A world full of heathens : towards understandingpPerceptions of history, society, and the self amongst contemporary Germanic pagans

A World Full of Heathens

Towards Understanding Perceptions of History, Society, and the Self Amongst Contemporary Germanic Pagans

By Joshua M. Cragle

A World Full of Heathens

Towards Understanding Perceptions of History, Society, and the Self Amongst Contemporary Germanic Pagans

Joshua M. Cragle -

craglejosh@yahoo.com

Master Social and Cultural Anthropology Graduate School of Social Sciences

University of Amsterdam Academic year 2014-1015

MA Thesis Word Count: 29,722

Supervisor Dr. Peter van Rooden

Readers Dr. Oskar Verkaaik

Plagiarism Declaration

I declare that this thesis meets the rules and regulation for fraud and plagiarism as set by the

University of Amsterdam

Dedication

I dedicate this thesis to those Heathens that showed me the virtue of hospitality, by allowing me

to attend their rituals, patiently answering my questions, participating in my survey, and having

the courage to share intimate stories of their lives and thoughts with me. It was an honor to get to

know so many fascinating, kind, and intelligent individuals from the Heathen community around

the world.

I would also like to send a special thank you to my family, my friends Brian, Sean, and Jon for

their consistent encouragement and support, and Dr. Kyle Wilkison, who has been a consistent

teacher and mentor throughout the years.

Last but not least, I would like to dedicate this thesis to my loving wife Mary, without whose

support and patience this endeavor would not have been possible.

“What does our great historical hunger signify, our clutching about us of countless

cultures, our consuming desire for knowledge, if not the loss of myth, of a mythic

home, the mythic womb?”

Table of Contents

Pg.

Introduction

8

0.1 Thesis Summary 8

0.2 Theoretical Framework 9

0.3 Field Methods 11

Chapter 1: Heathenry and Structure 13

1.1 The Current State of Heathenry: Neo-Tribalism and Demographics 13

1.2 Authority, Charisma, and Revelation 18

1.3 Sources, Scholarship, and Authenticity 21

1.4 Recognition and Legitimacy: Politics, Land, and Hofs 24

Chapter 2: Ethics and Inclusion 28

2.1 An Overview of Heathen Ethics 28

2.2 Racism and the Folkish/Universalist Conundrum 31

2.3 The Role of Gender and Sexual Orientation 37

Chapter 3: Heathens and Society 42

3.1 Organized Religion and Monotheism 42

3.2 Western Civilization, Modernism, and Globalization 46

Chapter 4: Historical Foundations 53

4.1 Conversion in the Early Middle Ages 53

4.2 Germanic Paganism During the Romantic Era 57

4.3 Germanic Paganism Under the Third Reich and it's Repercussions 61

Conclusion 69

Epilogue: Honoring the Ancestors 72

Bibliography 77

Appendix A: Survey Results 83

Introduction

In January of 2015 I set off to research how a Viking Age ethics system was being revived amongst contemporary Germanic Pagans, also known as Heathens. I was particularly interested in what seemed to be a persistent emphasis on the heroic, and what necessitated that emphasis in terms of society, self improvement, and psychology. However, while ethics remained a persistent feature of my research, I gradually found my focus shifting more towards identity. As a result, the purpose of my research became addressing the following question: How do Heathens conceptualize themselves in relation to each other, society, and history? I will argue that Heathenry is essentially a neo-tribal movement with historical foundations rooted deeply in German Romanticism. Furthermore, I will suggest that the recent growth of Heathenism is largely dependent on perceptions of globalization, a sense of threat to cultural identity, dissatisfaction with modernism, rebellion against the dominance of Judeo-Christian religion, and an overwhelming sense of spiritual void for those of European descent. In addition, I will contest the common stereotypes of Heathens being predominantly far right, racist, and homophobic. Instead, I will show that such individuals make up only a minority of the Heathen demographic, and that most Heathens tend to be inclusive, defenders of diversity, acceptant of alternative sexualities and gender roles, and often far to the left on environmental policies. In order to address these arguments, this thesis will look at Heathen approaches towards: authority, sources, history, inclusion, socio-political processes (such as globalization), and identity.

My hope in writing this thesis is to contribute to the literature on emergent religions, particularly the recent growth of neo-paganism. Neo-paganism continues to be one of the fastest growing spiritual communities in the West (with 1-4 million adherents). For neo-pagan studies objective scholarly research is in dire need, as those writing in the field have tended to be neo-pagans themselves, lending much of the literature to romanticism or over-simplification. On the other side, neo-paganism has been misrepresented by scholars, many of whom equate its varying traditions as having similar values and historical origins. While literature and pop-culture have moved away from connecting neo-pagans with Satanism and the occult, pagans are still often demonized, marginalized, and dismissed as simply being fantasy driven. In the case of Germanic Neo-Pagans, researchers have often painted a picture of the majority based on case studies with extremists. In this thesis I have tried my utmost to avoid these errors, and simply represent the data which I have collected. I was particularly interested in doing a comparative research project, which took into account similarities and differences between Heathens across geographic boundaries and practice styles. I also tried to include as much data as possible on those Heathens which have often been ignored in previous academic literature. As a result, this thesis is largely composed by the thoughts and

statements of Heathens themselves. I am aware that my data and interpretations can and should be contested by Heathens and scholars alike, which I readily encourage in order to promote a more balanced discourse on neo-paganism and Heathenry in particular.

0.2 Theoretical Framework

When it comes to the social sciences I have always been highly skeptical of using a single theory to explain cultural phenomena. Too often in academic literature are singular approaches used to reduce extremely complex processes down to nice and neat classification systems that do not correspond with reality. As a result, I did not start off with the notion of "I am setting off to prove" as more so "I am setting off to understand". By this I mean that, instead of looking for specific data to fit my hypothesis I have instead invested research into particular categories and in the end looked for correlating patterns. This approach is very similar to the controversial Grounded Theory method as proposed by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in the 1960's (Evans 2013). Essentially, Grounded Theory is an inductive form of qualitative research used to assess visible patterns observed from a variety of methods within separate contexts. Simply put, Grounded Theory is valuable for studying themes, ideas, concepts or social processes (Bowen 2006), particularly for researchers using a variety of formats for data collection.

Grounded theory is also useful in developing a holistic rather than a reductionist perspective. By reductionism, I mean gaining insight into "objects and events by analyzing the elementary parts"

(Verschuren 2001:391). While this approach has been very useful, particularly in the natural sciences, it can make the mistake of identifying the "unit as the whole". In contrast, holism tries to use an "ecological approach, which examines how individual components interact to become systems whose nature cannot be completely understood from looking only at the sum of the parts" (Burgelman 2011:594). Holistic researchers tend to focus on: patterns, parallels, group attributes, themes, and more interactive research methods. As opposed to reductionist research which tends to rely on: variables, measurement, deductive knowledge, and linear research strategies (Verschuren 2001).

