Bachelor Thesis Human Geography
University of Amsterdam – Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences Supervisor: Dr. J.M. Bavinck
Second reader: Dr. J. Stephen
Abel Mensink
Studentnumber: 10063064 Valckenierstraat 57 C 1018 XE Amsterdam
abelmensink@hotmail.com – 0613666612
Picture on front page: fiber boat on the beach of Nambiar Nagar. By: Anke Verheij (2014)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE + ABSTRACT………1
TABLE OF CONTENTS.………..3
INTRODUCTION……….5
Thesis outline……….7
CHAPTER 1: THEORATICAL FRAMEWORK……….8
Labour migration theories……….10
CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY………13
2.1 Operationalization………...14
2.2 Research methodology and methods………...14
2.3 Research location, Units of Analysis and sampling method………...16
2.4 Limitations………..17
CHAPTER 3: THE NAMBIAR NAGAR FISHERMEN 3.1 Area of focus………...19
3.2 The village of Nambiar Nagar……….20
3.3 Changes in the fishing sector………..22
3.4 Current situation………..23
3.5 Preliminary conclusion with regard to the theory………...24
CHAPTER 4: THE MIGRATION ISSUE 4.1 Temporary migration trend……….27
4.3 Results of temporary migration………...32
4.4 Preliminary conclusion with regard to the theory………...34
CONCLUSION……….35
Discussion……….37
REFERENCES……….37
(Kohly, 2006). Even in more recent years, when western countries were facing a major crisis, India got off the hook from economic decline and has continued its economic and political rise (Schmalz & Ebenau, 2012). The country is under constant development and is now empathically “knocking on the door” of the well developed countries in order to settle itself on a good position in the global market. This development is the result of a revolution in many sectors of the Indian economy over the last years. One of these sectors is the marine based economy.
Since its independence of England in 1947, India has invested extensively in the development of its marine based economy, resulting in what now is known as the “blue revolution” (Bavinck, 2011). The modernisation has influenced all different societal factors. In Tamil Nadu, South East India, the modernization and liberalization has triggered large changes for the region. One of these changes is the trend of migration of small-scale fishermen, who move from the state of Tamil Nadu to foreign destinations, often practicing different professions then they are used to practice back home. Whether this trend is the result of India‟s development or that it has ensured this development is a matter of discussion among researchers and policy makers. The same applies for the effects of migration on India‟s economy; for many years scientists are analysing the determinants of migration and the impacts of this phenomenon on the national economy (Taylor, 1999).
Many studies on this subject involve the role of remittances. For the Indian context this is conceivable: in 2009 the country received the second largest amount of remittances estimated to be 9.9 billion dollars that year (Sirojudin, 2009). Growing consensus exist on the point that in order to understand the complex relationship between migration and development, new theories should evolve about the multiple effects of remittances on households and communities (Taylor, 1999).
For this study, Taylor‟s statement (1999) has been slightly modified. Due to limited time for research it would be too difficult to study the role of remittances in a local context. In that case it is necessary to understand the monetary flows, which was not within the boundaries of this case study. However, with a study on the role of migration in the local context it is possible to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between migration and development. In order to do so, the following research question has been studied:
What is the purpose and condition of foreign migration in the fishing villages of Tamil Nadu, India?
One of the key aspects of this research question‟s operationalization is what fishermen drives to migrate. In other words: what are the push and pull factors for migration? Another key aspect was to gain knowledge about the current status of fishermen to place the migration phenomenon in a certain context. In a four week period of fieldwork interviews with fishermen were conducted. Since some of them had experience with foreign migration, first-hand information could be gathered. Others were asked about their perspective on the migration phenomenon. This ensured a comprehensive study on the migration and development issue.
Thesis outline.
This study will start with a glance at the theoretical perspectives on migration. This will result in a framework of four theories which are influencing the driving factors for migration. In the methodology chapter this framework is presented together with the plan of approach for the research. Subsequently, chapter three and four are forming the data chapters of this study. In chapter three, the local context of the research area and the current status of fishermen are discussed from a macroeconomic perspective. Chapter four has a more microeconomic perspective and covers more of the migration issue. The work is completed with a conclusion and a reflection with recommendations.
The aim of this chapter is to provide a theoretical basis for the research which was conducted during a period of fieldwork in India. The chapter starts with an introduction on the different terms in the research question. Subsequently, the origin of foreign migration had been covered in an introducing paragraph after which four migration theories will be described, which are most relevant for this study.
Before elaborating on different theories, the term „foreign migration‟ needs some further explanation. The term „foreign‟ obviously refers to other countries than the country of focus, in this case other countries than India. Labourers migrate in most cases to undertake skilled labour. The term „skilled labour‟ usually refers to work conducted by labourers in possession of at least a tertiary educational degree. Additionally, labourers with extensive specialised work experience are marked as „skilled‟ (Vertovec, 2002). For this study fishermen have been classified as „skilled‟, due to the latter reason since it is obvious that they generally lack of any higher educational degree. Furthermore, „migration‟ may not be the accurate term to define the main theme of this thesis. It might refer too much to a long term or permanent stay abroad, which does not fit the discussed form of migration in this paper. The word „movement‟ or „mobility‟ might fit better instead because the temporary character is more evident in the nature of these words (Vertovec, 2002). However, in current literature the boundaries between these distinctions appear to be very vague. In example, Kumar & Sidhu (2005) are stating that migration refers to movement from one place to another and can have both a permanent and semi-permanent character. Moreover, Keshri & Bhagat (2013) explain that temporary labour migration rate in India is seven times higher than the permanent migration rate. Hence it is chosen to use the term “foreign migration” in the research question and for the continuation of this study, which is thus referring to Indian fishermen who work abroad for a certain period.
According to Kumar & Sidhu (2005), migration is “a response of human organisms to economic, social, political and demographic forces in the environment”. Thus it can be said that migration is an important factor in the distribution of people within countries and therefore important for changes in societies (Kumar & Sidhu, 2005). Factors that provide in a migration flow can be classified in five categories: economic -, demographic -, socio-cultural - and political factors, plus a combination of those (Ibid, 2005). It is clear that the factors which motivate people to migrate are similar to the forces in the environment. However, it appears that economic drivers are the most important in migration theories. Diving into this specific factor two basic economic values can be extracted: the so called “push factors” and “pull factors”.
