a child’s view of peace in Burundi
seeking amahoro
Juliette Lovius
Cover picture: Burundian school girls unjumbling the letters of the word, ‘amahoro’, meaning peace in Kirundi. SOURCE: J. Lovius
COLOPHON
Thesis title: Seeking Amahoro: a child’s view of peace in Burundi
Programme: MSc International Development Studies Faculty: Graduate School of Social Sciences
Institute: University of Amsterdam
Thesis supervisor: Dr. J. Olthoff Second reader: Dr. L. Berckmoes
Student: Juliette Lovius Student number: 10758135 Email: julietterlp@hotmail.com Date: June 24, 2015
ABSTRACT
Burundi is a fragile state emerging from a long history of cyclic violence. The uneasy peace of the last century was punctuated with a violence that periodically broke through, decimating Burundian communities. Since Pierre Nkurunziza became president in 2005, Burundi had enjoyed relative peace, however political conflict erupted with a military coup and violence in the capital just weeks after this research was completed. The nation remains, at the time of writing, in a state of conflict and civil unrest, placing this research a uniquely timely context.
The research question that is central to this project asks how children perceive their capacity to have an impact on developing peace in different domains in the unique context of (post) conflict Burundi? The focus of this research is on the perspectives of primary school children (aged 9 -15).
The framework for analysis and discussion revolves around three aspects: children’s concepts of peace, children’s agency and the complex context of Burundi. Discussion of conceptualisations of peace is influenced by the work of Ilse Hakvoort. Examination of the agency of children draws upon the recent extensive work of Mieke Lopes Cardozo, et al and Lynn Davies. In addition to the literary discussion on agency, I apply the lens of Bronfenbrenner’s model of human ecology to help discern the dynamic relationship between the different spheres of influence in the life of the
Burundian child, and specifically in this case, in regards to their capacity as facilitators of peace. Thirdly, I examine the causal theories categorised and expounded by Lynn Davies, as they relate to post-conflict Burundi, including the contextual expertise of Peter Uvin and Burundian academics, with a particular focus on school based peacebuilding programs.
The work was undertaken under the banner of UNICEF where the approach has been to examine the role of the child in the peace process. To that end, great care was taken to hone in on the children’s perspectives of both peace and their role in the peace building process. Research tools used were both quantitative and qualitative investigative tools and included participant
observations, focus groups, interviews and questionnaires.
The importance of the research is found in that it is highly politically current, and from the unique perspective of children. Information is scant on the children of East Africa and it is hoped that not only will the insight delivered in this project contribute to the ongoing work of UNICEF, but that it will contribute to the greater academic body of work on peace and conflict, raising the profile of the agency of children, particularly in their understanding of peace and in their perspective of their own capacity to be peace builders across the various spheres that form their world.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
AT HOME
My family, in Australia have made the biggest sacrifice in freeing me to spend the year in Amsterdam and Burundi and complete this research. I am indebted to them on so many levels and I value their investment in me. My family in The Netherlands have opened their lives and homes to me and this work could not have been completed without them. It humbles me to be the recipient of such open handed generosity.
I am grateful for the input of Jacobijn Olthoff, whose clear and discerning direction kept me focused and motivated, and has taught me much about the role and benefit of rigorous academic research. Thanks also to Lidewyde Berckmoes for her supervision of the project in the field and including me in the Burundi team.
Deep thanks goes to Keith for his support, encouragement and endless stream of cups of tea.
IN THE FIELD
The staff at Cordaid and Respect Education, both in Burundi and The Netherlands were an honour to work with. I am indebted to them for their generous sharing of expertise,
resources and access to the schools. In particular, I thank Dr Rose Kamariza, for going above and beyond the parameters of her job, to make me feel welcome and help me to do my research. And to the brilliant team of facilitators: it was an honour to work with you. I am so grateful for having met Etienne Ndayishimiye and Alexandra Williams, directors of the Bright Beginning PreSchool in Kabezi. Quickly becoming friends, they were a
wonderful support for me as I arrived in a strange new land, and their work is a shining example of brilliant teaching principles, dedication to excellence and compassionate service. For more information on their work: bujabrightbeginningsschool.wordpress.com. It was a blessing to travel the Burundian journey with three Dutch ‘daughters’. Thank you to Heleen Vis, Myrna Derksen and Floor Zweerink for the support and friendship
throughout the field work period and beyond, that enabled me to bend, but not break. Finally, a deep gratitude goes to Moïse Nibitanga. To say he was my research assistant and translator doesn’t begin to cover the ways in which he partnered with me in this research, becoming a collaborator and a friend. His sacrificial generosity with time and skills enabled me to gather important information and honour the children of Burundi, despite my linguistic shortcomings. His gentle warmth, humour and kindness with the children ensured they felt safe and comfortable and heard. I will always be grateful for his expertise, his direction and a friendship that goes beyond fieldwork. Murakoze cane.