However, while loosely using Grounded Theory as a starting point, I have also incorporated other theoretical concepts to address each topic I researched. And while these are mentioned in the context of the subjects themselves for each chapter, I will state them briefly here as well. Partially, I will be addressing the function of ethics within Heathenry, for which I use the idea that ethics or moral systems essentially determine ones standing or position in relation to: an ideal self, society, or the universe/higher reality (Wright 1909). In addition, in order to address identity I will be utilizing approaches from

anthropology, sociology, and narrative psychology. Particularly, Golubovic's description that identity refers to "where one belongs" (Golubovic 2010:25), Anthony Giddens notion that identity is a "symbolic

construction", and the idea of the "narrative self", which suggests that "the stories we live by are cultural texts" (Jones 2003:620).

I will also be addressing heritage and historicity. In terms of heritage, I use the interpretation that heritage is "a mode of cultural production in the present that has recourse to the past" (Chase 2006:148). Heritage then is an aspect of historicity, "a human situation in flow, where versions of the past and future assume present form in relation to events, political needs, available cultural forms and emotional

dispositions" (Hirsch 2014:262). Contemporaries establish connections with certain moments of history, which can take the form of what Bourdieu has called "symbolic capital" (Steinmetz 2011). These

concepts will be addressed particularly in the context of globalization, which simply "involves the flow of people, ideas, knowledge, and culture" (Herrington 2013).

As a result of the complexity in understanding emergent religions, I also find it necessary to address in a very basic form the function of religion. While this is not the place to debate the various interpretations of this vast topic, I will mention a few examples and where I am situating myself as a researcher. First, there is the structuralist notion (built upon by Levi-Strauss, Mauss, and Evans-Pritchard) that religion helps create order for society and nature by creating systems of meaning. This structure can come in the form of hierarchies (priest castes), rituals (rites of passage, sacrifice, reciprocity), the creation of sacred space (temples, groves, altars), the creation of dogma (law codes, sacred texts), as well as in other forms. There is also the notion that religion addresses the "existential crisis", in that it helps make sense of tragedies and alleviates the fear of death (typically a position held in standard psychology and evolutionary biology). I would argue that convincing evidence exists for all of these positions. However, I will be starting my own research with the assumption made by the American anthropologist Weston LaBarre that "religion is the human way to explain our participation in the unknown" and that "symbols are the means of communication" with that unknown (Van Beek 1985). I believe that utilizing LaBarre's idea as a neutral working definition is useful in approaching Germanic Neo-Paganism, as it does not presuppose any negative associations between religious belief and the believer (ex. escapism, psychological lack, etc.).

Finally, I will also be addressing contemporary Germanic Paganism's relation to neo-tribalism. While tribalism has been written about extensively within anthropology, the concept of contemporary neo-tribes is typically addressed using the theories of Michel Maffesoli. Maffesoli envisioned modern group formations bound by common aesthetic experiences, rituals, secrecy, meaning, and what he termed the "affectual nebula". The affectual nebula

is "

the same subway, the same neighborhood bar, the same television program, or the same bulletin board on the internet. These neotribes organize their territories (even if they are virtual or symbolic territories) and their identities through shared practices and a dionysiac 'being-together,' even if only for a fleeting time, and then adjust themselves to the force of circumstance--in large part because any one individual belongs to multiple and overlapping tribes, to which she gives varying and fluctuating intensities of commitment" (Jacobs 1997:1230). However, Maffesoli has not gone without criticism, as Daragh O'Reilly has noted, "Maffesoli does not bring forward any specific empirical research to support his notion of a neo-tribe" (O'Reilly 2012:343). Nonetheless, I will be using some of Maffesoli's ideas to address certain aspects of Heathen neo-tribalism, including those rooted in Durkheim's interpretations of ritual in relation to communal bonding.

0.3 Field Methods

I took a very interdisciplinary approach to my research topic, utilizing methods prominent in anthropology, sociology, history, and philosophy. Prior to my official field work period (January-April), during, and after I spent an extensive amount of time reading academic literature, primary historical sources, and authors influential in the Heathen community. This was done in order to gain a solid historical understanding of the development of contemporary Germanic Paganism, as well as to understand how popular Heathens are presenting their faith to the public. My primary historical focus included: Germanic Paganism in Antiquity and the development of Christianity, revival of interest in Paganism during the Romantic Era, the various uses of Germanic Paganism during under the Third Reich, the 1960's counter-culture and the growth of Neo-Paganism, and the specific trajectory of Heathenry since the 1970's.

In addition to the literature, a substantial portion of my time was spent online, during which time I analyzed Heathen organization webpages, forums, blogs, online articles, and social media. In addition, I listened to online Heathen podcasts, and watched hundreds of videos in which Heathens are being

interviewed, making statements about their personal beliefs, presenting their altars, or engaging in rituals. The videos were useful in assessing similarities and differences between ritual structures of Heathens from different geographic regions and practice styles. Through these online outlets, I was able to engage Heathens from all around the world, by conducting life histories and interviews. Through social media and forums I distributed a research survey titled Sons and Daughters of the Northern Tradition: A Survey for Contemporary Heathens, which ended up gathering responses from nearly 3,000 Heathens from around the world. While the survey had its flaws (the use of the "Northern Tradition" in the title being one of them), from it I was able to acquire an unbelievable amount of data (results are shown in appendix A). The survey also put me in further contact with hundreds of Heathens, many of whom kindly gave their

support for my research and opened up to me about their beliefs and lives. While most of the Heathens I interacted with were more than happy to answer my questions, I did encounter skepticism from a few who noted their distrust of academics that had wrongly portrayed them in the past.

In addition to my online interactions, I also engaged in participant observation through attending rituals. I conducted in-person life histories and interviews, travelled to multiple museums in order to attend exhibitions associated with relevant historical periods, talked with experts in the field, attended music events associated with paganism, and travelled to the Shetland Islands to attend Up Helly Aa in order to view one of the remnants of Romanticism associated with the Viking Age and Norse religion. While I was able to gain a vast amount of data from these methods, my research did face some challenges. Particularly, I struggled getting comments from some of the leaders in various Heathen organizations, many of whom agreed to correspond and then never replied when it came time to. However, as I do not know the reasons for their silence their names shall remain anonymous. However, the most significant challenge was the lack of physical Heathen activity, which necessitated the need for online research. Heathen rituals are few and far between, and are often closed to outsiders. However, I was still able to interact to some degree with a local group operating out of Delft, Netherlands known as the Nine Worlds (Negen Werelden).

In the following chapters, all of those who are quoted have had their names changed, with the exception of public figures. Instead, the gender, age range, and geographic location have been given in order to observe particular patterns as well as to represent Heathens of all types. When references are made to survey results, I am referring to my own research unless otherwise explicitly stated.