A push factor can literally be seen as a condition that caused an individual to move out of his or her place of origin. The obvious conditions are in example poverty, unemployment and a lack of (economic) opportunities. Modernisation in the agricultural sector as well as other sectors in rural areas has reduced the demand for labour. Simultaneously, rural areas lack an alternative source of income. Furthermore, the available labour cannot meet the population growth rates in developing areas resulting in growing unemployment (Kumar & Sidhu, 2005).
Pull factors can be summarized as attractive conditions persuading migrants to leave their place of origin. Obvious conditions in this case are higher wages, better employment opportunities and a higher standard of living. Again global modernisation ensured a growth of industry, commerce and business, which are predominantly taking place in urban areas. Therefore, migration flows tend to move predominantly from rural to urban areas (Ibid, 2005).
Both push and pull factors will form the basis of this study. We will now have a closer look into theories which affect these factors. In chapter 3 and 4 the results of the fieldwork will be linked back to the theories discussed below.
Labour migration theories
Since the focus of this study is on push and pull drivers and therefore the economic factors of migration, it is useful to incorporate economic theoretical perspectives on migration. Massey et al. (1993) carried out a comprehensive study on this subject and they found several schools of economics of migration. Four of these schools were selected by Sirojudin (2009) since they appear to be most relevant for studies on economic factors of migration. Therefore, these same four schools are selected for this study.
Supply and Demand Theory
The supply and demand theory finds its origin in the neoclassical macroeconomics and is probably the oldest in international migration theories (Massey et al., 1993). The idea is quite simple: international migration exists due to geographical differences in welfare and development, and therefore in the supply and demand for labour. The basic assumption of this theory is that workers move from low-wage countries to high-wage countries. However, the consequences of this movement are a decreasing supply of labour in low-wage countries and an increasing one in countries with high wages, resulting in rising wages in the former and falling wages in the latter situation. It can thus be stated that there is a theoretical equilibrium for migration with regard to supply and demand of labour.
In conclusion: within the supply and demand theory an oversupply of labour with low wages is a push factor for migration, and demand for labour with associated high wages are a pull factor for movement.
World System Theory
Contrary to the simple idea that migration is the result of wage rates or supply and demand for labour within national economies, world system theory is based on larger dynamics of the global economy market. Central to this school of thought is the assumption of inequality between well developed and industrialised countries and poor developing countries (Sirojudin, 2009). The capitalist economy ensures a constant search for cheap land, capital and labour in order to maximise profits. Therefore, they settle in developing countries. However, intrusion in developing countries launches migration flows in the opposite direction
of the flows of capital. This is due to the creation of material and cultural links which people from developing regions get when working for a foreign company (Massey et al, 1993). Hence the world system theory must be seen from the perspective of world systems. Globalised markets make people in poor and developing countries feel (relatively) poor. They will seek improvement for their living standard making it a push factor for migration. At the same time settlement of companies in peripheral areas creates acquaintance of the standard of living in developed countries (Sirojudin, 2009). This is an example of a pull factor of migration.
Rational Choice Theory
Apart from the macroeconomic models of migration neoclassical micro theories exist. Rational choice theory draws back on the core values of individuals. According to Massey at al. (1993), the idea is that “individual rational actors decide to migrate because a cost-benefit
calculation leads them to expect a positive net return, usually monetary, from movement”.
People will not migrate against their will but only on a well-considered prospect to reach a better standard of living for themselves and their family. Part of the consideration is in example the differences in cost of living, wages and politics and economics of the country of destination (Sirojudin, 2009). Moreover, individual characteristics such as level of education, labour experience and language skills tend to increase the probability of employment and decrease the costs of migration, and therefore contribute to a faster decision to go abroad. In this case the push factor is to maximise income earning and meanwhile spreading family risks. In case of a market failure in developing countries there is no or little help of the government. By sending a member of the family abroad one spreads risks since they may receive remittances when they lack any source of income (Sirojudin, 2009). Expected earnings are the most important pull factor. The larger the difference in earnings between countries, the bigger the movement is. Without difference migration would likely not exist according to this theory since costs and benefits are equal.
Network Theory
The network theory is based on the strong ties between former migrants, current migrants and non-migrants of the same origin or family, or those who share a friendship or just a language. The main idea is that these ties ensure both lower costs and lower risks of international movement and increase the expected revenues of migration. Individual immigrants namely receive help, support and protection throughout the preparatory process of migration and during the stay abroad. Following this theory migration is not influenced by wage differences or employment possibilities (Massey et al, 1993). More important is the certainty of low costs and low risk provided through a reliable network of family and friends. Besides, the network theory affects the places of origin positively in two manners; firstly migrant communities have greater employment opportunities for the people who stay behind, and secondly migrants form the connection between the country of origin and destination. Therefore, remittances which are send back home have a positive impact on the economic development.
To conclude: having a strong migration related network is both a push factor and a pull factor. This is because a network is ensuring low costs and low risks of a trip to another country. The push and pull factors and their relation with the different theories form the structure of this thesis. In the following chapters these concepts are continuously taken into account. In the data chapters (chapter three and four) the theory will be briefly reflected on the findings in order to maintain the structure throughout this paper.
2.1 Operationalization.
The conceptual scheme, in which the concept of push and pull factors and the theories with which it is associated are present, can be seen in figure 1.
Figure 1: Conceptual Scheme.
The supply and demand theory together with the world system theory forms the basis for chapter 3. Both theories are based on a macroeconomic approach whereby migration is explained. The rational choice theory and the network theory are relating to the findings in chapter 4 and are based on a microeconomic approach.
2.2 Research methodology and methods.
The research method for this study consists primarily of a qualitative research strategy. As a first step, a week of observations was conducted in the village as well as on its beach. Small conversations were held with different people from the village in order to get an idea of the factors that play a role of importance in this study. Simultaneously this contributed to a mutual acquaintance which would be necessary for the further course of the fieldwork period. The conversations were carried out with the help of Mr. Kalaivanan, a local translator who was able to speak Tamil and English fluently. After a week of getting sense on the subject, the
gathered information formed the basis of a specific item list for the interviews (See Appendix 1), which is conducted from the second week onwards. Limited time and practical constraints are the reason why a there has not been chosen for individual quantitative data collection. The area of research makes it impossible to obtain stratified and sufficient results on your own for this type of analysis. However, since multiple researchers were conducting fieldwork in the village, it was possible to gather sufficient household data. The qualitative research consisted of two types of data gathering: semi-structured interviews with fishermen who are living in Nambiar Nagar, and open interviews with experts on the subject. They provided background information which is used in the chapter on context and both data chapters (chapter 3, 4 and 5).
