for market interests (Tironi & Sunkel, 2000). Two
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The Chicago Boys were a group of U.S trained Chilean economists, who studied under Friedman and Harberger in the University of Chicago in the 1970s and 80s. Upon returning to Chile, many assumed prominent political positions in the Pinochet government, institutionalizing neoliberal policies (Clark & Clark, 2016)
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newspapers emerged as the leading, state-favoured periodicals: El Mercurio and La Tercera. Both thrived with the support of the regime, and enjoyed the financial benefits of the free-market, increasing advertising revenue (Noam, 2015). The owners of the newspapers (the
Edwards and Picó Cañas families, respectively) were influential during the dictatorship4 and held close affiliations to the state (Noam, 2015).
A number of underground alternative publications enjoyed a wide readership in the 1980s, being permitted to circulate, “a point regime supporters often made when arguing that press freedom was respected in the country” (Spooner, 2011, p. 131). They had no advertising revenue or state benefits. Instead, international actors and NGOs interested in exposing Pinochet’s human rights abuses funded the media to act as a watchdog to the state. These
alternative publications focused on bringing democratic change, and helped to educate and mobilize the public against the dictatorship.
In 1988, confident of a secure victory and motivated to silence adversaries, Pinochet staged a plebiscite. At the time, television was the only media strictly controlled by the state, yet Pinochet granted the opposition campaign 15 minutes of airtime, in the hope that this would not attract too much public attention (LaMay, 2007). Much to the government’s dismay, the creative “No” (to the dictatorship) campaign gained a significant following, and the opposition’s efforts
were strengthened by the support of alternative media.
While it is hard to determine the exact effect of the media campaign on the vote outcome, the presence of opposition media, especially on the television, had a significant impact on the
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Owner and editor of El Mercurio at the time, Agustin J. Edwards was active in the staging of Pinochet’s military coup. Declassified documents revealed that he met with Kissinger in the 1970s, and accepted bribes from the CIA to unfavorably portray Allende in his paper, and drum up support for a military intervention (Valdés, 1995). The newspaper continued to be owned by Edwards until his death in 2017.
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vote that forced Pinochet’s resignation5
(Méndez, Godoy, Barros & Fontaine, 1989) (Tironi & Sunkel 2000).
Media in Democracy: The Concertación and today.
The fall of the dictatorship brought forth an era of four liberal governments won by leftist coalition known as the Concertación; the first two led by Christian Democratic leaders Patricio Aylwin (1990-1994) and Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (1994-2000), and the latter two led by Socialists Ricardo Lagos (2010-2014) and Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010). The democratization brought little change to the Chilean economic structure, with the only notable difference being the reduction of poverty and increase in living standards (Clark & Clark, 2016).
With the return of democracy, conditions were expected to be more favorable for independent media given the lack of state restriction. Yet, somewhat ironically, democracy resulted in a shrinking of independent outlets—media plurality was essentially driven out. During the Concertación, the alternative media of the dictatorship found itself without political cause, and soon the financial backing of these newspapers dried up, leaving virtually no
independent media (Bresnahan, 2003). State media was privatized and sold whilst the Pinochet-favoured El Mercurio and La Tercera continued to be validated by politicians and the country’s elite and bolstered by advertising revenues. This has resulted in the current media landscape; one which is characterized by commercialism and a lack of diversity.
Chile’s present-day media is therefore rooted in the policies implemented during
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54.71% of the electorate voted against Pinochet’s rule in the 1988 plebiscite. In 1989 democratic elections were held for the first time in 17 years, and in 1990, Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin assumed presidency, marking the transition and return to democracy (The Observer Group of the Latin American Studies Association, 1989)
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Pinochet era, “the continuity in the structure of the Chilean mass communications system reflects the fact that the media…. were forced to rely for financial support on the market” (Tironi &
Sunkel 2000, p.192). Since this time, media concentration has increased, with ninety-five percent of print titles controlled by two privately owned conglomerates, El Mercurio S.A.P (El Mercurio, La Segunda, Las Ultimas Noticias) and Copesa (La Tercera, La Cuarta) (Mellado,2012). Both conglomerates are conservative, closely linked to the country’s right. Chile has the highest concentration rates of media ownership in Latin America (Beccerra & Mastrini, 2009).