CONTENTS Abstract ______________________________________________________________________ 3 Acknowledgements ____________________________________________________________ 4 Acronyms ______________________________________________________________________ 8 Features _______________________________________________________________________ 9
1. Introduction
_____________________________________________________________
11 1. 1. Research Questions __________________________________________________ 12 1.2. Definitions _____________________________________________________________ 12
1.3. Relevance of the research ___________________________________________ 14
1.3. Thesis outline __________________________________________________________ 15
2. Theoretical Framework
_______________________________________________17 2. 1. Introduction ___________________________________________________________ 17
2. 2. Children and agency __________________________________________________ 17
2. 3. The conflict context __________________________________________________ 22
2. 4. The role of education __________________________________________________ 24
2. 5. Conceptualisations of peace __________________________________________ 25 2. 6. Summary _______________________________________________________________ 26
3. Context
_______________________________________________________________
28
3. 1. Historical overview of Burundi ______________________________________ 28
3. 2. Current Burundian context __________________________________________ 31
3. 3. Research locations ____________________________________________________ 35 3. 3. a. Bujumbura (Musaga) ___________________________________________ 36 3. 3. b. Bubanza _______________________________________________________ 38 3. 4. Summary ______________________________________________________________ 39
4. Research Methodologies and Methods
___________________________
40
4. 1. Methods overview _____________________________________________________ 40
4. 2. Epistemology __________________________________________________________ 41
4. 3. Participants and programs ___________________________________________ 42
4. 4. Scheduling _____________________________________________________________ 44 4. 5. Methodologies _________________________________________________________ 45 4. 5. a. Participatory observations _______________________________________ 45 4. 5. b. Focus groups ___________________________________________________ 45 4. 5. c. Semi-structured interviews _____________________________________ 47 4. 5. d. Questionnaires _________________________________________________ 47 4. 6. Summary ________________________________________________________________ 49
5. Children’s concepts of peace ___________________________________________
505. 1. Children’s descriptions of peace _____________________________________ 50
5. 2. The anomaly of inner peace ___________________________________________ 56
5. 3. Issues that affect peace _______________________________________________ 57
5. 4. Discussion ____________________________________________________________ 59
6. Children’s agency as peace builders
______________________________
61
6. 1. Inner peace and children’s agency ___________________________________ 62
6. 2. Peacebuilding agency in friendships _______________________________ 65
6. 3. Peacebuilding agency in families, schools and communities _______ 68
6. 4. Peacebuilding agency in the nation of Burundi ____________________ 71
6. 5. Discussion ____________________________________________________________ 73
7. Peacebuilding in the Burundian context ___________________________
75
7. 1. School based peacebuilding ______________________________________ 76
7. 2. Peacebuilding programs in focus ___________________________________ 74
7. 3. Discussion _____________________________________________________________ 79
8. Discussion & Recommendations
_________________________________
81
8. 1. Synopsis and response ______________________________________________ 81
8. 2. New insights ___________________________________________________________ 84
8. 2. a. Age relevance of children ___________________________________ 84
8. 2. b. Corporal punishment ___________________________________ 85 8. 2. c. Peacebuilding programs ___________________________________ 86 8. 3. Recommendations _______________________________________ 87
8. 3. a. Recommendations for further study ________________________ 88
8. 3. b. Recommendations for for practical implementation ____________ 89
8. 4. Conclusion _______________________________________ 91 References _____________________________________________________________________ 93 Appendices ____________________________________________________________________ 100 I. Informed consent _______________________________________________________ 101
II. Participant lists & schedule ______________________________________________ 102
II. Semi-structured interview protocol _____________________________________ 108
IV. Focus group examples __________________________________________________ 109
V. Student questionnaire (English) _________________________________________ 113
VI. Conceptual scheme ____________________________________________________ 121
ACRONYMS
BIMS Bujumbura International Montessori School
CRC Convention for the Rights of the Child
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
FCH Formation Civique et Humaine (Civics and Humanities Course)
HEM Human Ecology Model
NGO Non government organisation
REF Respect Education Foundation
UN United Nations
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Fund
US United States
PHOTO 1 - Rue de l’Amitié, a main street in the capital, Bujumbura. SOURCE: J. Lovius
FEATURES Section
Photos
Cover Seeking Amahoro