Household data
Besides the observations and conversations, the first week started with conducting household surveys. The survey consisted of basic questions with the aim to collect statistic data to get a sense of the demographic structure and context of the village. Nambiar Nagar was the village of study for three researchers which ensured that the entire village could be examined. Therefore, the map of the village as presented in the article of Praxis (n.d.) was divided equally in three parts. In order to get a stratified sample it was chosen to examine every third house in the separate parts. If there was nobody at home, it was tried one other time on a different moment or another day. If it was still not possible to conduct a survey or people were not willing to participate the first house next door was tried. Among the questions was for example who was living in the households (names), what their age was, their level of education, and their current occupation.
Semi-structured interviews
All the 35 interviews were conducted with the help of a semi-structured questionnaire (see appendix). In order to gain trust from the respondents, the interview started with a general part. In this way they could become confident with speaking while they were telling about their life as a fisherman, their catch and income. Subsequently, it was asked whether the respondent had been abroad - if so he was asked for his experiences and the degree of success. If not, the respondent was asked if he knew others who had been abroad and if he could tell about their degree of success. In the closing part of the interview it was asked what the respondent‟s future prospect was. This was done to gain a greater understanding of the labour migration trend, and to try link this with their future prospect.
Open interviews
Open interviews were held with stakeholders and informers who could contribute to fill the gaps and to complete the study. These interviewed experts included the leader of the village‟s
council, the principal of the elementary school and a local (travel) agency, which is specialised in providing work and visas in Singapore. Likewise the semi-structured interviews, all interviews were held in Tamil and for my understanding translated in English by Mr. Kalaivanan.
SPSS Statistics
Gathered data is analysed with the help of IBM SPSS Statistics 20. The analysis software is capable of many features and helped to address the analytical process of the data chapters. Output generated by the software was used to make tables, which were then edited and transformed into charts and figures with the help of Windows Excel.
2.3 Research location, Units of Analysis and sampling method.
In order to carry out the research, a village was selected in the surrounding area of Nagapattinam city. The village of choice is Nambiar Nagar and is based on its fishery tradition, its size and its important position in the local area. Additionally, indications existed that a sufficient amount of fishermen had information on the subject of foreign migration. The units of analysis are the Nambiar Nagar fishermen in the age of 18 to 99 years old. Children are excluded for this study; therefore a lower bound of 18 years old is used. The interviews took 30 to 90 minutes, depending on the answers they provided, and were predominantly held at the home of the respondent. Since interviews on the street or at the beach drew much attention, interviews at home were preferred. It reduced the noise of curious passers and increases the respondents‟ concentration.
The initial idea was to select the respondents at random. The purpose in advance was to get a balanced ratio of fishermen who went abroad for employment and fishermen who did not. However, after more or less ten days of interviewing fishermen, it was concluded that this could not happen if respondents were selected randomly. It is obvious that the foreign labour migration ratio (those who went abroad divided by those who did not) is not fifty-fifty in the village. Therefore a change of plans had to be made. From day ten onwards people in the village and the others I interviewed were asked if they knew people who had been abroad. In this manner, so called snowball sampling was created, what resulted in a score of 35 per cent of the respondents who had been abroad. This gets close to the ratio of fishermen willing to migrate for employment purposes, which will be presented in chapter 5. Finally, both random selection and snowball sampling helped to get a significant and in some way diverse research population.
2.4 Limitations.
As in any scientific research, this study has certain limitations that possibly influence the presented findings and conclusions. In order to assess the accuracy of this study, the following limitations should be taken into account.
Firstly, all interviews with fishermen as well as the open interviews with experts were conducted with the help of a translator. Although the professional attitude and full devotion of Mr. Kalaivanan was never questioned, the use of a translator might cause problems like bias, misunderstanding and desired answers. However, since Mr. Kalaivanan‟s level of English language was fairly high and we analysed and discussed every interview, we minimised the chance of facing these problems. Secondly, time was a limiting factor during the fieldwork period. I had only four weeks for observations and interviews in which I managed to do 35 interviews. Luckily for me, the fishermen were kept at home by the Tamil Nadu fish ban period, which made that many fishermen were doing maintenance work or some resting at home. This offered the opportunity to interview them, although these interviews took only place in the early morning or late afternoon. Due to the climate this timing was necessary, since heat and high level of humidity made research in the middle of the day impossible. The total of 35 respondents may result in a generalizability which is rather low, but I think it is yet enough for some tentative conclusions. Besides, studies of this size and with this timespan can perfectly serve as a base for further research. Another problem in terms of scientific research is that not all respondents are randomly selected. I had to find respondents who met the criterion of a labour journey in the past; therefore I conducted a targeted search in the last two weeks of the fieldwork period. Finally, I noticed that fishermen were curious about the research, and in some cases suspicious. Sometimes they gave polite or cautious answers and I had the feeling that they had different of additional information. Occasionally I could still gain their trust and get the information I wanted, but I think long term studies will be helpful to strengthen the connection with the locals and to obtain more information.
In the four weeks of fieldwork anything was done to minimize the influence of the factors mentioned above. Therefore, I am confident that this study illustrates the emergence of the foreign labour migration trend.
3.1 Area of focus
The fieldwork for this thesis was conducted in the area of Nagapattinam, which is part of the Indian state Tamil Nadu. India consists of 29 states and seven Union Territories. Tamil Nadu is situated in the south-east of India and is the eleventh largest state of the country (Indiasite, 2014; see: Figure 1). The state has a population of over 72 million people of which 37.5 million (=52%) are living in rural areas. However, between 2001 and 2011 the urban population increased with 27 per cent which is outstanding but still less than the Indian average of a 31 per cent increase (Government of Tamil Nadu, Department of Economics and Statistics, 2013). Another important socio-economic indicator is literacy rate; Tamil Nadu‟s rate of 80.3% is higher than the Indian average of 74.0%. Divided in rural and urban area these numbers are respectively 73.8% and 87.2% for Tamil Nadu and 68.9% and 85.0% for all India.
Figure 2:
Source: retrieved from http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Tamil_Nadu and edited by Abel Mensink on July 20, 2014.