Neoliberal Democracy and the Restriction of a Market-Driven Press
As the post-dictatorship governments failed to nurture alternative media outlets or sustain a state-funded public media, the current-day Chilean press is a clear example of a predominantly market-influenced media. This is in contrast to the Western democratic corporatist model of a strong, non-commercial, public broadcasting tradition (Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Lugo-Ocando, 2008).
The restrictions of a market-led press, in the U.S. particularly, is a subject that has
garnered significant discussion. McChesney (2003) attacks the commercialization of modern day professional journalism, which seeks to achieve maximum profit by meeting the demands of advertisers. Content is subsequently targeted to engage the interests of affluent societal groups. This profit-driven mentality has a powerful impact on content production, and market-driven media continues to be the dominant force in neoliberal-democratic newsrooms.
“The days when journalism was a public service directed at the entire
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journalism is increasingly directed at the middle class and the upper class while the working class and the poor have been written off altogether.” (McChesney, 2008, pp. 47)
The scope of news content, even in countries where media is largely diverse, is relatively narrow (Bagdikian, 1985). Therefore, a market-driven media threatens journalistic integrity and freedom:
“The market model of media “shoppers” exercising direct democratic control via the
responses of advertisers to their consumption choices is rejected by democratic theory. In fact, media markets are oligopolistic, with high barriers to entry in which “free” choice is severely limited.” (Bresnahan, 2003, p. 42)
In the U.S, the press continues to benefit from both strong legal protection and the presence of a public broadcaster. The situation in Chile presents an under-explored context that is both post-regime and heavily market-driven. Yet, despite being a beacon of press freedom in the region, Chile’s market-driven system faces the same problems as the U.S. media; but without public broadcasting (however limited). Supporting the arguments from McChensey (2008) and Bagdikian (1985), Chilean media has been criticized for failing to represent marginalized
groups—such as the indigenous Mapuche who account for up to 10% of the country’s population (Richards, 2007)—as content is homogenized to appeal to wealthier target audiences.
Indeed, survey evidence suggests that Chilean journalists feel restricted by the profit-driven nature of the media system. Chilean journalists reported the greatest levels of restrictions on their content as imposed by profit-pressures. This is almost three times more than journalists in the other surveyed democratic countries6 (Sapiezynska, Lagos & Cabalin, 2013).
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While there is much discussion concerning neoliberal democracies and their application of a market-driven media, there is little research that considers Chile, and even less that explores first-hand accounts of how journalists in Chile perceive such influence in their day-to-day work. Addressing this gap, and through a series of in-depth interviews, this study seeks to explore how journalists perceive restrictions. To identify a more comprehensive understanding of journalistic viewpoints, the following sub-questions were developed:
Sub-Question 1: How has “free” press developed in Chile since the return of democracy?
Sub-Question 2: To what extent do journalists feel constrained by market interests and ownership of media in Chile?
Method
Ten in-depth interviews with Chilean journalists were conducted. This research method was considered the most appropriate to accurately gauge the journalists’ perspectives, allowing them time for reflection and explanation (Bartholomé, Lecheler, & de Vreese, 2015) (Boudana, 2010) (Voltmer & Wasserman, 2014).
The interviews followed a semi-structured format whereby all participants were asked about the same topics. This method allows the interviewer a degree of control, yet the flexibility of the approach elicits richer data (Lichtman, 2014). Through this method, interviewees were
from each 21 countries. The study was conducted 2007-2011, and the report was published in 2012 (Sapiezynska, Lagos & Cabalin, 2013, pp. 28-29). Perceived levels of restriction were indicated by survey questions which monitored outside influences such as “Advertisers” and “Market Interests.” Journalists could rank the influence from 1 (very influential) to 5 (not at all influential).
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able to devote time to each answer as they saw fit—without ‘pigeon-holing’ the response, thereby gaining deeper contextual meaning (Bryman, 2012, p.471).
Each interview approximately 30 minutes, addressing the following topics:
● Post-dictatorship media transformation and the ongoing impact of Pinochet’s neoliberal reforms on current day journalism practices in Chile.
● Restrictions that arise from a highly commercialized press which lacks diversity.
● Ownership influence; differences between independent and private media.