Photo 1. Rue de l’Amitié, a main street in Bujumbura p 8 Photo 2. Musaga school playground 1.4 Photo 3. Street market, Bujumbura 1.4 Photo 4. Red beans, stable Burundian diet 1.4 Photo 5. On the noticeboard at the University of Burundi 2.1 Photo 6. Stall, en route to Bubanza 3.0 Photo 7. En route to Bujumbura 3.0 Photo 8. Monument, Bujumbura 3.1 Photo 9. View over Lake Tanganyika, Bujumbura 3.2 Photo 10. Musaga primary school, class lines 3.3 Photo 11. Bubanza primary school, sign language alphabet 3.3 Photo 12. Focus group 2, painting circles of influence 4.6 Photo 13. Discovering ‘Amahoro’ 5.1 Photo 14. Drawing, Burundian handshake 5.1 Photo 15. Painting by Térèse 5.1 Photo 16. Painting by Alexi 5.1 Photo 17. Painting by Jacques 5.1 Photo 18. Painting by Georges 5.1 Photo 19. Peace hidden 5.1 Photo 20. Peace revealed 5.1 Photo 21. Drawing conflict 5.4 Photo 22. Teacher’s desk 6.3 Photo 23. Image used in vignette, ‘Leyla’ carrying water 6.3 Photo 24. President Queenie of Burundi 6.4 Photo 25. Moïse and the War-Peace Continuum 6.5 Photo 26. Musaga school blackboard 7.2 Photo 27. Respect Education teacher with students 7.2 Photo 28. Respect Education teacher training, Bubanza 7.2 Photo 29. Respect Education lesson, Bubanza 7.3 Photo 30. A young builder, BB Preschool, Kabezi 8.1 Photo 30. “Sir, remember … respect.” 8.1 Photo 31. En route to Bubanza 8.4
Maps
Map 1. Burundi, showing provinces 3.3 Map 2. Africa, showing location of Burundi 3.3 Map 3. Bujumbura commune 3.3 Map 4. Bubanza commune 3.3 Map 5. UNICEF map of global corporal punishment prevalence 8.3
Charts
Chart 1. ‘I often try to help to solve the problems in the playground.’ 6.1 Chart 2. ‘I listen to what other children have to tell in a conflict.’ 6.2 Chart 3. ‘I wait for my turn to explain my opinions during a conflict.’ 6.2 Chart 4. ‘Children must obey their parents.’ 6.3 Chart 5. ‘Parents should listen to the opinions of their children.’ 6.3
Tables
Table 1. University of Burundi noticeboard 3.1 Table 2. Bujumbura monument 2.1 Table 3. Table of Methodologies 4.5 Table 4. Discovering ‘Amahoro’ 5.1 Table 5. Burundian handshake 5.1 Table 6. Peace is hard to find 5.1 Table 7. “Did you hear that?” 6.3 Table 8. President Queenie of Burundi 6.4 Table 9. Musaga school blackboard 7.2 Table 10. Respect Education facilitator with students 7.2 Table 11. “Sir, remember … respect.” 8.1
1. INTRODUCTION
“Hyt ys old Englysch sawe: A mayde schuld be seen, but not herd.”
Children should be seen and not heard.
[John] Mirk’s Festial, circa 1450 Cambridge Idioms Dictionary, 2006
Throughout the decades of Burundi’s history, rife with conflict and instability, there exists a thread weaving its way through the fabric of Burundian culture. This thread manifests as the submission and at times oppression of children and is seen most starkly in the lack of voice or agency that children hold.
Traditional Burundian social structure, stemming back to the 16th century reflects
autocratic ruling and conquering ‘weaker’ tribes through violence. It exemplifies corruption and pillaging of resources for the benefit of the leader, with little care for the welfare of the citizens. This structure is reflected in Burundi’s modern swathe of flamboyant politicians; formal rebel leaders breaching constitutions and basic tenets of democracy to gain power for themselves. Decimated through colonial interference in tribal and clan connectedness, the Burundian people today are floundering in a fragile state, with the strongest tie to their history being authoritarian rule and submission of those in the lowest ranks of social hierarchy. And there sit the children.
This research investigates the role that children perceive they can play in building peace in their conflict-affected country. It examines not merely the national issues, but looks closely at the domains nearest to the child’s experience: those of friends, family, school and community. Drawing on Urie Bronfenbrenner’s Human Ecology Model (HEM), I examine the ways in which children perceive themselves as peacebuilders in each of these levels. Most crucial to this research is that children’s voices are heard, since the focus is on perceptions of children. Although some adults were included in the research, to assist in an understanding of context, the core of the data comes ‘out of the mouths of babes’ and therefore reflects their own thoughts, experiences and perceptions of themselves.
1. 1. Research Questions
This research investigates the perceptions of children by gathering a number of key concepts: peace , agency and education and examining them under the filter of current literature and in the unique context of Burundi. The core research questions reads as follows:
How do children perceive their capacity to have impact on developing peace in different domains in the unique context of (post) conflict Burundi?
This core question is addressed through its three main areas: concepts of peace, agency as peacebuilders and impact of the Burundian context, with a focus on education. The three supportive subquestions are formulated to reflect these areas:
1. What are children’s perceptions of peace
2. What impact do children perceive they have or will have on peace in a) peer groups, b) family, schools and community and c) the nation of Burundi?
3. What are the most relevant characteristics of the unique context of Burundi found to have a relationship with children’s perceptions of their capacity in the development of peace?
1. 2. Definitions
Some clarification on the definitions of the key concepts in the research questions is helpful. Firstly, the term ‘children’ refers to Burundian children who are aged 9 - 15 years, focusing on students in the last two years of primary school. Secondly, ’perceptions of peace’ refers to the child’s own articulated description of what peace looks or feels like. In the research, children engage in a variety of tasks in order to give them a diverse range of ways to articulate their concept of peace. At all times, the child’s own perception is at the core of this research project.
Thirdly, I define ‘capacity’ as the child’s ability to recognise their own needs and have their opinions and desires heard by those in authority over them, or by their peers, in order to participate in reaching a defined goal. (Narayan, Pritchett & Kapoor, 2009; Sen, 2000)
As substantiated in Chapters 6, 7 & 8, children in Burundian society tend to take a
submissive role and, even in school contexts, are not encouraged to share their opinions. Rote learning and authoritative teaching pedagogy often render the classroom a
traditionally oppressive context for the regurgitation of information, rather than collaboration and sharing of ideas (Piaget, 1972).