At first hand, there appears to be no correlation between the statistics mentioned above. However, both urbanisation and literacy rate are important indicators of (economic) development (Moomaw & Shatter, 1996; Hicks & Streeten, 1979). To put it simple, as economies develop changes in demand and supply occur with an increasing importance of manufacturing and service sectors as a result. These sectors create employment, and since they are typical for urban regions people tend to move to the cities (Moomaw & Shatter, 1996). Like infant mortality and life expectancy, literacy rate is among the important social indicators for measuring the degree of development and is a yardstick for “the effectiveness of
the educational system” (Hicks & Streeten, 1979). These theories underline what was found in
the statistics of the Tamil Nadu Government: the state is in a phase of development.
The study was conducted in Nagapattinam District, one out of 32 districts of Tamil Nadu (see: Figure 1). Nagapattinam has a population of over 1.6 million people of which 77.5% is living in rural areas (Government of Tamil Nadu, Department of Economics and Statistics, 2013). The fishing sector forms one of great economic importance for Tamil Nadu. In 2008, the state contributed for 15% in India‟s total marine catches (Bavinck et al., 2008). The importance of the fishing sector is noticeable in Nagapattinam. It is clearly visible in the port city that industry, trade and commerce and middle- and lower skilled work forms the majority of the cities occupational opportunities. The city is not of great importance for tourist, although it has a railway station and an important bus stand for both local and regional connections.
3.2 The village of Nambiar Nagar
Nambiar Nagar is a small town practically on the beach, where around 700 families find their residency (Muruganandham, personal communication, April 22, 2014). There is a myth which tells that the first settlements at the location of the current village were approximately 1200 years back. Around 400 years ago the village apparently counted 220 families, which made it of significant importance in these days (Praxis, n.d.). Nambiar Nagar used to be the informal management of 64 villages in the region. Although Nagapattinam has increased in mainly economic importance, Nambiar Nagar fulfils an important formal role in local decision making processes up to the present day.
The demographic structure of the village is presented in a population pyramid in figure 3, which is generated with data collected during the household surveys (see: Methodology). It stands out that there is a large number of young people of up to 30 years old and that the number of people decreases relative quickly in the subsequent age categories. Based on the pyramid it can be stated that Nambiar Nagar is facing a high fertility rate as well as a high mortality rate. The life expectancy lies around 70 years and has some exceptions up to 90 years old.
Figure 3:
Source: Collective data household surveys.
The fishermen
A major part of the Nambiar Nagar inhabitants, which consist of 1814 people, belong to one of the 450 fishermen families (CMFRI, 2010). According to the census data, all the families belong to the traditional fishery caste. Based on the population distribution structure (community as a whole presented in figure 2), 36% of this specific group of inhabitants is a male adult (18 years and above), 32% is female adult, 21% is child over the age of 5 years and 11% is a child under the age of five years. All the fishery families are followers of the Hindu religion.
The focus on education among the fishermen families has significantly increased over the past years. Where the elderly people are lacking a proper level of education, it is evident that the younger generation is more aware of the importance of education. 40.5% of the fishermen‟s population in Nambiar Nagar has finished or is busy following primary education. For secondary- and higher education this is respectively 21.4% and 2.5%. It is notable that an increasing amount of females is reaching a higher level of education than males, although minor differences appear. This might have to do with the occupational obligations and opportunities of the adolescent males.
80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 0-9 years 10-19 years 20-29 years 30-39 years 40-49 years 50-59 years 60-69 years 70-79 years 80-89 years
Population pyramid Nambiar Nagar
Male Female N = 633
3.3 Changes in the fishing sector.
Recently, the fishing sector has undergone decades of technological development. However, the fishing tradition is deep-rooted in the lives of the fishermen. Although many of them point out that traditional methods ensure a lack of catch, many fishermen are still able to fish in traditional manner. Since roughly two generations and over, the fishermen made use of so called “kattumaram” boats. These boats consist of two or three logs tied together with a rope and can carry multiple fishermen, but are nowadays mostly used by one fisherman. Traditionally the logs are made from palm trees, which are light in weight and very commonly seen in south India. In these days the fishermen went out for one-day trips, leaving early in the morning and returning in the evening. With the help of paddles or a sail, which can be seen as one of the first developments, they went up to a few kilometres offshore. Silk and cotton nets were used to catch fish, whilst the size of kattumaram was limiting the quantity of the catching. As the elderly point out, this was the reason why the fish stock was able to recover and remain healthy. Due to the high amount of resources, the job opportunity and availability was high and the wages were low. The practice of fishing was not very dangerous because the kattumarams are very stable and reliable, and moreover a great respect for nature existed. Without the help of any devices they were able to do good weather forecasts, to navigate on the sea and to find their sea resources. Fish which was caught was meant for the local market where trading consists of more or less fixed patterns and relationships.
In the previous decades this situation changed entirely. Technological changes in boats, nets and gear made the fishing sector more of an industry. Kattumarams were replaced by trawler boats. A trawler tows nets behind the boat and catches all the creatures living just above and on the bottom of the sea. Nowadays the trawler boats form the majority of the Nambiar Nagar fish fleet. The engine is a factor of difference among boats: some are suitable for high speed and long distance trips; others have a smaller engine for short distance fishing. Shortly after the introduction of the trawler boat the fiberglass boat (in short: fiber boat) found its way to the Indian fishing industry. Another remarkable development has taken place in the nets. Nowadays, nets are made from nylon. Furthermore, fishermen emphasize there are nets available for every single species. According to the fishermen this is not only beneficial; since the industrial revolution there was a significant drop in fish stock.
“Manpower is nowadays of lesser importance, mechanical power of greater. Youngsters are able to fish in traditional manner, but doing so they earn nothing. Previously competition for fish did not exist, now it is life and acting. Unfortunately, the wealth of the sea is going down…”
The 2004 tsunami.
On December 26, 2004 an earthquake in the Indian Ocean caused a tsunami, which had a severe impact on the entire coastal area of the Bay of Bengal. The coastal zone of Tamil Nadu was heavily damaged and the state was accounting for 7923 death alone (Sekar et al., 2005). Due to its location on the beach, the village of Nambiar Nagar was among the ones which were highly affected by the tsunami. 243 people lost their lives including 32 men, 86 women and 125 children (Praxis, n.d.). The relative high amount of losses among women and children can be explained by the fact that the tsunami struck the Indian coast in the early morning. Fishermen were out on the sea while women were running the household and children were playing out on the beach. There can be spoken of luck that the centre of the village of Nambiar Nagar is located behind a large sand dune. Houses on or near the beach were completely destroyed by the waves, others - up to 700 meters of the seashore including the centre of the village - faced serious water damage.