Reports from Freedom House and Reporters without Borders were used as a reference for the questions on the above themes. This was useful in extrapolating whether journalists voice a different perspective on press freedom, subsequently gaining more insight of Chilean media (see interview guide, Appendix 1).
Plesner (2011) highlights issues of power and control in using experts such as journalists as research subjects, who often assume the role of interviewer themselves, “where the circulation
of shared or common concepts messes up an orderly division between researchers’ vocabulary and interviewees’ vocabularies” (Plesner 2011, p.472). This was resolved by the interviewer
explaining the purpose of the interviews and additionally stressing their role as an academic student: separate from, yet knowledgeable of, the role of a journalist. This avoided a
‘downwards’ or ‘upwards’ power struggle between the interview subject and researcher. Instead, it allowed a ‘sideward’ approach as advocated by Plesner (2011, p.480), so that the participants
were able to discuss complex aspects of their career, with the assurance that the interviewer was distanced from the practice of journalism, permitting a greater degree of objectivity.
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were reluctant to participate in the study. As expressed by a journalist from an independent publication, “For conservative media, Chile is a heaven—they do not see restrictions!” For some,
the subject line of the original letter was questionable—“Perception of press media restrictions in Chile”. This may have accounted for a greater willingness to participate by left wing or
independent media. This was remedied by both rewriting the heading, and contacting journalists through existing contacts or colleagues—employing a ‘snowball’ effect.
Sample
This study used a combination of purposive and snowball sampling. Journalists from diverse disciplines, writing, photography or radio roles, were interviewed. To gain a
comprehensive understanding of the entire spectrum of Chilean media, journalists from
publications that represented “quality”, “tabloid” and “satirical” were included, providing these were considered influential news sources7.
The size of the sample was determined by a grounded theory approach as initially developed by Glaser and Strauss (1967), and revisited by Strauss and Corbin (1997); as definite themes emerged and no new data was revealed, the sample size was deemed adequate. After the tenth interview, the lack of any substantively new information signaled that the research data reached a point of theoretical saturation (Lichtman, 2014) (Green & Thorogood, 2004).
Five of the interviews were conducted face-to-face in their own offices or nearby cafes located in Santiago. The other interviews were carried out through Skype. Eight interviews were conducted in Spanish, and two in English. All interviewees were assured confidentiality and
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As there is little up-to-date information on newspaper circulation, and no available reports which include online media, this is based on online influence and on findings of relevant literature. Mellado’s overview of the Chilean journalist (Mellado, 2012) verifies influential print titles, and online outlets were deemed valid based on significant online followings (Facebook “likes” on articles and substantial comment sections). This was further verified by the journalists themselves.
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anonymity, labelled by the type of medium they worked for (for example: “satirical, print” ,“independent, online” “legacy, print”). See Table 1 below for an overview of the interviews.
Table 1: Interview Sample
Each interviewee was sent a letter describing the purposes of the study and given the contact details of the researcher and supervisor. After informed consent was obtained, the interviews were recorded and participants were assured that the data would be used solely for the study. As interviewees were guaranteed anonymity, all identifying information was subsequently
Subject Job Media Type Interview Date Length of Interview Location J1 Journalist Online, Investigative 22/12/2016 00:38 Santiago J2 Journalist Print, Legacy 29/12/2016 00:34 Santiago E1 Editor Online, Liberal 4/01/2017 00:33 Santiago J4 Journalist Online, Liberal/Print, Tabloid 4/01/2017 00:34 Santiago
J5 Journalist Online, Liberal/ Print, Satirical, 11/01/2017 00:25 Santiago E2 Editor Online, Independent 21/02/2017 00:31 Skype J7 Radio Journalist Radio, Legacy 10/03/2017 00:40 Skype J8 Journalist Print, Legacy 16/03/2017 00:32 Skype
J 9 Journalist Print, Online, Legacy 28/03/2017 00:22 Skype J10 Photo Journalist Photo, Online, Independent 28/04/2017 00:24 Skype
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removed from the recordings and transcripts.
Data Analysis
Interviews were transcribed and, for interviews conducted in Spanish, double checked by a native Spanish transcriber to maintain credibility and accuracy. In line with the ethical standards, the transcriber was not exposed to identifying information.