Chapter 1: Heathenry and Structure

"Heathenry at its core is a tribal level Folkway. No structure or organization should exist beyond the tribal level."-Jon, middle aged American male

1.1 The Current State of Heathenry: Neo-Tribalism and Demographics

Throughout its development, Germanic Neo-Paganism has strived towards an essentially neo-tribal structure. The neo-tribe as relates to Heathenry is a symbolic construct, one which takes into account ethnicity and loyalty. Ethnicity here is more than simply being German, English, or "white", but instead Anglo-Saxon, Frankish, Gothic, Norse, etc.; i.e. ancestral tribes. Beyond ethnicity, tribes can be created through systems of loyalty to each other and particular deities. As a result of these varying loyalties, we find a number of independent Heathen manifestations: Ásatrú (those loyal to the Aesir), Odinism (often folkish Heathens who give primacy to Odin), Irminism (emphasis on continental Germanic traditions), Fyrnsidu and Theodism (Anglo-Saxon strands), Vanatru (those who venerate the Vanir), Rökkatru or the Northern Tradition (those who venerate the Rökkr), eclectic Pagans with a Germanic focus, and shamanic practitioners whose cosmology is based on Nordic/Germanic culture. Interpretations of the deities vary within each group. From the survey I conducted literal polytheists made up the majority in nearly every geographic region (over 55% of all respondents). The only exception to this was Northern Europe, where the largest percentage of members believed the deities were either archetypes or symbols. Beyond those interpretations are those with "pantheist" beliefs, who see the deities as being manifestations of a single source or as forces of nature, and a small fraction (6%) believed that the deities were simply human stories or ideas. Of course there are also those who combine elements of all of these interpretations. Symbolic interpretation is also particularly prominent in Iceland, as Michael Strmiska has noted "Sveinbjorn and his colleagues adopted the name Ásatrú despite the fact that most members of the group did not 'believe' or 'worship' the ancient gods so much as cherish them as symbols of the ancient heritage whose spiritual values, ideals, and customs they hoped to preserve and promote" (2000:113). In contrast to Heathens in other regions, most Icelanders do not seem to feel a sense of urgency or need to reclaim a lost heritage. Instead, Icelandic culture has retained a sense of its historical legacy in its language, land, democratic approach to religion, and positive views towards it's pagan past.

Despite varying interpretations of the divine, theological issues seem to cause little division within Heathenry. Instead, most of the divisive issues tend to be over: inclusion, ethics, structure, gender, sexual orientation, and hierarchy; i.e. social issues. In Heathenry there seems to be little debate over the "nature of Odin". Or, where there is debate it appears mostly academic, rather than dogmatic. You can have an atheist, polytheist, and pantheist all as members of the same kindred. "Kindred" is a term often

used interchangeably with "tribe" by Heathens, however some prefer its use above all others particularly when emphasis is placed on locality.

As a result of there being so many different Heathen variations, it becomes difficult to use any sort of all embracing term. Indeed, from my own research it quickly became clear that attempts to do so are often met with animosity. Even the term "Heathen" is not embraced by everyone. However, for the purposes of this text I will rely upon the term "Heathen" as it seems to be the most accepted and widely used for talking about Germanic Neo-Pagans. Yet, I use this term with the understanding that there is no single unified Heathen religion. This term is simply being used as a way of discussing the growing

population of individuals who pay homage to the deities or cosmology of the Germano-Norse traditions in one form or another. As Alan, a middle aged Scandinavian male noted: "The native cultures of

Scandinavia-Nordic, Sami, Finn, and travelers-are, just like all cultures, something worth taking care of and cultivating for their own sake. Scandinavia has preserved some interesting medieval cultural practices and traits which may be a useful contribution to global culture if anyone's interested, but they're not unique by any measure. Old superstitions and rituals might give some people spiritual satisfaction--especially in the Scandinavian Diaspora; ceremonies and beliefs that tie people together in a community and the community to the landscape are probably very useful in an age of alienation and displacement. But it seems some people turn to Scandinavia looking for some things they won't find there. There isn't and never was one single "northern tradition", a set of authentically ancient universal rules to live a good life by, now lost to the rest of Europe. I think those who try to claim there is, and draw some sort of authority from it, risk damaging it--like the troll that's so cold he sits on every fire he finds, extinguishing it. Maybe we do need to organize, to protect those embers from people who'd use them to set fires."

Like the Latin term "pagan", the word "heathen" (Old English hǣthen) was used in a derogatory way to denote a country dweller, and had implications of being uncivilized or not belonging to the Church. Contemporary Germanic Pagans appear to mostly embrace the term, almost as an act of defiance against Christianity and its historical uses. This is simply one of many ways in which Heathenry often defines itself in reaction to Judeo-Christian traditions (see Ch.3).

Despite sometimes being portrayed as a movement for marginalized youths, survey and census data suggests that Heathenry is made up of essentially "normal" demographics. Nearly 37% of individuals from my survey were between the ages of 30 and 45, which was by far the largest age group. This

suggests that Heathenry is first and foremost a tradition made up mostly of adults. Nearly 90% claim to be entirely of European descent, with 8% having an ethnic mixture. Despite debate over issues of race and ethnicity, Heathenry remains a predominantly European tradition. Debates over the number of Heathens

globally remain unclear, as prior census data has often lumped them in with other neo-pagans. However, conservative estimates usually put the number at around 20,000 worldwide. According to the 2013 World Wide Heathen Census there was a total of 16,700

(http://www.norsemyth.org/2014/01/worldwide-heathen-census-2013-results.html). From this source and my own survey it becomes clear that the U.S. has by far the largest number of Heathens, followed by high numbers in Western Europe, Northern Europe and Iceland, the U.K., Canada, and Australia. However, smaller contingents also exist in Latin America and Eastern Europe. In terms of gender, Heathenry is predominantly composed of men, with 67% of respondents identifying as male, 31% as female, and 2% as transgender (high compared to estimates of the population at large).

In terms of employment, 58% of respondents were employed full-time, 19% part-time.

Occupations were spread fairly evenly between blue collar and white collar jobs. However, there was a noticeably large number of military and law enforcement personnel (6% of respondents). Heathens also appear to be above average in terms of education, with 19% having a two-year or technical degree, 22% a bachelors, and 13% a graduate degree. This data is in line with other neo-pagan groups which tend to be better educated than the population at large. Also, while previous data has caused speculation about the high number of computing/IT majors within Heathenry, my own survey showed liberal arts to be by far the largest field of study (27%), with computing at (7%). However, there was a high number of

engineering and technology majors (14%), science majors (12%), and healthcare majors (9%).

Survey data also suggests that most contemporary Heathens are fairly new to practicing Germanic Neo-Paganism. Roughly 47% have been involved for less than five years, 25% five to ten years, 16% ten to twenty years, and 12% over twenty years. In addition, most Heathens also appear to be solitary practitioners. Nearly 52% of respondents stated that they practiced alone, 41% belonged to a kindred or organization, and 7% stated that they were only "virtual" Heathens and interacted entirely online. What this information suggests is that, either by choice or lack of option, most Heathens remain alone in their faith. It is important to note however that, the independent and private nature of many Heathens is often something that is defended as being positive. As Kara a middle aged Scandinavian woman noted, "Ásatrú in its modern form is a non-violent, personal, non-evangelizing religion, open to new input and rooted in tradition. Since we do not have any (good) written accounts of how these beliefs were practiced its mostly based on 'if it feels right' and so it is an open and accepting religion allowing for variation. Thereby it offers an escape from the constant wars which are all rooted in religious and cultural differences. We do not tell others how to live their lives." Kara's sentiments were replicated by many others, especially in regards to evangelism. From the survey results, 66% of Heathens opposed any form of proselytizing.

Whereas 20% believed in doing so sometimes or selectively, 12% wanted to casually, and only 1.5% wanted to evangelize as much as possible.