Increasingly, literature and UN focus is recognising the need to move beyond hearing a child’s voice, to actually giving a child capacity in his or her own world. (UNICEF 2014a and b, UNESCO, 2011) The term capacity is at times interchanged with ‘agency’
throughout this research as both terms reflect autonomy and power in one’s own context, with a view to bring desired change, from a number of possible options (Lopes Cardozo et al, 2015, Stoecklin & Bonvin, Eds. 2014, Smyth 2012)
Giddens (1984) and Harré & van Langhenove (1999) agree that agency, by definition is a course of action that is one from a number of possibilities. Nibell et al (2009) “… consider
agency as the capacity of an individual or a group to decide, act and interact in a socially competent way.” (Stoecklin & Bonvin, 2014, p82). The focus on the need for education to
undergird agency, supports this concept of acting in a socially competent way and is reflected in this research, both in methodologies and findings.
Fourthly, in investigating ‘developing peace’ , we examine the conflict resolution
strategies that children are aware of and already employ in the different domains of their lives. I recognise the natural limitation of a child to influence national levels of peace, but I include in this research their perception of their future capacity to do so, and the answers are surprisingly positive and hopeful.
As mentioned, Bronfenbrenner’s HEM forms the basis for the defining of the five different domains under investigation. ‘Friends’ denotes all peer based social activity and includes friendship based experiences in the school, family and community context. ‘School’ refers to interaction between children and their teachers, and other adults in the school context.
‘Family’ refers primarily to relationships with parents, but may also included extended family. ‘Community’ was defined as the area in which the child lived. In focus groups, the children were asked to think about community as the streets which surrounded their home, where they may not know everyone’s name, but they recognise them as neighbours. (Bronfenbrenner, 1994)
Fifthly, of important note is the fact that the ‘context’ of post conflict Burundi infers a broad definition and an exhaustive list of study topics relevant to children’s perspectives,
including poverty, trauma and social structure. Due to the limitations of this research, the focus was honed in on one area: school based peacebuilding programs. Throughout the research it became evident that this was most relevant characteristic of post conflict
Burundi influencing children’s perceptions of their agency for peacebuilding. As a result the context became defined as programs that were (either implicitly or explicitly) teaching peace related topics such as conflict resolution, rights awareness, respect and civic
education. Although many programs emphasise different aspects and have different titles, they are collectively referred to as peacebuilding programs. In view of the many
peacebuilding programs in Burundian schools, my focus needed to be limited due to time and access. Therefore, two programs, representative of the majority of peacebuilding programs implemented in Burundi are the focus of the investigation and discussion.
Finally, ‘(post) conflict Burundi’, as the current status necessitated, straddles both the post conflict era, following the end of civil war in 2005, and the current reemergence of conflict in 2015. Conflict is defined as violence endemic in society, whether perpetrated by civilians, the military or government officials. Burundi experiences a prevalence of all three. (Sommers & Uvin, 2010, Rwantabagu, 2010, Uvin, 2010)
1. 3. Relevance of the research
In the first instance, this research is highly timely and relevant due to the current political crisis in Burundi. The fragile context of Burundi provides a unique opportunity to examine the impact of conflict on children in situ. Upon commencement of this research, Burundi was technically a ‘post-conflict’ country, however political unrest preceding national elections caused violent protest to flare and aggressive government response, flinging Burundi back into a state of conflict.
At the time of writing, a failed military coup and massive fleeing of Burundian refugees to the borders of neighbouring countries has left Burundi in a tenuous atmosphere of
instability and uncertainty.
Secondly, while there is a great deal of literature (more fully discussed in Chapter 2) focused on peacebuilding and on the rights and needs of children in the developing context, little has been written that brings these topics together. As argued by Stoecklin & Bonvin, (2014) the issue of children’s agency is complicated by the risk of their
vulnerability to having their capacity influenced by their immature interpretation of their context. In this way, what seems to be a child’s own goal or right being pursued, may in fact be manipulated by the adults around them. This research painstakingly ensured that the children involved articulated the options that they perceived were available to them, rather than presenting them with options. The premise for this emphasis on choice was that, “By choosing among different courses of action, children can enhance social change,
therefore agency can be defined as active participation which enhances social
change.” (Stoecklin & Bonvin, 2014, p 285) This research contributes new insight into the
capacity of children as peacebuilders from their own perspective, rather than assuming a prescriptive position of inferring the opinion of an adult upon the child.
Thirdly, in an era of popularity of peacebuilding programs, it behoves the international community to be monitoring and evaluating the quality and efficacy of them. Burundi has a long history of school based peacebuilding programs with minimal research completed. Since funds and resources are being utilised in this field, a focused research such as this one is beneficial and responsible. It gives attention to both the state based peacebuilding program and an example of an NGO pilot program in its beginning stages and provides rich and relevant information for the cause of peacebuilding, and in particular for children’s role in the process.
1. 4. Thesis outline
This thesis takes the following structure. Chapter 2 presents the theoretical framework for the research, drawing largely on the work of Ilse Hakvoort, (1993, 1996, 2003), Mieke Lopes Cardozo, et al (2015), Lynn Davies (2004, 2005, 2008, 2010), Urie Bronfenbrenner, and Peter Uvin (1997, 2010, 2011), in addition to a selection of Burundian and East African academics.
Chapter 3 places the research in the unique context of Burundi, examining both the legacy of history and the current situation faced by children today. Following that, I present the methodologies in Chapter 4, describing and justifying the qualitative and quantitative methods used in the research which formed the mixed methods approach.