Obviously, houses were not the only material losses; many boats and a lot of fish gear were lost in the tsunami waves. After the disaster, the Nambiar Nagar Panchayat members were asked to take a stock of the boats damaged or lost. Without going into the precise numbers it can be said that they reported such an amount of losses that labourers working on these boats were challenging the list (S. Subramanian, personal communication, April 16, 2014). They say the Panchayat members reported double the amount of broken vessels in order to give them to relatives and labourers. Moreover, trawler boat owners reported more than the actual damage in order to receive more compensation (Praxis, n.d.). The reason why this story makes sense is that a larger fleet is not in favour of the labourers since competition makes the market more difficult and the risk of overexploitation is threatening.
The enormity of the tragedy was still noticeable during the fieldwork. The majority of the visited households lost at least a member of their family or even a member of the household. The grief was very high and the people are still full of impressive stories.
3.4 Current situation.
Nowadays, the situation is changing, or at least the fishermen claim that they are facing different times than former generations did.
From an objective point of view, life in the village is not too bad. In 2010, the Nambiar Nagar fleet officially consisted of 94 trawlers (mainly based in Nagapattinam harbour) and 37 out-boarded boats as well as one non-motorised vessel (CMFRI, 2010). Moreover, the majority of the houses are made of concrete, all the houses have an electricity connection and the village looks clean and tidy. A little remark is that there is never been attention for the construction of a proper sewage system, therefore a lot of human excrement is found on the beach. Besides, the village appears to be clean but just on the outskirts of the village the trash is accumulating day to day. Nevertheless, as an outsider you cannot say that living conditions in Nambiar Nagar are poor. The women are busy with their day to day routine of cleaning, cooking and
caring for the youngest children. Older children are in school in the morning time and doing sport and plays in the afternoon. Since it was ban period, a part of the fishermen were hanging around on the beach, playing carts and chatting with each other. Others were busy repairing nets and other fishing equipment, or were just taking rest at home. As explained before, a few fishermen were still permitted to fish which made the commerce continuing, although on smaller scale then during the season. The young adults were hanging out in the streets or were killing time riding around on their motorbikes. Besides, the motorbikes are another factor from which the relative good level of welfare can be deduced. Many of the bikes that can be seen in the village have non-standard, costly elements on it, i.e. special rims and tires, handgrips and seats.
Asking the people this impression is largely confirmed. More or less half of the respondents are not having any financial problems, while the other half is in their own words “struggling to make ends meet” but is still able to manage the household in financial terms. They mention that it is impossible to save money and insecure catches provide an uncertain level of income.
“It is hard to survive life. Sometimes the catches are good; sometimes there is no fish at all. When I am sometimes forced to stay at home the expenses are high and my income is zero.”
Respondent number 7, April 25, 2014
Three respondents said it is nowadays too hard to provide in their livelihood. They declare that they do not catch any fish most of the time and that daily expenses for basic needs and education are too high. Although you would expect that households will try to find extra sources of income due to the instability of the fishermen‟s income, none of the households has a secondary source of income.
3.5 Preliminary conclusion with regard to the theory.
In the former paragraphs it is tried to give insights in the livelihoods of the Nambiar Nagar fishermen. It will now be controlled whether the macroeconomic theories apply for their situation up to this point, before elaborating on the specific migration conditions in the village.
As previously mentioned the 2004 tsunami was a result of an earthquake in the Indian Ocean and had a severe effect on the Tamil Nadu coastline (see paragraph 3.2). The aftermath has its consequences up until the present day. Fishermen explain that emergency aid given by the government and foreign NGO´s have resulted in a doubling in the number of boats in the village. Competition for fish has increased while especially the big fish disappeared. Wages are low and a growing amount of traditional fishermen are getting unemployed. This competition and the associated large supply of labour can typically form a push factor for
migration. Simultaneously, the fishermen are aware of the relative high wages and demand for labour in other countries. This pull factor has a positive impact on the consideration of going abroad. It can therefore be stated that the supply and demand theory is applying for the local situation in Nambiar Nagar.
There is no doubt that the Nambiar Nagar fishermen are aware of the degree of welfare and development in other places in the world. It can be said that globalisation left its marks here as well. However, it can be discussed to what extent the world system theory with regard to migration applies to the village. As described in the theoretical framework migration is, according to the world system theory, amongst others the result of settlement of foreign companies in developing areas which creates feelings of common characteristics and shared culture within this region. People then tend to migrate to the country of origin of this company. Now, the situation for Nambiar Nagar is slightly different. There is no foreign company present in the village and fishermen usually have nothing to do with any these businesses. Nevertheless, the theory describes as well that migration is the result of differences in sentiments of (relative) poverty and (relative) richness. In this regard, the theory is certainly applicable for the fishermen. Half of the respondents indicated that the local living conditions are quite good while the other half was struggling to make ends meet. Consequently, migratory sentiments which can be linked to the world system theory we absolutely present among fishermen.
In the end theory and practice never fits one another precisely. The supply and demand theory is applicable for the migratory movement, but its simplicity plays an important role in this statement. It can be argued to what extent the world system theory applies for the local situation in Nambiar Nagar. However, to a certain extent it definitely does.
4.1 Temporary migration trend
In this paragraph details on foreign migration will be covered. From the 35 respondents of the questionnaire, 12 have been abroad. Age appears to play an important role in this; the younger the respondents are the bigger their desire to go abroad. This can be confirmed by looking at the numbers on respondents willing to go abroad. The other factor that is choses to clarify the skilled labour migration trend is education. What is the influence of level of education on foreign labour migration? And what can be said about the degree of success of foreign migration considering level of education?
Central to this chapter is the question what the purpose of foreign labour migration is and to what extent an increasing trend towards this form of migration exists.
Destinations abroad.
As said in this chapter‟s introduction, 12 out of 35 interviewed men have been abroad. Nine of them are aged under 30; the mean age of this specific group is around 29 years old. Obviously, this may be caused by only recent possibilities for the Indian fishermen to become foreign labourer. They can borrow money and can get the necessary passport and visas, and most important of all: there is employment.
“… work in Nambiar Nagar is seasonal, only 6 months a year. Abroad you get a good salary and you are able to save money.”
Respondent number 14, 28 years old. April 28, 2014.