While a desire for growth within Heathenry was expressed by many individuals, how to go about actually growing becomes a much more divisive issue. By and large Heathens maintain a strong belief in the necessity for diversity, and often cite historical representations of polytheism as being syncretic as a reason to oppose aggressive evangelism. Again here is another way in which Heathenry defines itself in relation to monotheistic traditions. As Brian a middle aged American male noted, "The ancient Heathens did not have much structure. Structure is MONOTHEISTIC, not polytheistic. Too much monotheistic thought in Heathenry." Or in the words of Sarah, a young adult Norwegian female, "I'm a member of the Norwegian Bifrost, and in my opinion this organization has just enough structure and just enough

freedom to make our own choices. I see a tendency in very organized Heathenry, Odinism, etc. to become very dogmatic (especially in a way that mirrors Christian dogma, which is strange to me) and I do not see this as a good thing."

While many Heathens are of a solitary nature, most do not appear to be "in the closet" about their beliefs. Instead, 47% of respondents said they were entirely open, 26% were open to most people, 18% were open to a select few, and only 8% were not open, or wanted to be but felt they couldn't be. Most Heathens appear to take great pride in their faith, for example William a middle-aged British soldier who notes, "I am a veteran of a number of conflicts (Northern Ireland, Bosnia, Iraq, Afghanistan) and the consequence of that means I struggle to talk to people who haven't been through similar things, and I don't suffer fools easily, so limit what I say to people I don't know. However, I am openly Pagan, and to

everyone I speak to." However a smaller number did note that they struggled being Heathen in a Christian environment, or in a culture that misunderstands what being Heathen actually means.

As solitary Heathens appear to make up the largest practice style, it should be unsurprising that nearly 41% do not engage in any form of group ritual. However, even for those who belong to a kindred or organization, 34% only attended four or less group rituals annually, 18% between five and ten, 5% between ten and twenty, and only 2% attended more than twenty. As a result, most Heathens appear to be fairly inactive, at least when it comes to communal practice. The lack of activity is particularly odd given Heathenry's primary interest in creating a tribal structure, with community or family as the central theme. As Karl, a young adult Canadian male noted, "As a tribal set of traditions it deals with the inter-workings of the tribe. It maintains frith (Old English friðu, meaning peace or protection) among the members, builds strong communities, and provides social security for those of the tribe. The rest of the world consists of outsiders, not of family, kith, tribe, etc." However, despite this seemingly deep interest in

securing the needs of the tribe, as Jane a middle aged American female noted, "organizing Heathens is like herding cats". Jane's remark appears to echo with some truth in that, while many Heathens desire a sense of community, often they are too independently oriented to get them in the same room. Indeed, often when Heathen organizations start to build momentum they become suspect of coming too near to being an "organized religion". This is particularly apparent with some of the larger American

organizations such as the Ásatrú Folk Assembly or The Troth (now international). Yet, despite resistance, many do call for larger confederations or international alliances. Take the following comment from Chloe, a middle aged American female, "Ours is an ancient path much like Greece, Rome, Celt, and further back. We should be spending more time uniting the clans, kindreds, all over the world to achieve common goals. See more temples built. Make the other recognized religions view us legitimately and respect us and our beliefs." Or as Ben, a middle aged American male noted, there is a need for "a loose confederation of autonomous tribes". Others expressed beliefs that such international organizations are essentially useless and that the only real organized activity should take place at a grass roots level.

As a result, Heathens finds themselves in a bit of a conundrum in terms of their desires to

maintain an autonomous tribal structure, while also growing as a spiritual tradition. The lack of organized activity, the resentment towards larger organizations and alliances, and the fact that most individuals appear to be solitary, make achieving a sense of recognition and legitimacy all the more difficult for those who desire it. It is likely this very conundrum that has contributed to the growth of so many online Heathen communities. Indeed, it is often through the internet that many Heathens first come to know their faith. In addition, between communal gatherings kindreds are often maintained through forums, social media, and organization web pages. While the internet appears to be a positive tool in maintaining Heathen groups, a number of individuals also expressed their annoyance to me with those that "refuse to get out from behind the computer". How are Heathens to revive a "folk way" without the physical presence of the folk? It is important to keep in mind here as well the role that children play in this debate. As mentioned earlier, the largest Heathen demographic consists of middle aged adults, many of whom have children they wish to pass their beliefs onto. In a sense, this is a form of institutionalization which requires a solidified "institution" to be in place, i.e. a body of literature, set beliefs, place of worship, or strong oral tradition.

During this process of kindreds creating various forms of structure and organization, they are often looking to learn from each other to see how they will define themselves. Very often this takes place by comparing Heathen developments in different geographic regions. As Fjara a young adult Norwegian female noted, "Norway has just the right amount of structure, but it is my impression that the U.S. has way too much." As will become apparent in Ch. 2 and Ch.3, U.S. heathens are often perceived abroad as

containing the most: racist, monotheist-oriented, and structured Heathen groups. However, recent data has suggested otherwise and that, with the exception of Northern Europeans, most Heathens appear to display very similar trends globally.

Historically we have evidence of particular cultic regions, for example Wotan worship appears strongest in Northern Germany and Scandinavia (Williamson 2004:105). It is interesting to consider the possible reemergence of cultic sites today based on the reconstruction of tribal affiliations. For example, a number of Western European survey respondents felt connected to the goddess Nehalennia because of her association with the Low Counties. Or as Alex, a young English male noted, "I perhaps feel most

connected with Tiw/Tyr, as I feel he embodies selfless sacrifice well, which I see to be highly respectable. Additionally, he was considered a chief deity, above Woden/Odin, to the west Germanic people before Woden saw an increase in popularity and, being English, I aim to angle things to be 'more west Germanic' rather than as Norse-oriented as many people make it (though I understand there is simply more surviving north Germanic relevant text due to Scandinavia being Christianized later, and I don't resent

Scandinavians or the Norse 'bias' in Heathenry at all). Additionally, it's a small thing, but my family name is derived from Mars (bloody Normans bringing their newly-taken Latin names to Britain!), the Roman god, and the Romans supposedly saw Tiw as the 'Germanic Mars'." Alex's comment shows the degree to which perceptions of ancestry play into spiritual terminology as well as association with particular deities. While more research needs to be done, it would be interesting to see if contemporary Heathens are to a large extent reviving cultic sites based on geographic associations. Indeed, it is fairly likely that this may extend to class as well (for gender see Ch.2). As one U.K. Heathen noted, he felt connected to Thor because "he protects the working class". Similar sentiments for Thor were expressed by Heathens globally. While Odin remains the most popular deity revered for contemporary Heathens, there is

considerable evidence that he was historically associated with the "aristocratic" classes, while Thor/Donar remained the "god of the commoners".