As the interviews were semi-structured, transcripts generated a quantity of data varying between 2500-4000 words. The total amount of transcribed audio totalled 60 pages, so to extract meaning from the research data, analysis was carried out using the step-by-step method as
suggested by Braun and Clarke (2006), which is complementary to the grounded theory approach (Flick, von Kardoff & Steinke, 2004). Firstly, the transcribed interviews were explored
thoroughly. Here, it was beneficial that the transcriptions were carried out autogenously, without external help, as it allowed for immersion in the data and increased familiarization (Flick, von Kardoff & Steinke, 2004). In the second step, patterns were identified and condensed into coded themes designed to capture the essence of the data. This coding process was completed after each interview was transcribed. As the process became increasingly habituated, codes became
established and could be applied simultaneously during subsequent transcriptions.
Thirdly, both semantic and latent codes (the former applies to explicitly stated ideas and the latter to implicit ideas) were identified, and key words were extracted and correlated to emerging themes (Smith, 2015). In the fourth step, a deeper overview of the themes occurred, and any similar or repetitive themes were broadened and condensed. Any additional themes that were not relevant to the research question were discarded. In the fifth stage, all main themes
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were labelled with a short definition to draw out and define the quintessential patterns in the data.
This type of thematic analysis allowed for a structured overview and was essential for the final step; the written report. Here, themes were connected back to the research question and relevant literature was employed to link all the data to the study narrative, demonstrating the merit and value of the research and its applicability to wider discussions.
As the data set was relatively small, analytical software was not required. All coding was carried out manually.
Results
As the research focuses on how democracy affects the freedom of the press, the questions were structured around the exploration of how press had changed or developed since the fall of the dictatorship. For this reason, questions were structured chronologically, thus providing an insight on how closely journalists felt that press freedom was, and is, influenced by both authoritarian regimes and democracies.
A second factor focuses on the present-day characteristics of Chilean media. As Chile is a country with one of the most concentrated media in Latin America (Mellado, 2012), it was important to explore how media conglomerates may influence press freedom. A final point of the analysis considers the future of journalism in Chile; specifically whether conditions for press freedom are improving or worsening.
Journalism during the dictatorship—freer than today?
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lawful permission to cover news during the dictatorship. However, they also expressed that the underground alternative media at the time produced high-quality, purposeful journalism that is not sustained in modern times. One journalist (J1) had worked in media during the dictatorship. He referred to the dangers at that time, “Journalists were not only restricted legally speaking, but they were imprisoned, detained, tortured, hit, reprimanded and threatened so that they wouldn’t publish their reports.” (J1, independent, online). However, J1 aired nostalgic sentiment for the journalism produced by the alternative media; “there was a freedom [then] because of the funds that supported independent media. Today, we have a totally different situation. Now, everything depends on advertising” (J1, independent, online). J1 then spoke of the quality of journalism
then, “on the one hand you had restrictions to a free press, but on the other there were tremendous examples of courage and discipline in the work of that generation, whom this country owes a lot to” (J1, independent, online).
Other journalists mirrored these sentiments, focusing on the disappearance of alternative media following the fall of the dictatorship. A younger journalist was critical of the returning democracies of the Concertación for failing to uphold independent journalism, “All of the independent media were destroyed. Maybe not destroyed, but they let them die” (J4,
independent, online). One editor similarly blamed the post-dictatorship governments for the disappearance of quality media, “They prioritized the profit-driven media, and the profit-driven
media belonged to the two conglomerates we still have today. The writers of alternative media had to either join the legacy media or go into academia” (E1, online, independent).
While they considered press to be freer now—without state control and violence towards media workers—many considered journalistic content to be less constrained and homogenized during the dictatorship as there was a greater opportunity to write high quality content in the
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alternative press.
There was only one journalist who did not feel that the absence of such media limited press freedom today. As alternative media was funded to campaign for democracy, J2 claimed that such press was no longer warranted, “there was media during the dictatorship, and they did not survive because they were politically financed from international actors” (J2, print,
commercial). However, while there is certainly no remorse for the human rights abuses in the dictatorship, the majority of respondents expressed nostalgia for the diversity of quality press during the dictatorship and the opportunity for paid work.