Elder respondents declare working abroad was formerly not within their options. Firstly because they did not have the capabilities and infrastructure needed to go. On the other hand they did not have the ability themselves. Many elderly did not go to school and therefore were afraid of other cultures, speaking different languages and losing their independence while being abroad. Moreover, the pride among elderly on the in Indian culture and their life as a fisherman - no matter how tough - is found very great.
“I have had no proper education and was not aware of going abroad. Education is necessary if you want to go move. Nowadays I sometimes dream about a life abroad, but I am too old and I will not get a passport.”
Respondent number 16, 60 years old. April 29, 2014.
The options for countries of destination appear to be limited for the Nambiar Nagar fishermen. Basically three choices exist: Singapore as the most popular destination, the Gulf States (including Saudi Arabia) and Malaysia, which has the smallest share of interest. These countries offer their own specific job opportunities and - conditions. Singapore is popular for its possibilities in construction and the available work on shipyards. Most of the fishermen are willing to go to Singapore, mainly due to the dream of high wages and a better standard of living. Besides, the former president of the city-state was a Singaporean of Tamil descent and
the city has a large number of Indian residents who mainly live in a large district called Little India. This provides a “home away from home”-feeling for many Indians. The other popular destination, the Gulf States, is at interest for a different reason. In Qatar, Kuwait or Saudi Arabia fishermen can continue in doing what they are best at: fishing. Although fishing methods are different from the ones in India, training is still required and wages are lower compared to Singapore, it has been found that the Gulf States are the second most popular destination for Nambiar Nagar fishermen. A small minority of the respondents went to Malaysia, but the country is regularly mentioned as an option to go to by others. Malaysia‟s job opportunities mainly include hotel and catering services and construction work. The differences between the separate destinations in terms of success will be discussed in paragraph 5.3.
For the following analysis it is of little interest that respondents may or may not have been abroad for employment. Figure 3 shows the result of the question whether or not the respondents have been abroad divided by age categories. It is evident that twelve respondents have been abroad; six men between 20 and 29 years old and six men between 30 and 39 years old. Furthermore, it stands out that the respondents were relatively young with a mean age of 36, mainly caused by the high amount of respondents in the first displayed age category (16 fishermen between 20 and 29 years old). Likewise the figure in paragraph 3.2, figure 3 shows the same distribution. It corresponds with the demographic structure of Nambiar Nagar and is thus a cause for the skewed distribution of this figure. Regardless of the points which could make Figure 3 better from a scientific point of view, there is not a whole lot more to extract from. Therefore, some more analyses are conducted.
Figure 4: 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 20-29 years old 30-39 years old 40-49 years old 50-59 years old 60-69 years old 80-89 years old Co u n t Age in categories
Labour migration in age categories
Has not been abroad Has been abroad N = 35
It has been found that it is of more interest to look whether the fishermen are willing to go abroad. Figure 4 shows the willingness of respondents to go abroad to do some skilled labour work and compared to figure 3, some interesting changes appear. Again twelve out of 35 respondents is willing to go abroad. Firstly, it is obvious that there is a difference between
willing to go abroad and have been abroad. It is indeed very well possible that in the category
20 to 29 years old different respondents are willing to go abroad than have been abroad, although the figure shows exact the same results as the former one. In this case this presumption is correct; two respondents who have been abroad were not willing to go again, which also applies for the category 30 to 39 year old respondents. It can therefore be stated that at least 4 fishermen were willing to go abroad, including 2 (relatively) elderly fishermen, but yet they have not had the opportunity or the financial resources to go.
“I want to, but I cannot afford it. ... If the financial resources are there I would go, I dream a lot about foreign countries. I want to visit multiple places, built a house, education for the children and live a luxury life.”
Respondent 19, 40 years old. April 29, 2014.
Driving factors for the desire to go are in fact always a higher standard of living, the ability to get luxury goods, a new house for the family and education for the children. Especially the latter one, education, is interesting. It was striking to discover that the focus of many fishermen was on good education for their offspring. For this study, it was therefore interesting to examine what the influence of education was on the current generations, and their willingness to go abroad.
Figure 5: 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 20-29 years old 30-39 years old 40-49 years old 50-59 years old 60-69 years old 80-89 years old Co u n t Age in categories
Willingness to go abroad in age categories
Not willing to go abroad Willing to go abroad N = 35
Figure 5 is presenting the willingness to go abroad divided by level of education. Two things stand out: the relatively high amount of uneducated respondents who additionally do not feel the need to go to another country. Secondly, the relative high amount of respondents who finished 8th standard and are willing to go abroad. It appears anyway that any level of education encourages the willingness to go abroad, at least more than if the respondent is lacking any level of education. It is of choice to include the category “higher education” in this figure. This is since Indian graduates have the possibility to emigrate permanently if they meet the proper requirements and are able to find a job. For this study it concerned three higher educated respondents of which one had been abroad but was not willing to go again and the others had not been abroad yet but one was willing to while the other was not. However, all the three respondents were not thinking about permanent migration. They felt that they should help the community because they had the ability to study. Foreign labour migration would only provide temporary resources to help others in Nambiar Nagar; therefore they are included in this figure.
Figure 6:
To round up this analysis it might be useful to see who these different non-educated and educated people presented in figure 5 are. Controlling them for age, it appears that the non-educated respondents are mainly the elderly people and as age decreases the level of education increases. It can be argued that education has become more important in recent
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 N o ed u cat ion 5th stan d ar d 6th stan d ar d 8th stan d ar d 9th stan d ar d 10 th s ta n d ar d 12 th s ta n d ar d H ighe r e d u cat ion (i n clu d in g vo cat ion al an d p o st-… Level of education Co u n t
Willingness to go abroad by level of
education
Not willing to go abroad Willing to go abroad N = 33
decades. However, it is still questionable whether the level of education is of direct positive influence on the willingness to go abroad.
4.2 Procedure
It appears the process of foreign labour migration is more or less fixed. Describing the procedure of organising a trip, the respondents gave very much the same information.
Friends and relatives.
Fishermen who are in the luxury position to have a friend or relative abroad which is willing to help them to get a position in a company are lucky. In this way, a trip to a foreign country is of low risk and appears to be the cheapest option. They are in the need of a passport, a visa for the country of destination and (sometimes) a medical check. Some companies are willing to assist in this process or at least help with the necessary paperwork. Some jobs require a training which take a month on average, and should be paid by the fishermen themselves. Usually the help of these networks contributes to a large extent to a successful migration period.