1.2 Authority, Charisma, and Revelation

One of the key elements contributing to the Heathen debate over structure and organization is the question of who or what to base authority on? Essentially this comes down to group choice, singular leadership, or historical sources (see 1.3). While many Heathen organizations attempt to create a tribal structure, within a kindred authority is often fairly egalitarian. Indeed, many Heathens use historical perceptions of democracy found in the Icelandic Allthing (general assembly) as a model for decision making. As a result, kindred members often have equal status in terms of power and decision making for the group. However, this does not mean that Heathens lack leadership or entirely lack hierarchy. Often

group founders or elected individuals will be responsible for organizing group meetings, collecting membership dues, or tending to other administrative functions. These leadership roles may cycle through different members of the group, and seldom give preference to any gender. Members are typically bound to each other through ethical obligations, as well as the signing of bylaws. Rituals are led by a male priest (gothi) or a female priestess (gythia). These terms are derived from the Old Norse gothar, which roughly translates to "those who speak the godly tongue". However, as Devyn Gillette has noted in The

Pentagram and the Hammer, "Their leadership of rituals is not reflective of a greater level of spiritual development or rank." Indeed, authority based on self-proclaimed spiritual insight is often an

uncomfortable topic for many Heathens, which brings us to the subject of divine revelation.

One example of a well known Heathen leader claiming divine revelation comes in the figure of Galina Krasskova. Krasskova, who has a Masters degree in religious studies from NYU, is also the author of many influential books within the Heathen community. Indeed, out of a list of hundreds of sources, Krasskova was the 9th most popular for influencing contemporary Heathens beliefs (3% of 1,828 respondents). However, despite her influence, Krasskova becomes controversial for some Heathens because of her tendency to "enter trance states in which she claimed to be possessed by Woden and other Nordic deities...Krasskova also practiced runic divination in which she claimed to receive messages from the Nordic deities", which brings uneasiness because of "the lack of any clear criteria by which to

evaluate the genuineness of claims of divine communication or possession. There is also worry about how unbalanced or unscrupulous individuals might use such claims to enhance their own prestige or power" (Strmiska 2007:170-171). Such sentiments were expressed by a number of my respondents, as one Western European noted, "Heathenry is not meant to be structured, in the old days it was every man/village for himself. Unfortunately many people claim titles (valkyria, gothi, etc...) they did not deserve, or do not have a clue what it entails! Just because you start up a group, does not mean you are the best possible leader for it!" Or in the words of Karen, a young adult American female, "Unfortunately, most of those who want to organize heathenry have a personal agenda or seek power." However, it is important to note that despite a seemingly large amount of skepticism towards divine revelation, a substantial percentage of respondents in my research indicated being directly called by the gods, having spiritual dreams or visions, and maintaining direct communication with the divine. As a result, such experiences seem acceptable within Heathen discourse, while using such experiences as a basis for authority does not.

Most Heathens recognize that they are essentially creating a modern spiritual tradition, and despite a love of history are often focused on the role Heathenry will play in the contemporary world or future. Most do not want to recreate the Viking Age, even if some members dabble in blacksmithing.

Heathens recognize that the west has been cut off from the pre-Christian faiths for a very long time, and so they do the best they can to recapture ancient Germanic Paganism's essence. However, some smaller groups do claim a continuity. One such group is the Odin Brotherhood, a "secret society" which claims to have a direct line going back to the early fifteenth century, as well as claims to have access to esoteric knowledge. Their origin story begins with a young widow who was caught honoring the old gods by a malicious priest, who after failing to seduce her, had her burnt slowly alive. The widow's children then continued their mother's faith in secret, passing on her knowledge to the present day (Mirabello 2003:20). The Odin Brotherhood is also one of the few Heathen organizations, to my knowledge, that requires an initiation process. Hierarchical initiations are much more common in other forms of neo-paganism, Wicca being the most obvious. Thus, while such groups do exist, they represent a minority and are seldom taken seriously by Heathens at large.

While questions of continuity, hierarchy, and revelation remain problematic, there often still exists an appreciation for strong leadership. Indeed, leadership is often cited as a virtue, one which has its roots in the cultural values of the Germanic tribes. Part of this has to do with the Heathen emphasis on being proactive and taking charge of your own life. One contemporary figure that perhaps represents this desire is Steve McNallen of the Ásatrú Folk Assembly. Both revered and despised, McNallen has been a pivotal figure in shaping the development of Heathenry since the 1970's (see Ch.4). From discussions with a few members of the AFA, it became clear that McNallen had earned respect in large part because of his leadership skills. However, one of the qualities that makes McNallen such a controversial figure is the fact that he possesses charisma, a trait admired by some and mistrusted by others. In November of 2014 I attended an ancestor honoring symbel (Old English for "feast" or "banquet") with a Dutch Heathen group known as the Nine Worlds (Negen Werelden). The symbel took place in Delft, with the

participation of twelve people. Prior to the ritual, I had the chance to talk with a number of the members of the group, all of whom were very hospitable and open to my questions. With a few of the members, Steve McNallen came up as well as perceptions of the AFA. Each member I discussed this with expressed reservations towards McNallen, one even claiming that she didn't trust him because he was an

"ideologue". Others had concerns about McNallen's stance on racial issues, for example his views on genetics and their role in shaping spirituality. McNallen's opinions on these topics can be found on the AFA's blog (http://www.asatrufolkassemblyblog.org/).

To be fair to McNallen, he has worked tirelessly since his early involvement to rid his

organizations of neo-Nazi elements, and although he identifies as folkish he is outspoken against racial extremists. Yet, this does not prevent many Heathens from seeing him as well as others like him as misusing their leadership roles for political, racial, or power agendas. As one American Heathen noted,

"We need fewer bigots determining the structure and organization in Heathenry." Or in the words of Lily, a young American female, "Heathenry doesn't lend itself to structure and I believe that's a positive thing. The large groups and associations should be watched as they, purposely or not, end up as being the

mouthpiece for the group at large. Having the most vocal Heathen group support racism is unacceptable."

So how then are Heathens addressing these concerns? Samuel, an adult American male noted that, "a vetting process for clergy like a seminary program respected by the community would be useful." Samuel's suggestion was echoed by others, and seems to be taking form in a number of organizations. For example, The Troth offers such training programs for clergy, as well as educational programs for

Germanic lore, children's courses, outreach programs for prisoners, and even produces its own Heathen journal Idunna (http://www.thetroth.org/index.php). However, even with the existence of such programs, many Heathens will question what organizations are basing their authority on? Others will shun such attempts as being too similar to typical organized religion, "Imposing a set structure assumes 'correctness' and makes us no different from any other organized religion" notes Brad, an adult American male. As a result, it is often not to individual authority or the influence of larger organizations that many Heathens turn to for their spiritual or organizational foundations. Instead, the majority of Heathens turn to the sources themselves, which brings us to scholarship.