The following three chapters address the three subquestions and form the core of the empirical analysis. Chapter 5 focuses on children’s perceptions of peace, Chapter 6
addresses children’s agency as peacebuilders and Chapter 7 examines the unique context of conflict affected Burundi, honing in on school based peacebuilding programs, and then further focusing on two of those programs for examination and discussion. Chapter 8 then gathers these findings into a final discussion and responds to the core research question, as listed at the beginning of this chapter. It then presents questions that have been raised following this research and concludes with recommendations for future study and potential practical solutions for peacebuilding programs in Burundi.
In addition to the body of the thesis, references and appendices of supporting documents are found at the end of the document.
PHOTO 2 - (bottom left), street market, Bujumbura.
PHOTO 3- (bottom middle), red beans, staple Burundian diet.
PHOTO 4 - (bottom right), central market, Rutana. SOURCE: J. Lovius
2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2. 1. Introduction
In this chapter, I present the key theoretical schools of thought in relation to children’s perceptions of their capacity as peace builders, including their concepts of peace, the position of children’s agency and the fragile context of conflict affected countries. Firstly, I discuss children and their conceptualisations of peace in general and how such
information can be reliably determined and analysed, influenced by the extensive work of Ilse Hakvoort, (1993, 1996, 2003). Secondly, I present the schools of thought on the agency of children, drawing on (among others) the recent extensive work of Mieke Lopes Cardozo, et al (2015), Lindsey McLean Hilker (2009, 2011) and Lynn Davies (2004, 2005, 2008, 2010). I apply to the discussion of agency, the lens of Urie Bronfenbrenner’s model of human ecology (1994). Thirdly, I examine the causal theories categorised and
expounded by Lynn Davies (2004, 2005, 2008, 2010), as they relate to post-conflict Burundi, including the contextual expertise of Peter Uvin (1997, 2010, 2011).
Throughout the theoretical discussion, care is taken to maintain an open epistemological mind and to incorporate academic input from the research region specifically, including East African writers and experts. This has proven to be a significant challenge since Burundi has attracted neither the interest nor the funding that has been afforded to other African countries and the academic community is severely under resourced. (See TABLE 1, above)
TABLE 1 (PHOTO 5)
Pictured left, is a note pinned to the noticeboard in a classroom at the University of Burundi. Although a number of universities exist in Bujumbura they are severely under resourced. Students and staff have little access to literature, either in a library or on the internet. The
statement depicted here demonstrates the determination, despite the difficulty, of Burundian academics to persevere in their education and research, rather than “to do nothing.”
The work of Janvier Nkurunziza & Floribert Ngaruko (2005), Anna Obura (2008),
Herménégilde Rwantabagu (2010), Peter Uvin (1997, 2010, 2011), Lindsey McLean Hilker (2011), Mark Sommers (2011) and Maarten Voors et al (2012) amongst others gives us the opportunity to authentically understand the unique context of the research.
2. 2. Children and agency
An intrinsic understanding held as a foundation in this research is that children have the right to a voice in the various levels that constitute their environment: personal, community and national. The rights of children to have their needs protected and their opinions voiced was enshrined in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1989, and ratified by all bar two of the participating countries (South Sudan and the United States).
Although there are few who would argue against the need to protect children’s rights to basic needs such as education and health, there is a definite challenge in asserting the right of a child to have agency in their own world. The contemporary mandates established by the UN and NGOs seek to facilitate children’s agency, but increasingly, according to Davies (2010) and Lopes Cardozo et al (2015), they fail. The concept of agency in rights acquisition moves beyond simply having a voice. It is including the person’s own
participation in the rights process.
Human rights fall broadly into two categories.The first category are civil and political rights, which are referred to as ‘negative rights’. A negative right is one where the right is
achieved through freedom from state interference. The right to freedom of thought and speech falls into this category. The second category of rights are economic, social and cultural rights. They are categorised as ‘positive rights’ and require state action to be enabled. Examples of positive rights include the right to education. The right to agency straddles both groups as it incorporates the spirit of negative rights allowing freedom of speech and thought, but also the concept of positive rights requiring facilitation by the state to allow for children to be heard, in their own right, rather than simply to be receiving
advocacy from others. Taking into account the focus of my thesis, I discuss further the right to agency in peace building.
The United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, encapsulated one of the core reasons for children’s agency in peacebuilding, in the UN Guiding Principles on Young People’s Participation in Peace Building, “… successful peacebuilding process must be
transformative and create space for a wider set of actors – including, but not limited to, representatives of women, young people … to participate in public decision-making on all aspects of post-conflict governance and recovery.” (UN, 2014) (Emphasis mine)
The UN guidelines state that firstly, young people are central to their country’s economic development and secondly, access to opportunities is central to the young person’s development. This mutually beneficial structure is embedded in the UN principles and many projects have been forged from those foundations, aiming at giving young people agency and therefore contributing to individual youth development and country
development. (UN, 2014)
In literature, there are various reasons given for the need to acknowledge children’s voices. One commonly held mindset is that children are the ‘citizens of tomorrow’.
This is refuted through the priority given to children in these conventions and increasingly in the focus of UNICEF and the work of NGOs, embracing the concept that, “young people
are citizens now, rather than citizens in preparation” (Smyth, 2012, p8). At the same time,
it is asserted that there are great risks involved in ignoring the voices of children, as they are indeed tomorrow’s adults. Although the risk may not come to fruition immediately, in a short decade, the golden opportunity for learning in peacebuilding (or any other) education is lost and the children themselves become disconnected adults, at risk of facilitating or being victims of conflict, (following Davies’ complexity shut down theory, discussed below).