Agencies.
In any other case you have to arrange a job through an agency. Many inhabitants had lost their personal documents, passports for example, in the 2004 tsunami. The fishermen who are willing to go abroad are in the first place in the need of such a document. In India this process requires more time and effort then in The Netherlands, but the agencies are happy to assist in this process. When a passport is arranged the search for a job starts. Most of the agencies have contacts in Singapore; the city that never stops with construction and offers relatively high wages compared to the wages in India. When jobs are available, a potential labourer should participate in an interview. Subsequently, if the proposed company is satisfied the labourer often needs to conduct training. The agency will then take care of the paperwork and visas after which the journey can start. The fishermen have to pay the agencies in return for their effort; amounts which can significantly differ both by country and by agency (see table 1). In most cases fishermen are not able pay such large amounts of money. Many find their way therefore to money lenders, often affluent villagers, to borrow money against interest rates.
Table 1: Costs of the process.
Countries of destination
Costs according to fishermen
Singapore Gulf States
Minimum ₹80.000 ₹80.000
Average ₹120.000 ₹100.000
Maximum ₹400.000 ₹150.000
Based on information given by both fishermen and an agency. Costs in Indian Rupees. 1 euro equals about 80 rupees (koersconverter, 2014)
During the fieldwork it has been found out that these agencies are of great importance in the labour migration question. They are the link between supply and demand for employment and
carry to a large extent responsibility for the success of fishermen who are taking a chance to go abroad. For the fishermen this means that they do not control their own journey, which results in higher risks. These risks include (financial) exploitation, cheating and misuse of trust (see paragraph 5.3).
Illegal migration
It is almost a matter of course that illegal migration exists. Recently, western media reported that with the construction of stadiums in Qatar many illegal immigrants are involved, especially from South East Asia (India included). However, for this research there are no indications that the fishermen from Nambiar Nagar are involved in such illegal practices. It cannot be ruled out, but since time was limited and the focus of study was different, illegal migration is ignored.
4.3 Results of foreign migration.
The degree of success of labour migration can be explained in various manners. For this study, the extent to which fishermen could fulfil their expectations is assessed. Therefore, it is interesting to indicate what they found the most important goals to reach if they were able to go abroad. This question was posed to all respondents.
Most heard primary objective of the fishermen is saving money for marriage, a new house and education for the children. Secondary objectives consist of buying a boat and necessary gear to become a boat owner or start a small business in town (the latter interesting note will be discussed further in this paragraph). As shown before, 12 respondents have actually been abroad. Half of them declared that their period abroad was successful in financial terms; they were able to upgrade their family welfare and earned the money to fulfil their objectives. Saying this means that the other 6 respondents were not able to do so. Indeed, three respondents earned just enough to pay their debt to their lender but were not able to save money, whilst the remaining three respondents came back cheated and with large debts. This appears not to be exceptional. All 35 respondents knew fishermen who were abroad at the moment of interviewing or had been abroad in the past, varying from a few people to hundred and even more. The percentage of those who came back after a successful trip is, according to the fishermen, 50 to 80 per cent. This means that 20 to 50 per cent was somehow not able to reach their objective. Respondents mention different reasons and prejudices for failure; the ones who have been successful abroad tell that the ones who failed are lacking self-discipline and are not used to work hard. Respondents who came home with a debt mention that they suffered a lot and that they worked in harsh conditions which one does not hold long. Failure of resistance against alcohol, drugs, gambling and the luxury life were other reasons that have been listed. However, all the fishermen pointed out a special reason for risk of failure. Both agencies that arrange most of the trips and companies abroad carry the probability of the fisherman‟s success. According to the fishermen it happens regularly that agencies are cheating. This comments asked for further research, especially since three respondents of this study were victimized as well.
The aim to involve agencies in this study was easier than the implementation of the idea. It was found that there is something mysterious about these agencies; there should be a few around near Nambiar Nagar but it was very hard to arrange a meeting or even to get contact details. After long persistence it finally worked out. In the last week of the fieldwork period there was the possibility to interview a father and son who were running a migration agency. According to one of them, many agencies are sole traders who ones have been abroad for a certain period. Same was applying for him: after a successful period as a construction worker in Singapore he wanted to do something noble for the local community. He got a network of companies in Singapore who were looking for employees and started to send fishermen abroad. By their own words they were very reliable and honest and never cheated anybody. However, their suspicious attitude was suggesting something different. That could be because it turned out that the Singaporean government is not allowing the existence of Indian migration agencies (personal communication with agent, May 6, 2014) making their work partly illegal. Another reason could be that they know more about fishermen who are cheated of failing to earn a lot. That they seemed quite prosperous in combination with their distrust was not beneficial for their credibility. Finally, it is difficult to make proper statements about their work. There is more time needed to gain more knowledge on their work.
In order to come back to the objectives fishermen wanted to achieve with the help of foreign migration we have a further look on an interesting answer of many respondents. As said previously, the fishermen would like to use the gained money to start a small business or shop in town. There are two reasons why this is remarkable: in former times it was not possible for a fisherman to stop with his profession and to do anything else, the caste system in India would simply not allow. Second, now it is allowed to break out of your caste, apparently there is a desire among some fishermen to stop the fishing tradition. This finding was further studied.
The fishermen had an interesting vision on the future prospect of their children and the fishery tradition. Main objective of many respondents was to get proper education for the children, with or without the help of financial resources gained with foreign migration. In education they saw the possibility to quit their profession to get a “proper job”. Once this worked out for one member of the family, the entire family would get a better standard of living. Fulfilling this desire is reached through trial and error. Education is costly for families with numerous children and the percentage of school dropouts (especially adolescent boys) is high (personal communication with head of the school, April 29, 2014). This is because ones a boy turns 14 or 15, he is old enough to become breadwinner for the family. As financial resources are often limiting, these boys end up as a labourer on a trawler or fiber boat. Some of the respondents were really not willing their offspring to become fisherman, mainly due to their daily sufferings. Some tried to deter their children but explained that the fishing profession was a matter of choice for them. The vagaries of the sea and the adventurous stories of older villagers had an attractive effect on the youngsters, so many choose to fish “voluntarily”. Quotation marks are placed because it is hard to say to what extent the choice of the youngsters is completely voluntary. However, changes appear in the fishing sector there can rightfully be characterised that future generations have the chance to go beyond the profession
of their father. This conclusion was confirmed by the Nambiar Nagar‟s head of the school (personal communication, April 29, 2014).