1.3 Sources, Scholarship, and Authenticity

"Odin sacrificed an eye to gain knowledge, a symbol that in order to gain knowledge, one must sacrifice something precious...and also, sacrificing an eye could imply that you have to give up looking at things the way you do."-Martin, young adult Scandinavian male

The above quote signifies the most commonly praised of Odin's attributes: i.e. the pursuit of wisdom. Roughly 34% of 2,004 Heathens claimed to have a deep connection with Odin, and in nearly every single case it was his quest for knowledge that Heathens wished to emulate. Any brief look into Heathen organizations will quickly display the level to which they invest in learning and providing relevant scholarship to members, including some going so far as to learn archaic languages such as Old Saxon or Old Norse. While many Heathens are often suspicious of academic writers attempting to portray them, suspicion which I frequently encountered myself, they are very quick to uphold the value of

historical scholarship dealing with Germanic culture. As Devyn Gillette has noted in The Pentagram and the Hammer, "The Ásatrú fascination with academic minutae often reaches a point at which one suspects some Ásatrúar would be willing to revise their core religious beliefs if a new academic source could be found." Heathen organizations also appear to be very efficient at providing source materials to their members. Any brief look into organization web pages (available in appendix B) will find a multitude of PDF's of both historical and contemporary works. Common examples include: Tacitus' Germania, Saxo

Grammaticus' Gesta Danorum, a number of the Icelandic sagas, Jacob Grimms' Teutonic Mythology, Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, Beowulf, and most importantly the Prose and Poetic Eddas. Over 50% of survey respondents cited the Eddas as being one of the most significant sources for constructing their beliefs, by far the most relied upon source, with the Icelandic sagas coming in second with 15% of respondents. For many, "these and other peripheral sources, including archeological, linguistic, and historical research, are the foundations of Heathen reconstruction" (Snook 2013:53).

While these texts provide a foundation, they are not to be confused with establishing orthodoxy. A statement from Forn Siðr's (Denmark) website noted, "The Poetic Edda and other source texts are read with respect, but not dogmatic. We are independent-minded beings who feel humility before the whole we are part of" (http://www.fornsidr.dk/). Partially, textual reliance appears to vary based on region as well, for example some members Forn Siðr noted that their group relied more on local folklore than the Eddas.

However, while these sources are not used by most Heathens to establish dogma, they go beyond simply being sources for guidance. Indeed, it would be safe to argue that these sources are primarily used to authenticate and establish a sense of legitimacy for contemporary Heathenry. This sense of legitimacy comes from the idea that Heathens have actual historical material from which to build their faith and in turn construct their own spiritual and cultural identities. These materials are used to further develop ties to heritage and historicity, which creates the "ongoing social production of accounts of pasts and futures" (Hirsch 2005:262), essentially resulting in the production of "ideologies of history" (Hirsch 2005:268). Some psychologists would describe this process as constructing a "narrative self", as "the stories we live by are cultural texts" (Jones 2003:620). Take the example of Catherine, a young adult Canadian female discussing what Heathenry has to offer the modern world, "For many in North America, we have links to a rich history but intense acculturation during the settler years stripped many families of a cultural heritage. This is one way of reconnecting with ancestors purposefully erased in the name of fitting into the British colonies. There is a fear of cultural appropriation for some-and this is valid in some instances, but for others it is the only way to reconnect." The scholar Michael Smith has noted a similar sentiment, "knowing your ancestry and lineage gives you 'place' in history, identity, and belonging. This is

something that is sorely, and catastrophically, missing in our current mainstream society" (2004:8).

It is significant to note that, influential sources and scholarship are not limited to the Germanic world. Indeed, akin to what we saw during the Romantic Period (see Ch.4), many Heathens also utilize sources from eastern philosophy/religion, western esotericism, and the occult. One key example, found particularly among folkish Heathens, is an interest in the Indo-Europeans. As a result, it is not uncommon

to find Heathens who are familiar with the Bhagavad Gita, the Vedas, etc. The spiritual foundations for most Heathens appear to be quite diverse. While nearly half have at one point or another been affiliated with Christianity, over 22% of 2,072 Heathen respondents had prior experience in other forms of

Paganism (Celtic, Slavic, Egyptian, Wiccan, etc.), 4% had dabbled in eastern beliefs (Hinduism, Daoism, Buddhism, etc.), 3% Mysticism, Western Esotericism, or the occult, 2% in shamanism, and 1% had experience in Satanism. Over 21% had no prior spiritual associations, or defined themselves as atheist or agnostic.

While primary texts remain important for solidifying many Heathen beliefs, it is also clear that a number of secondary and modern individuals have had an immense impact on both drawing people into Heathenry and shaping their beliefs. Perhaps the most important of these is Kveldulf Gundarsson (Stephen Grundy), an American author responsible for a number of influential books. Of 1,828

respondents, nearly 10% listed Gundarsson as being one of their most influential sources, making him the most relied upon contemporary source for Heathens. Behind Gundarsson was Diana Paxson an American author cited by roughly 5% of respondents, and then Edred Thorsson (Stephen Flowers), also an

American author who was at one point Gundarsson's professor (cited by 3%). Edred Thorsson has been a controversial figure to some due to his associations with the Satanic Temple of Set, but remains a

significant figure nonetheless (Smith 2003:7). However, some of the Heathens I spoke with referred to Thorsson as a "pretend scholar", and expressed irritation at how many Heathens relied upon him. These sources extended across geographic regions, possibly giving credence to the idea that Heathenry is partially an American export. Other significant contemporary or recent sources included: H.R. Ellis Davidson (English), Galina Krasskova (American), Vilhelm Grønbech (Danish), Freya Aswynn (Dutch), and Raven Kaldera (American). The most popular fiction authors included: Kevin Crossley-Holland (English), Neil Gaiman (English), Padraic Colum (Irish), and most significantly J.R.R Tolkien (English).

While fear of dogma remains intact for many Heathens, there also remains a desire for a

solidified body of knowledge. As Kyle, a middle aged American male noted, "We need to stop assuming Heathenry is a single point of view, and allow for its various iterations to develop, while also unifying behind a single holy book of compiled wisdom," Kyle's comment shows once again the struggle within Heathenry trying to maintain a tribal sense of autonomy, while also creating some sense of a common foundation. One example of an attempt to do this has come in the form of the Norroena Society. A revival of the early 20th century publishing operation led by Rasmus Anderson, the Norroena Society is

composed of individuals dedicated to the production of scholarly investigations into Germanic religion and culture (http://www.norroena.org/). To date, their most influential publication has been the Ásatrú Edda, which essentially answers Kyle's call to create a book of collective wisdom for Heathens,

combining elements of the lore with a summary of basic beliefs. According to Mark Puryear, a key individual part of its creation, the desire for this publication was not to create any form of dogma but to have something solid to pass onto his children and share with other Heathens

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W6-Re57Xao). Similar attempts to provide a place for collective Heathen knowledge have been made by Mark Ludwig Stinson and his online library located on his website Temple of our Heathen Gods (http://heathengods.com/library/). Stinson was also an influential source cited by many American Heathens.

What these attempts show is a desire expressed by many Heathens for a deeper foundation, a common body of literature, and most importantly authenticity. However, this desire for authenticity or legitimacy does not stop with scholarship. The road to legitimacy is one which must go through political struggles, the acquisition of land, and the building of hofs (Old Norse for "hall", used by Heathens to denote temples).

1.4 Recognition and Legitimacy: Politics, Land, and Hofs

"Religion should be personal study and reflection, not rigid dogma like Christianity. However, I think we do need a name for our faith so it can be recognized as an official religion by government agencies, as well as inclusion in census surveys, etc. It would be nice to have some Heathen political candidates as well. I believe increasing public knowledge of Heathenry would make it seem less outlandish to the unfamiliar, and less stigmatized for political candidates or fundraising agencies to declare their religious affiliation as Heathenry, Forn Sed, Odinism, etc."