As argued by Stewart, there is a risk in ignoring children’s agency, particularly in the late teens. That loss of being heard can cause a self perception of ‘otherness’ and lack of belonging, potentially resulting in anti-social behaviour, whether conscious or unconscious. (2011) In agreement, McEvoy-Levy states that if children are barred from a voice in
politics, they will still engage in political activity, but it may be combative rather than collaborative. (2001)
Mieke Lopes Cardozo, along with colleagues Higgins, Maber, Brandt, Kusmallah and Le Mat are academic experts in the field of education, conflict and peace building who recently collaborated on a UNICEF study of the available literature around this topic, focusing in particular on young people’s agency in peacebuilding (Lopes Cardozo et al, 2015). The study moves past the common position that youth either represent victims or threats in the conflict affected contexts. Children can, in fact occupy both of these positions at the same time, as well as holding completely different positions. Limiting perceptions of children’s roles in peacebuilding places limits also on their capacity for peacebuilding. Current research, such as this research and the work of Lopes Cardozo et al, highlights the need to see children as individuals with a variety of responses to conflict and peace, rather than as two homogenous groups of either victims or perpetrators of conflict.
Viewing young people in this open way, and being receptive to the concept of youth agency will direct the strategies of response to youth and children’s issues in conflict affected contexts. As stated in the aforementioned literature review, “… discourse and
ways of understanding youth agency are closely related to the way educational interventions are developed and implemented.” (Lopes Cardozo et al, 2015, p28)
Even though there is a common understanding of the potential value of young people as politically engaged and participatory citizens, (Dunne et al, 2014) there exists an
uncertainty on how to achieve this and how to connect the other related aspects of economic opportunity and socio-cultural dimensions to the socio-political context of peacebuilding agency for young people, as seen below.
The literature review presented by Lopes Cardozo et al (2015) demonstrates the diversity of contexts in which children struggle for agency, but also common issues that arise across those contexts. An initial finding is that children and youth programs are frequently
designed and implemented without regard for the real desires of the young participants. Many NGOs fail to complete monitoring and evaluation, or preemptive research where the focus is the child or youth’s agency or voice in the project. In contrast to this, UNICEF Burundi, in collaboration with the University of Amsterdam, has called for research that is more genuinely child focused and therefore I centre the data gathering on the opinions, and observations of children.
A second finding is the inter-relationship between three approaches to youth agency: economic, political and socio-cultural. Lopes Cardozo et al argue that these factors are frequently treated in isolation, thereby limiting their validity and reliability. In reality they are interwoven and children find themselves in varying states of agency capacity as a result. (2015) This concept aligns closely with Bronfenbrenner’s view on the influences of one level of interaction upon another, explained further below. (1994)
The work of Lopes Cardozo et al provides a framework for youth agency in this research, however its focus is on a broader age group: that of the “second and third decade of life”. (2015, p 8) Although the children of this research, (9 to 15 years olds) fall (almost) into this category, it is clear that much of the literature reviewed by Lopes Cardozo et al focuses on older youth and certainly beyond primary school age. It remains to be seen whether the principles they present regarding the position of youth can be translated to the context of the children in Burundi in relation to the question of their capacity to build peace.
Lynn Davies has contributed exhaustive research towards the design and implementation of citizenship education and its role in conflict affected states. (2004, 2005, 2008, 2010, 2011) She cites skills such as compromise, positive conflict resolution strategies, informed discourse, awareness of history and an understanding of a human rights. Davies maintains that the introduction of these skills and understandings at a school level, particularly in post conflict cultures, will result in equipping students with the capacity to engage meaningfully and respectfully in their political context. Davies refers to this concept as
‘interruptive democracy’ and its foundation lies in peaceful and well-informed discourse.
This research will include examination of the existence of citizenship education and will comment on its efficacy in the East African context with particular reference to if and how it can impact children’s agency in peacebuilding, further discussion is found in Chapter 8.
Bronfenbrenner’s HEM will provide a framework to look at the different environmental systems encountered by the children in their context and the way in which those systems influence, overlap and conflict. (1994) Academics have long known that an individual is influenced by external circumstances and spheres, both relational and environmental, however the introduction of the HEM in the late 1970’s was revolutionary in that it brought together the spheres of life that form influences on the individuals, rather than separating them.
Previously the study of an individual child was fragmented and therefore limited in its capacity to give an holistic view; “… child psychologists studied the child, sociologists
examined the family, anthropologists the society, economists the economic framework of the times and political scientists the structure.” (Lang, 2005:11)
Following the introduction of Bronfenbrenner’s model outlining the connectivity of all aspects of life, social sciences embraced the concept of the whole life as relevant to the formation, and indeed future of the individual.The HEM is a useful tool to observe the varying factors existing in an individual’s life. It is especially useful when examining the perspectives of a child, whose self-awareness and articulation may be seen as limited due to immaturity.