To conclude, with the acquired knowledge on the purposes of migration in mind, it was asked whether it is possible to break with the fishing tradition. Answers were very diverse: some told there are no restrictions to do something different. Others emphasized that it will never happen that the entire family stops fishing. Only two out of 35 respondents told it was not possible to break the tradition; ones borne as a fisherman it is not in question to do anything else.
4.4 Preliminary conclusion with regard to the theory.
In the former paragraphs it is tried to give insights migration condition, process and purpose of the Nambiar Nagar fishermen. It will now be controlled whether the microeconomic theories apply for their situation.
It cannot be a point of discussion that the rational choice theory is applying for the migration phenomenon in Nambiar Nagar. Many fishermen make a cost-benefit analysis of a potential journey abroad. Moreover, they do take their personal situation, in example level of education, into consideration while thinking of foreign migration. This is confirmed by the analysis of willingness to go abroad by level of education in paragraph 4.1. It was evident that the willingness to go abroad was low among non-educated people and higher among the more educated. And even though stories exist about cheated fishermen who lost large amounts of money, people were willing to take the risk of a trip abroad, apparently because of the expected earnings.
The push and pull factors which are derived from the rational choice theory fit to large extent to the situation of the Nambiar Nagar fishermen.
It is more difficult to determine the influence of the network theory on the Nambiar Nagar fishermen. They all do underline the importance of having friends or relatives abroad. According to them this is of primary need when you are willing to go abroad, otherwise you are dependent on agencies. This is not the most desired situation since respondents tell risks are increasing if you are dependent on agencies. However, only two respondents went abroad with the help of a friend or relative. One of them came home without earnings; the other was successful in financial terms. Thus it is uncertain which manner is favourable to arrange a trip abroad. Trough friends and relatives appear to be best, but this theory could not be confirmed with certainty in this study. That the network theory ensures push and pull factors is in line with the expectations and is partly revealed by the respondents. However, it cannot yet be proved with figures.
With this study it has been tried to study the role of migration in a local context. Aim was to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between migration and development. Therefore, the purpose and condition of foreign migration in a coastal village in Tamil Nadu, India, has been studied.
Driving factors for migration can be described on the basis of the information given by the respondents. In example, most heard primary objective of the fishermen when they are going abroad is saving money for marriage, a new house and education for the children. Secondary objectives consist of buying a boat and necessary gear to become a boat owner or start a small business in town. However, the purpose and condition of foreign migration can also be linked to the theory. It has been found that economic drivers are most important in migration theory. Four different theories were selected in order to control whether they were applicable for the situation Tamil Nadu‟s coastal villages; two with a macroeconomic perspective and two with a microeconomic perspective. To capture the imagination, the theories were translated into push and pull factors and were then verified whit the situation of the fishermen.
The supply and demand theory is found in practice in the coastal villages of Tamil Nadu. There is competition on the labour market since there is a large supply of labour. It therefore meets the push factor of the theory. Besides, the fishermen are aware of the relative high wages and demand for labour in foreign countries, which is the pull factor belonging to this theory. The second macroeconomic theory, the world system theory, fits less obvious in the situation of the village. This is mainly because the village is lacking the presence of any foreign company, making that the fishermen cannot get physically comfortable with a different culture, which is one of the mainstays of the theory. Yet the fishermen do have a good impression of relative poverty and relative richness, so another important pillar of this theory does apply for the Tamil Nadu fishing villages.
The microeconomic theories display a similar story. The push and pull factors which are derived from the rational choice theory fit to large extent to the situation of the Tamil Nadu fishing villages. Many fishermen make a cost-benefit analysis of a potential journey abroad and take their personal situation, in example level of education, into consideration while thinking of foreign migration. It cannot be stated with certainty to what extent the second microeconomic theory, the network theory, applies to the local situation in Tamil Nadu. According to the fishermen this theory is of great importance since it lowers both the costs and the risks of migration. However, this could not be confirmed with the help of analytical data.
Finally, it can be said that the fishing sector in the coastal villages is facing a period of rapid development. The migration issue plays a significant role of importance in this and therefore will be an interesting subject for further research.
Discussion.
The study is carried out during the Tamil Nadu fish ban period. As a result, many fishermen were able to participate in this research project. However, the study was dependent on a certain factor: fishermen who had been abroad. From the 35 respondents 12 had been abroad. In order to come up with significant results a higher amount of respondents is needed, especially more fishermen who have been abroad. Coincidently, it appears that the reason for this slightly low amount of respondents might be the result of successful foreign migration campaign. Many fishermen declared namely that those who had been successful abroad had built a house with their gained money. These houses were often not built within the village borders, but somewhere nearby. Since the fieldwork only took place within the village borders, these potential respondents are excluded for this study.
It is recommended to address any further research over a larger area and with a longer period of fieldwork.
References
Bavinck, M., De Klerk, L., Van Dijk, D., Rothuizen, J. V., Blok, A. N., Bokhorst, J. R., ...& Scholtens, J. (2008). Time-zoning for the safe-guarding of capture fisheries: a closed season in Tamil Nadu, India. Marine Policy, 32(3), 369-378.
Bavinck, M. (2011). Wealth, poverty, and immigration: The role of institutions in the fisheries of Tamil Nadu, India. In Poverty mosaics: Realities and prospects in small-scale
fisheries (pp. 173-191). Springer Netherlands.
CMFRI (Central Marine Fisheries Research Institute) (2010). Annual Report 2009-2010. Central Marine Fisheries Research Institute, Cochin, 169 pp.
Government of Tamil Nadu, Department of Economics and Statistics, 2013. Statistical Hand Book 2013. Retrieved from http://www.tn.gov.in/deptst/ecoindallstates.htm on August 4, 2014.
Hicks, N., & Streeten, P. (1979). Indicators of development: the search for a basic needs yardstick.World Development,7(6), 567-580.
Indiasite, 2014. Retrieved on June 26th, 2014 from http://www.indiasite.com/tamilnadu/land.html
Keshri, K., & Bhagat, R. B. (2013). SOCIOECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF TEMPORARY LABOUR MIGRATION IN INDIA: A regional analysis. Asian
Population Studies, 9(2), 175-195.
Kohli, A. (2006). Politics of Economic Growth in India, 1980-2005: Part I: The 1980s. Economic and Political Weekly, 1251-1259.