This is significant in challenging the assumption that democracy strengthens journalistic freedom, reflecting a pattern for media in post-authoritarian countries. Democracy, despite bringing new freedoms, can restrain quality journalism. Gebert (2014) writes of Poland’s
powerful alternative media, which thrived for 25 years during the Soviet-era. However, over two decades into the democracy, the once accusatory, watchdog media has lost credibility and the trust of its readership by lazily constructing stories, and being quick to turn a blind eye to political corruption (Gebert, 2014). This situation is similarly experienced in South Africa. As a country that boasts a historic tradition of high-quality alternative media; journalists who were openly critical of segregation were regularly persecuted during the apartheid (Harber, 2004). However, since the return of democracy in 1994, South African alternative media has shrunk, leading to a decrease in media plurality (Harber, 2004). As a result of financial and political pressures, journalists are currently restricted to write for either elite audiences or tabloid publications (Harber, 2004).
Such trends indicate the ironic backlash that democratic transitions can have on quality independent, alternative media and raise questions about the responsibility of returning
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democracies in facilitating and supporting media plurality.
The main constraints of market-driven media
The transition to democracy brought with it the loss of several prominent media outlets. This meant that media plurality in Chile narrowed, and the only media which survived were the elite commercial media, most notably El Mercurio Santiago and La Tercera, owned by media conglomerates El Mercurio S.A.P and Copesa respectively.
The violent, repressive restrictions of the dictatorship were replaced by subtler constraints imposed by the market-driven system. El Mercurio and Copesa continued to profit from
advertising revenue, growing in both size and influence to own 95% of today’s media (Reporters
without Borders, n.d). This accounts for Chile’s high concentration of media and low media plurality.
Interviewees were asked to reflect upon the types of restrictions they perceive in such a commercially-dominated media environment. Significantly, all journalists with experience working in commercial media felt inherently pressured to adapt news stories to comply with the interests of the owner. As restrictions from this media concentration was felt in several ways, it is broken down here in order to thoroughly explore the most significant factors at play:
1. Censorship
Censorship was felt by journalists in several ways. For example, two journalists related that they self-censored content in order to adapt to the commercial media environment. One recounted how they felt restricted in the kinds of topics he could pitch to a tabloid: “The first is a self-censorship; you’re not going to pitch anything that involves human rights to that kind of media” (J4, online, independent). The other revealed that the need for work led to conformist
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reporting: “You want to be hired, and build your name, and it makes you conform, even subjectively, to the place you're in” (J9, print, traditional).
When asked why they worked in commercial media, several journalists cited employment reasons as a main factor. “...Chile is a very capitalist society, so you feel like you’re on your own. You have to struggle to make a living, to earn enough. We don’t have a welfare state so as
a journalist you want to find a company to offer you security; a salary with a pension. There are very few choices.” (J9, print, traditional)
As independent media dwindled post-dictatorship, journalists were left with little or no freedom to find paid work outside of the media conglomerates. Yet one journalist attributed the lack of media plurality as a fault of the journalists themselves, “it’s a personal obligation; it’s not systematic. To me, the media landscape is the way it is [low plurality and high concentration] because journalists allow it to be like that” (J1, online, investigative).
A second way that journalists felt that restrictions was related to the structure and nature of the conglomerates:
“Media is more disorganized than people think. You can’t track the control that owners have on content, but the administration’s internal logic is commercial, so it has to
follow the hegemonic editorial lines according to the information from the powerful traditional groups and the elites” (J7, radio, legacy)
One journalist stated that censorship was not directly enforced by editors in media conglomerates, yet it was implicitly apparent. This was especially clear when journalists were confronted with a story related to the interests of the owner: “If there’s a scandal related to the
owner of the conglomerate, or to one of the associated businesses, we’re not going to hide it, but we won’t be the ones that will investigate it further” (J2, print, commercial).
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This censorship in commercial media is particularly prevalent in countries with a press dominated by conglomerates, a sensation that Germano & Meier (2013) describe as ‘commercial media bias’. The more news outlets conglomerates buy, and the more mergers between
publications, internalizes coverage. This results in an underreporting and avoidance topics that may be considered sensitive to their advertisers (Germano & Meier, 2013).