-Samantha, young adult American female

Samantha's sentiments reflect a number of challenges Heathens face in trying to legitimate their faith: political recognition, marginalization, and popular perceptions of Heathens. Heathenry faces marginalization in its contemporary form as a result of being small in numbers. With an estimated 20,000 adherents globally it becomes difficult to enact change. However, that doesn't stop many Heathen

organizations from trying. Yet, while Heathenry is continuing to grow, the lack of enthusiasm for evangelism, the closed nature of many Heathen groups, and inter-group fighting severely limit its potential. Indeed, the marginalization label is often worn as a badge of honor by many Heathens who would disdain any association with "organized religion" or the "mainstream". For many, proactive attempts to convert or grow the faith are incongruous with both historical and contemporary Paganism. It is likely perceptions of historical and contemporary marginalization that also contribute to a fascination with the "heroic". By this I mean that, through constructing an image that is set against larger socio-political forces, one may construct an identity that is defined by overcoming adversity.

Yet, some would argue that Heathenry is less marginalized by its numerical inferiority than by its public image. If you bring up the term "Germanic Neo-Pagan" to many people it conjures up images of elves or ironclad bearded men. A number of Heathens expressed their frustration with these stereotypes to me, in that it hinders their faith being taken seriously. Steven, a middle aged Northern European noted, "My general view is that the existing Nordic Neo-Pagan groups are more of an ethno-nostalgic costume club, than an actual religion." Or in the words of Paul, an older American male, "We need to grow up and stop playing with swords and such." Yet, for some the use of historical garb is a way of externalizing identity, expressing appreciation for ancestral traditions, and creating a sense of authenticity. In some cases historical tools are used for ritual significance, such as in the case of a drinking horn or carved rune sets.

Alain de Benoist has written that, "Identity becomes complete through recognition" (2004:30). Recognition always implies acknowledgement by a higher institution, be it family, community, state, etc. For most religious organizations, recognition mostly implies political acceptance. For Heathens, political acceptance has come easier in some places than in others. In the West political recognition as an official religion has come fairly easily (particularly in Iceland), however some Scandinavian organizations such as the Norwegian Åsatrufellesskapet Bifrost have had a tougher time. Yet, in other communities the process has been met with outright political animosity. For example, in Russia there has been a rapid growth within the pagan community in the city of Novsibirsk, where philosophical traditionalism, Slavic/Germanic revivalism, as well as mysticism are merging together to create groups such as Svarte Aske (Black Ash). These growing movements have been officially labeled by Russian officials as a threat to the state (see the documentary Pagan Novsibirsk at

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0pEYSLEK9vU). Part of the problem in Russia, that has been witnessed elsewhere, is the common perception that Heathens are predominantly composed of far right nationalist racists (see Ch.2). Even where official recognition as a religion has come easily, other forms of political recognition have been more challenging. For example, since the 1970's a number of Heathen organizations have participated in activism to: preserver or claim spiritual/heritage rights for historical artifacts, bring recognition to historical figures (ex. Leif Erikson), promote the ability of incarcerated Heathens to practice and have access to literature and spiritual tools, and in the U.S. attempted to have Thor's Hammer as an official symbol for use on Ásatrúar veteran's tombstones (which was finally allowed in May of 2013).

Beyond the political sphere, Heathens strive for growth and recognition through the acquisition of land and the building of temples. Organizations in the U.S. and Scandinavia are currently working to attain this goal, and recently Iceland has announced blueprints for the first major Heathen temple to be

built in over 1000 years. Michael, an adult American male has noted "I believe a public place of regular worship and congregation would be a huge advancement to Heathenry. I understand that a few such places exist, but as an objective the community in the U.S. should aim to have one such place in at least every quarter of the country. This would allow people to build a greater sense of community, and

disseminate ideas moving forwards." Or in the words of an American transgender teen, "I believe that we need to form active real-life communities and build temples to our gods, but hierarchy and official codification of beliefs should be avoided."

However, as is the Heathen tendency, debate surrounding temples often brings members back to historical sources. While evidence does exist for the use of temples by early Germanic peoples (ex. Uppsala in Sweden), much of the archeological and historical evidence (ex. Tacitus, Ibn Fadlan, Einhard) point to outdoor worship being the primary mode of religious activity. While shrines of sorts seem to have been common (ex. the Irminsul in Germany), early Germans appear to have attributed sacred qualities to nature itself. As a result, many contemporary Heathens believe that having a sacred and protected space to practice and gather in nature is of vital importance. Devyn Gillette in The Pentagram and the Hammer has noted:

Some highly eco-aware Wiccans, for example, may balk that Norse Pagans, being generally more conservative, might be prone to support legislation that is anti-environmental, or that the Ásatrú ritual of 'land taking' (i.e., ownership) defies most understandings of land stewardship. To 'own' the land, such a person would argue, is inherently 'un-Pagan'...While some of these assertions may have some limited merit, it is also true that Ásatrú tends to feature a reverence of local land spirits on a greater scale than many Wiccans seem to, with entire holidays devoted to the reverence of 'minor' local spirits...Wiccans by and large may be more interested in the respectful occult use of the land (herbalism), but Asatuar seem to pay more attention to making votive offerings to land spirits.

For Heathens, the land is the abode of the wights (Landvættir). The trees, groves, and lakes are places of power. Of 2,731 respondents, nearly 80% said that they believed nature was sacred and should be protected. Others felt deep connections with deities because of their connection to the land, such as Freyja, Freyr, and Skaði. Beyond the spiritual motives, other Heathens have voiced the need for land based on a desire to return to agricultural practices. While some folkish Heathens may discuss this using Romantic notions of "blood and soil", it is more often spoken of as a necessity for returning people to a connection with nature and becoming more attuned to seasonal cycles (many use a variation of the Wheel of the Year found in other pagan traditions).

In relation to ecology, Heathens are much in line with other neo-pagans on the necessity for environmental protection, as nature represents a haven for authentic worship. As Michael York as noted, "Even when pagan sanctuaries escaped Christian demolition, they have come invariably under the custodianship of the state that has, in turn, restricted or denied access for the contemporary pagan.

Neo-paganism has instead, almost as a defensive response, shifted its focus to what remains of pristine nature, but now the threat is road-projects, airport expansion, construction of commercial centers, and the like. Consequently, much of contemporary Western paganism concerns itself with land protection, road protest, and other environmental protection efforts" (York 2001:369).

Due to its attempt at creating a neo-tribal structure, Heathenry faces a number of challenges in trying to: establish organization, codify knowledge, create systems of authority (spiritual and scholarly), acquire land, and build temples. The lack of unity makes smaller communities easy targets for social stereotypes and political agendas. Despite being comprised of essentially non-marginal demographics, Heathenry's structure (for better or worse) only reinforces its marginalized circumstance. The struggle that many Heathens face is in trying to maintain their autonomous tribal essence, while also managing to enact positive changes for their communities.

Chapter 2: Ethics and Inclusion

"In the struggle for existence, the folk who always remain lasting winners are those who develop

themselves with the preservation of their moral force. With the disappearance of morality, higher spiritual and intellectual rank is also lost."