Bronfenbrenner’s model gives a broad, but also deep perspective into the various domains in a child’s world and their influence on the child. Their relevance to this research is found in the fact that at the core of this project is the impact of the peacebuilding programs. It analyses the potential of that impact from the child’s perspective, incorporating the other influences and factors in the child’s life. Overall, these tools potentially provide a thorough analysis of influences upon the child and their subsequent perceptions of their own role as peacebuilders in the various domains of their environment.
2. 3. The conflict context
Addressing the context of East African conflict affected countries, the work of Lynn Davies and others helps to gather the various factors from causation to recommendations for the future. Although causes of conflict are not the central issue of this research, it is folly to ignore conflict causation when attempting to assess possible strategies for peacebuilding in conflict affected countries such as Burundi. There are a plethora of theories surrounding the question of how conflict is caused; some purely contextually based and others of a more generic nature. (Isenhart & Spangle, 2000)
To describe the cause of conflict for the purpose of this research, I am adopting Lynn Davies’ concept of complexity shutdown theory. Davies asserts that this theory encompasses many of the other theories (equity theory, phase theory, etc).
Complexity shutdown theory describes a state where “…negative conflict arises when
there is a lack of connectivity, of feedback, of use of information and of willingness to benefit from diversity.” (Davies, 2004, p15) Davies claims that the withholding of
information, particularly relating to the country’s history and cultural story, as well as a disconnect between communities and within communities creates an atmosphere ripe for discord and violence. She also argues that formal education systems may actually
contribute to this disconnect as they delineate between groups: male and female, rich and poor, ethnic groups.
The breakdown of connectivity among tribes and clans in East Africa throughout decades of violence exemplifies Davies’ concept of failure to ‘benefit from diversity’. (2004) The leadership mindsets of temporary political alignment, and individualism contribute to the lack of connectivity that is core to complexity shutdown theory. This disconnection is something that develops over time and writers on post-conflict contexts often refer to the fragmented nature of communities and the difficulties of restoration. (Mclean Hilker & Fraser, 2009, Davies, 2004, Baghdadeli, 2005) One of the motivations for this research held by UNICEF Burundi, stems from the hope that building in the hearts and minds of Burundian children, a sense of connectivity with their community and a willingness to benefit from diversity, will form the basis of a new era for Burundi.
Davies argues that incorporating teaching the democratic processes in the current citizenship education programmes will assist in providing not only an understanding of democracy, but also an opportunity to critically reflect on the system as it relates to their context. Lopes Cardozo et al summarise Davies’ theory on the inclusion of explicit
teaching on democracy in conflict affected countries, “In doing so, it can encourage young
people to enter civil society with an inclusive and pluralistic understanding of their own and others’ civic identities that counter particularistic or nationalistic affiliations, which might threaten peaceful coexistence.” (Lopes Cardozo et al, 2015, p37)
As mentioned previously, Davies’ concept of interruptive democracy requires an awareness of and addressing the issues seen in the complex shut down theory: disconnectedness, lack of information, failure to benefit from diversity, etc.
Tragically, Burundi seems to represent a classic example of the contrary of Davies’ concept of interruptive democracy.
Burundian academic, Herménégilde Rwantabagu, conducted research in 2010
investigating the moral decline of Burundi and the various causes for this. The research elucidates the rarity of peaceful political discussions and the existence of huge divides between political parties and also strongly represented amongst the citizenry. In actual fact, she found that Burundians in general and children in particular are reticent to speak of political issues and with good cause. They live in a country where history has shown them that being arrested and incarcerated without trial are reactions to political engagement that can reasonably be expected. (Rwantabagu, 2010) From a self-preservation perspective, this reticence is understandable, however Davies argues that the introduction of a
respectful culture that is questioning perceived injustices ought to be introduced in primary schools to facilitate a disintegration of taboos and young people’s meaningful and positive political engagement. The potential for interrupted democracy as an expression of
children’s agency in peacebuilding is discussed further in Chapter 7.
An additional factor connecting the issue of agency with the issue of conflict is the perception of trauma. Extensive study has been done into the post conflict legacies of trauma, such as in the case of the Rwandan genocide. Many academics and NGO project implementers understandably see children as victims and suffering psychological trauma from what they have seen. (Bolton et al. , 2002, Boris et al. , 2008, Wulsin, 1998) Of course, their experiences have been traumatic, but as Kirrily Pells found in her 2011 research, the lack of agency in their everyday life was placed at a higher level of stress and anxiety for children than the trauma of genocide. She argues that supporting children in a post conflict context requires an alternative way of looking at children “… one which prioritizes the agency of the young and is grounded in the context of everyday life, rather than the trauma paradigm that fails to capture what is prioritized by children as problematic in their lives and thus factors that adversely affect their wellbeing.” (Pells, 2011, p602)
2. 4. The role of education
I maintain that education is essentially neutral. It is a tool that can be wielded for good or evil, and in weak or effective ways. There is no doubt across political and academic arenas that education forms a crucial role in the development of young people into positive
In recognition of this, Burundian academic, Léonce Ndikumana writes about the divisive use of education through inequitable access to schools for Hutu students over Tutsi students in the conflict period. (Ndikumana, 2007) However, education also has the
potential to be used as an anti-social tool, thereby perpetuating conflict. “In some countries
it is the school system itself that promotes xenophobia and racism towards ethnic groups/ religious minorities, and from this sows the seeds of war and conflict.” (Novelli &
Lopes-Cardozo, 2008: 479)
Finally, the role of teaching children the history of a nation’s journey through war, conflict, ethnic division to reconciliation and peace, remains an important factor in raising
peacebuilders both as the current youth and the future adult citizens of the country. This Burundian research aligns with the premise introduced by Davies and affirmed by Lopes Cardozo et al, that the explicit teaching of history is crucial to children’s development of an understanding of peace, of how it is reached and maintained and, importantly, how they, as individuals can have an impact in developing peace.