Self-censorship relates to the individual’s influence on media content, a key factor on the forces that impinge media content (Shoemaker and Reese, 2013). By conforming to
organizational pressure, the individual’s role in influencing content is lessened, so their
responsibility to uphold a free press is weakened. While most Chilean journalists complete journalism education and are conscious of ethical practice, and credit themselves with watchdog roles (Mellado, 2012), their perception is often contradicted by the actual practice of their work. Journalists’ failure to facilitate the role they perceive themselves to have (Waisbord, 2000), can
be attributed to external pressures such as employment and a lack of autonomy in the work place (Mellado & van Dalen, 2013); which is evidenced here by the participants’ who feel pressured working in commercial media.
For Mancini (2000), the gap between the rhetoric of journalists and practice of journalists is greater in non-Western contexts. Yet this restriction is more adequately explained by the economic factors at play, with the lack of media plurality restricting journalists’ job opportunities
outside of media conglomerates (Mellado, 2012). Having a concentrated ownership threatens the integrity of a free and diverse press (Germano & Meier, 2013; Russell, 2009). Chile is a clear example of commercial media bias, where powerful conglomerates diminish the individual journalist’s role in facilitating press freedom. This is a scenario which is similarly relevant to Western contexts —such as the U.S and the U.K—where media is similarly dominated by media
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conglomerates (Thussu, 2007).
2. Commercial Framing
Commercial framing links into the concept of a commercial media bias. While the above section noted how bias could lead to media underreporting of avoiding certain topics, framing relates to how the media depict the topic (Entman, 2007). Most journalists working in
commercial media felt pressure to frame stories in a certain way. One journalist recounted a specific way he had to rewrite content:
“When I went to cover a student march, I wrote on the side of the protestors, and not the police. Normally all the journalists are on the police’s side, almost protected by
them. My editor didn’t like my angle so told me to change the tone to something more neutral” (J4, online, independent & print, tabloid)
The above protest relates to the ongoing issue between state and students on the access of education in Chile8
. As a political issue, the concept of neutrality correlates to the perspective of the media. Therefore the concept of a ‘neutral’ angle is subject to how the media slant the issue
to suit audience expectations (Gentzkow & Shapiro, 2006).
Slant refers to when the frame favours one side over the other (Entman, 2007). However, while some scholars claim that ownership has a marginal effect on slant (Gentzkow & Shapiro, 2006), here it is argued that ownership plays a major role. As conglomerate-owned media is commercial by nature (McChesney, 2013), the effect of the slant is exacerbated countries that have high inequality such as Chile, where commercial media’s pursuit to target affluent
8
The student movement began in 2001 after a series of protests demanding a more democratic and equitable education system (Grugel & Nem Singh, 2015). The movement notably peaked in 2011 after a series of violent protests called The Chilean Winter, where over twenty thousand students marched in Santiago. While the movement has quieted in certain years, there has been no education reform and protests are ongoing.
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readership results in a starker silencing effect of the marginalized, or less wealthier, groups in the media. Considering the argument from Bagdikian (1985) and McChesney (2003), market-driven media slants its interpretation of neutrality on what appeals to the beliefs of the advertiser’s target market. In the above instance, even though the journalist was more sympathetic to the protestors’ side, the target group was not the students.
Another instance of commercial framing and media slant was apparent when the ongoing conflict between the indigenous Mapuche9
in the south of Chile was brought up. Significantly, all journalists criticized how the conflict was covered by commercial media.
A journalist working for an independent outlet critiqued the fact that commercial media influences the framing of the topic considerably: “They concentrate more on the protection of
forest property, and criminalize the Mapuche, returning to this idea that they are terrorists” (E1, online, independent). Significantly, all of the participants were aware and critical of how the issue was framed by commercial media, which typically frames the Mapuche as criminals (Richards, 2007).
Journalists were asked why the Mapuche were not fairly represented by media. One stated, “…the public aren’t interested, so the media aren’t interested” (J2, print, commercial),
however another, stated that his work on the conflict was deliberately turned down by commercial media, “To say that the public aren’t interested is just an excuse to not cover the topic” (J5, satirical, print). A radio journalist explained the lack of coverage was due to editorial pressures, “We would mention the topic, but there is a censorship, which is not to do with
prohibitions of certain news, but on limiting the discussion” (J7, radio, legacy).