-Guido von List (1908, The Secret of the Runes)

2.1 An Overview of Heathen Ethics

When asked what they believed Heathenry had to offer the modern world, among the most common responses were: ethics, morals, and virtue. Of 1,938 respondents, 18% said Heathenry offered: courage honor, strength, and pride, another 15% morals or ethics, and 8% believed Heathenry offered: hospitality, altruism, and tolerance. Combined, this suggests 1) many Heathens believe contemporary society to be morally lacking, and 2) that ethics is one of the most (if not the most) highly valued

attributes within Heathen discourse. As a result, it is essential in any attempt to understand how Heathens conceptualize themselves to take ethics into account. This is particularly important given the complex nature of Heathen ethics, which appears to combine elements of a Viking Age warrior ethos alongside: communal obligations, stoic philosophy, a rejection of Christian piety, secular humanism, and an ideal of self-reliance reminiscent of American transcendentalists. In this chapter I will look into the common attributes of Heathen ethics found globally, and then move towards an analysis of some of the most divisive issues: inclusion, gender, and sexual orientation.

Ethics, or moral systems help to determine one's standing within the universe, either in relation to the divine (higher reality), society, or an ideal self (Wright 1909:90). Evolutionary psychologists and biological anthropologists posit that ethical systems evolved in order to maintain order amongst groups, or in the case of the brains empathetic mechanisms (ex. mirror neurons or the anterior cingular cortex) to offer an advantage for survival. While this is not the place to discuss the evolutionary history of ethics, suffice it to say that ethics are typically used to bind groups together through obligations, which in turn help maintain a sense of harmony. For Heathens, this sense of obligation remains fundamental in relation to the self, kindred, community, nature, and to a lesser extent the divine. Akin to other polytheist systems, the ethical standards of the deities vary, tend to be amoral, or simply do not exist. It should be noted as well that, many Heathens also expressed a sense of approval over deities such as Odin and Loki specifically for their amoral characteristics. Such characteristics made the deities more relatable, and helped Heathens formulate what they considered a more "rational or realistic moral paradigm".

Heathen ethics are framed within a cosmological and socio-political system that is historically rooted in a period defined by conflict and struggle, i.e. the Viking Age or Early Medieval Europe.

Consistent warfare, migrations, the establishment and maintenance of settlements, and the ever present quest for food all necessitated the development of a warrior ethos for early Germanic peoples. For many contemporary Heathens, this kind of ethos is something worth remembering. A survey of Heathen organization calendars will display the degree to which this historical appreciation extends. For example, it is common for groups to have holidays dedicated to "heroic" figures (often from the Icelandic Sagas), jarls, kings, fallen warriors, and some even commemorate historical events such as the Viking raid on the monastery at Lindisfarne in 793 CE. It is also common for Heathen groups to hold a blót (Old Norse "sacrifice") dedicated to warrior ancestors or spirits known as the einherjar (Old Norse "single fighters").

In addition to an appreciation for a warrior ethos, and partially the result of trying to create a neo-tribal structure, is a reliance upon a system of oath giving. Kindred members are often bound to each other by oaths (troths), which are taken very seriously, as breaking them is believed to effect group hamingja (Old Norse "luck"). As a result, members are expected to honor oaths sworn in front of others, and uphold ethical standards, "To an increasing number of Heathens, a person's individual and

community value is found in their honor, trustworthiness and deeds, rather than their race, ethnicity or personal connection to a deity" (Snook: 2013:63). For many Heathens, reputation is everything. In order to attain reputation, one must be proactive in their deeds. As a result, many Heathens blatantly reject what they see as passive moral systems, the most cited examples being Christian piety or the notion of

submission found in Islam. As Heathens do not see their deities as being morally perfect, omniscient, or as monarchical, the notion of seeking forgiveness and the concept of "sin" are seen as unnecessary. Many Heathens even suggest that such concepts are "incompatible with human nature". A rejection of sin also includes a rejection of salvation. One confronts their errors by owning up to them and changing their actions, as "the sense of living a dignified life without any hope of a miraculous salvation is central to the ethics and worldview of the ancient Norse texts" (Strmiska 2000:125). Or in the words of Kayla, an American transgender teen, "Paganism in general has shown people their cultural roots and engendered religious diversity, as well as a greater appreciation for our home (to us, our mother). The Germanic tradition's moral atmosphere, which absolutely abolishes sin and forgiveness, and emphasizes personal responsibility and wisdom, is in my opinion superior to Abrahamic religion's idea of obedience as the highest good." The notion of taking responsibility for one's actions is hardly relegated to Germanic Paganism, and finds much in common with contemporary secular humanist values. What separates Heathen ethics is the emphasis on stoic virtues and a warrior ethos, which are seldom utilized in common discourse today (outside perhaps the military).

As mentioned in the previous chapter, Heathens rely heavily on the Prose and Poetic Eddas for constructing their beliefs. This holds particularly true when it comes to constructing a Heathen value

system. Specifically, the most commonly cited source for Heathen ethics is the Hávamál ("Sayings of the High One"), a poem found in the Poetic Edda attributed to Odin. A summary of the Hávamál's teachings would include: prudence, hospitality, prudence, humility, wisdom, sobriety, acceptance of mortality, life affirmation, action, hospitality, respect, awareness, reciprocity, loyalty, gratitude, love, self reliance, reputation, sacrifice, and wisdom. It is from the Hávamál that we are told the famous story of Odin hanging himself on Yggdrasil (the world tree), as he peered down into the Well of Urd. From this act he gained the secret teachings of the runes. This story is one of the most commonly referenced in Heathen discourse. The reliance on the Hávamál is seen within Heathen groups internationally and it is safe to argue that the ethics promoted within the Hávamál would generally be accepted by most Heathens, regardless of style or geographic location. However, division does start to arise once groups begin codifying its teachings into any kind of moral law.

This division has most clearly been seen in the creation of the Nine Noble Virtues (found predominantly in Ásatrú groups) and the Nine Noble Charges (often used by Odinists), as well as others. Although there are variations, typically the Nine Noble Virtues are as follows: courage, truth, honor, fidelity, hospitality, discipline, industriousness, self-reliance, and perseverance. From 2,736 respondents, 52% said that they used the NNV as a guide, 23% as sacred laws, and 22% didn't use them at all. Other responders relied upon other ethical codes or personal values. Patterns of use were fairly similar across geographic regions, with the exception of Northern Europe, where nearly 63% of respondents said they didn't use them at all. Indeed, many responders went beyond mere rejection, expressing their displeasure that such codes had even been created. Take the following comments:

"NNV is to me a Heathen version of the Ten Commandments."-Young adult Scandinavian female

"The Nine Noble Virtues is an US concept without relevance to real Ásatrú, but the Hávamál and Eddas are."-Middle aged Northern European male

"I am Swedish. We don't recognize made up foreign stuff."-Middle aged Swedish male

"It is a stupid American invention to try to fit a Christian view on heathendom-why on earth cant you let it go? America-heathendom does not require the 10 commandments, it is lame. Be Christian if that is what you want...Scandinavia and the Nordics find it lame."-Middle aged Scandinavian male

"There are no Nine Noble Virtues. It's an American invention that has nothing to do with the origins of my faith."-Middle aged Northern European female