9 The Mapuche are Chile’s largest indigenous group, with 80% Chileans being Mestizo, a mix of European and
Mapuche. The conflict has been going on since colonization itself, but remains particularly relevant in the south of Chile, where Mapuche people continue to be in conflict with the state over ancestral territory and cultural
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The coverage of the student protests and the Mapuche conflict are relevant, recent and acute examples of the risk that market-driven media imposes on free press. Comparable
phenomenon is evident in countries with a dominant commercial media. For example, U.S media has been criticized for underreporting the Standing Rock protest, in which Native American tribes protest the construction of an oil pipeline through their sacred land; tying into the fact that the Native American has historically experienced a silencing in U.S press (Carstarphen &
Sanchez, 2010). This is similar to the mainstream coverage on Australia’s aboriginal community on the issue of native land disputes, which has also failed to facilitate an authentic indigenous voice (Burrows, 2016).
While such literature highlights a bias of mainstream media, it is argued here that mainstream coverage on territorial disputes is framed against the indigenous, at least partly, because of to protect commercial interests of landowners and companies. As supported by the previously-cited literature, mainstream commercial media are more likely to follow the status elites protect the groups that are more beneficial to their profit-driven incentives, and so fail to authentically and democratically represent such conflicts.
The internet: The restoration of free press?
As confirmed by the interviewees, independent media (defined here as media that does not belong to a conglomerate) is solely materialized as online publications in Chile, with the exception of satirical, weekly, magazine The Clinic. All of the journalists interviewed working for independent media felt free of the restrictions imposed by commercial press; and felt they could write without editorial censorship and limitations on their content.
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Most journalists were optimistic about the recent rise of online outlets, considering them a remedy to the commercially-biased conglomerate media, “the financial crisis was something positive for digital media. Commercial media no longer have the influence they had before, and now they are looking for topics brought up by digital, independent media” (E1, online,
independent). The importance of social media was mentioned by several participants, “social media is the changing space [in Chilean media]. It’s not going to be easy, but it’s a road we have to take” (J5, satirical, print/online). One photojournalist was especially optimistic about the
freedom to innovate and change the commercially-dominated media landscape in Chile, “digital media is making the new opportunities possible; we launched a collective from smart phone footage, and we’re making an online community through social websites and digital platforms” (J10, photo, independent).
Journalists working for online outlets felt that these independent media initiatives were remedying the aforementioned content restrictions, such as providing fairer coverage on the marginalized Mapuche, “we give a voice to the Mapuche leaders, and talk about human rights
and collect evidence to support them” (E1, online, independent). They also mentioned how their growing online presence influenced the topics such as the Mapuche conflict have increased in commercial media “if we get a topic trending on Twitter, then editors of commercial media cannot ignore it. We can’t control how they frame it, but we can influence them to cover it.” (J4,
online, independent).
As an easily accessible source of news, the internet has been heralded as societal development that has stimulated democratization, allowing and encouraging the masses to research news sources and participate in political discussion (Song, 2007). In any country with an uncensored and well-connected internet network, independent online media can successfully
29
counterbalance the dominance of commercial print newspapers (Song, 2007), and by doing so increase media plurality and strengthen press freedom.
However, without the advertising revenue that commercial media is financed by,
independent online media faces restriction when it comes to funding and resources. One editor of a small independent newspaper stated he did not have the resources to send journalists to cover the Mapuche conflict first-hand, “we had no budget at all” (E2, online, independent). Other journalists agreed that independent online media was too unstable to be a viable alternative to traditional commercial media, financially incapable of surviving, “They are in a permanent state of crisis” (J1, online, investigative); “they still have not reached a wider public. The most read online newspapers are still the ones owned by the conglomerates” (J7, radio, commercial),
another stated that working for such outlets is often low-paid, or free, “when you to do this kind of alternative journalism, then it's often, almost a hobby, that you do in your free time” (J9, print, legacy).
This divergence of views demonstrates that online media is still in a development phase; with independent digital outlets able to operate without the market and editorial restrictions of commercial media, yet constrained financially to support journalists and fund
investigations. However, given the fact that the all of the journalists mentioned the growing presence of online journalism suggests that it is assuming an increasingly important role for facilitating press freedom by amplifying the plurality of Chilean media.
Online journalism has been thought of as a return to the core journalist values that have are currently diluted by media conglomerates with advertising interests (Wagemans, Witschge & Deuze, 2016). In a sense, the online news sources are now restoring the plurality that Chilean media enjoyed before the Concertación. The popular demand for independent online new
30
sources, as an alternative to the dominance of commercial, traditionally conservative, media is apparent by the success of initiatives in France (Mediapart), the Netherlands (Correspondent) and Spain (El Español)—among others. In Chile such campaigns to fund independent journalism
are not yet apparent. However, one editor felt optimistic that Chilean independent news sources could successfully follow in the European example, “We’re thinking of following the Spanish
model of allowing the readers buy into the business for the next year” (E1, online, independent).
This study has shown how journalists can feel restrained while working in a
democratically-buoyant press. Most journalists shared that they were restricted or pressured to manipulate content to appease the owners, avoiding topics that jeopardize advertisers and threatened the status elites. Conversely, journalists in independent online media felt they could write unrestrained and focus on topics typically underreported or avoided by commercial press. However, independent media struggles to stay financially stable and is only able to support a small team, therefore journalists are restricted in their employment options. What is clear is that commercial media operates in a way that favours advertisers; there is not enough support or options for journalists to find stable work outside of commercial media in Chile.
The study's strength is demonstrated by the rich contextualized data. By carrying out in-depth interviews, this study elicits greater understanding of press freedom in Chile, beyond that suggested by Western discourse and the statistical data provided by press freedom indices. Those interviewed had diverse experience and backgrounds, representing a wide range of journalistic disciplinary fields. This achieves a comprehensive, representative depiction of Chilean media workers’ sentiments.
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the diverse spectrum of the Chilean media, there sample size could be considered small having only ten respondents. It is recommended that future research should include a greater number of participants, to include additional media such as television. This would further support and confirm that the above findings are representative.
Conclusion
The Western-sentiment that democracy fosters a free press is problematized, as most journalists interviewed expressed nostalgia for the independent journalism during the
dictatorship, and noted a number of restraints that the so-called free press faces in today’s
democracy. The market-led nature of Chilean media encourages profit-driven journalism, placing journalists in a precarious position. The fact that independent media are seen as a hobby and that commercial media are able to have such a monopoly on the media landscape greatly inhibits and suppresses a diverse and independent free press.
A more optimistic development is the increasing presence and influence of online media. As many journalists feel that commercial media is the only sector of the industry that can
financially support them, new digital innovations in the field could lead to a great diversification in Chilean media, ultimately achieving a freer press.
32 Appendix 1: Interview Guide
*Please note all interviews were semi-structured and did not follow the exact script as detailed below. The following questions were used as a guide for the researcher to refer to.
1. Professional Career
1.1 When did you start practicing journalism and what outlets have you worked for?
1.2 How has the media landscape changed since you started working professionally?
2. Development of the press
2.1 In what ways is the media landscape different now to when it operated under General Pinochet?
2.2 How did press develop during the transition to democracy?
3. Press Freedom Indices
Press freedom indices (Freedom House & Reporters without Borders) score Chile highly as a country with free press, compared to other countries in the region
3.1 Do you agree with the assessment of Chile as a ‘free’ country for press?
3.2 What is your understanding of press freedom?
3.3 Have you ever experienced restrictions by the state or violence? Do you think this is common in Chile?
Chile has been criticized for the lack of diversity in its press;
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3.5 Do the largest newspapers and media conglomerate have too much monopoly on the news?
3.6 If so, why would you say this is the case?
4. Ownership of Traditional Media
4.1 As Chile has a highly privatized press landscape, do owners have too much influence?
4.2 Have you felt pressured in any way to adapt news content to suit owner interest?
4.3 Traditional media has been criticized for profit-mentality. Is this criticism fair?
4.4 Have you felt restrictions placed on you by the market-interests of the media you work for?
5. Independent Media
5.1 Why do you think there is a lack of independent media or diversity among media outlets?
5.2 How does independent media in Chile differ from traditional media?
6. Marginalization
6.1 Do you feel the media in Chile is representative of the population? If no, why do you think it is not?
7. Attribution of Flaws
7.1 To whom do you account the flaws in the Chilean media system?
7.2 Are journalists not doing enough to provide quality news?
7.3 Do you think the media conglomerates are responsible for the lack of press diversity?
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8.1 Is the rise of online journalism a good thing?
8.2 Do you foresee a greater diversity in news outlets in the future?
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