Burundian academics have followed the progress of national memory and their work indicates a cultural inclination to suppress memories as a form of trauma healing. (Berti, 2012, Rwantabagu, 2010, Ndikumana, 2007, Ndarishikanye, 1998) However this results in a loss of historical understanding and certainly, a lack of desire to pass on information to the next generation. The ignorance that Burundian children have about both the causes of historical conflict and the development of the relative peace found in modern Burundi leave them without a context in which to recognise positive strategies to maintaining the current peace and therefore impede their capacity as peace builders.
2. 5. Conceptualisations of peace
This research focuses on children’s perceptions of their capacity as peace-builders, with a focus on their conceptualisation of peace. In much of the research undertaken around the topic of children’s perceptions of peace, it is evident that children have a greater
understanding of war and conflict and find these to be easier concepts to describe than those of peace. (Walker, 2003, Hakvoort, 1996) Frequently when asked to describe peace, children resort to negative descriptions such as, ‘no war’, or ‘no one fighting’.
The children participating in this project were between 9 and 15 years of age. The age level is relevant to this research due to the level of understanding of abstract concepts at different points of child development (Walker et al, 2011). Hakvoort argues that children’s concept of war is developed before their concept of peace . In general young children 1 have a limited understanding of war which becomes more complex at around the age of 8, although still limited to concrete ideas such as fighting and weapons. As children grow 2 into teenagers, they are able to articulate more abstractly the concept of peace using terms such as, ‘stillness’ and ‘safety for everyone’. (Walker, 2003, Umoh & Udoh, 2011). This is something which needs to be taken into account in my own research as well.
The extensive research of Ilse Hakvoort forms the basis of the structure of the
questionnaire and semi-structured interviews used in this project. Hakvoort interviewed children between the ages of 6 and 10 from The Netherlands and Sweden on their concepts of peace and their role as peace builders. Hakvoort’s results demonstrated the way in which children’s perceptions shift with age as well as gender. She also noted the way in which children, unbeknownst to themselves, reveal the way in which they have absorbed the messages of various social systems in their world. This observation supports Urie Bronfenbrenner’s perspective on social systems and their interrelation. “By listening to
what children have to say about these issues, we have access to what they internalize through various kinds of interactions with their environment.” Hakvoort & Hägglund,
2003:2)
It has to be noted that Hakvoort’s research was in the western context of relatively stable political and social environments (The Netherlands and Sweden) and the researchers were of the same nationality as the interviewees.
(Hakvoort & Hagglund, 2001, Hakvoort & Oppenheimer,1993) 1
(Covell et al.,1994; Hakvoort & Hagglund, 2001; Hakvoort & Oppenheimer,1993; Hall, 1993; McLernon & Cairns, 2001) 2
2. 6. Summary
There is no debate over the importance of protecting the positive rights of children such as state provision of education, but challenge certainly exists over the provision of children’s right to agency in the area of peacebuilding, which combines both positive and negative rights. The distinction must be made that a child’s agency is more than a child having a ‘voice’. Agency infers the ability to be informed and participate in order to effect social change. (Stoecklin & Bonvin, 2011) Agency is therefore operationalised in three areas: understanding, participation, and evidence of change. This research will investigate the degree to which agency, by these parameters, exists for the children of Burundi.
Viewing the landscape of peacebuilding through Bronfenbrenner’s HEM, (1994) helps us to see the interconnectedness of the various realms of influence in the life of the child and, importantly the degree of impact in peacebuilding they perceive that they hold.
The literature represented here affirms the importance of children accessing knowledge about the democratic process and an understanding of their own nation’s history in order to develop meaningful peacebuilding capacity. Finally, Hakvoort’s studies provide a guideline for understanding children’s conceptualisation of peace, while at the same time contrasting with this research due to Hakvoort’s context of western Europe.
Ultimately, the literature supports the need for children to have agency in peacebuilding, but there is a lack of literature on successful accounts of children having agency in
peacebuilding, and even less literature on the East African context. This demonstrates the importance of research such as this project, which is current, timely and may help to contribute relevant information for the cause of children’s agency in peacebuilding and therefore the attainment and longevity of peace in Burundi.
Having established the theoretical framework, the following chapter describes the unique context of Burundi.
3. CONTEXT
The context of this research project is crucially relevant for political, social, historical cultural and epistemological reasons. The reason for choosing Burundi as a research location was based in its unique position of having lasted a decade of political stability following violence civil conflict. Outlined in this chapter is an historical overview of Burundi’s tumultuous history followed by a snapshot of the current context where, unfortunately just weeks after research was completed, political violence erupted.
As peacebuilding and peace concepts are core to this research, a brief description of the peacebuilding strategies that existed in Burundi over the past few decades is included. Subsequently, a description is given of the schools and NGO’s chosen for the research, as well as the justification for those choices.
3. 1. Historical overview of Burundi
Burundi is a small landlocked country in Eastern Africa, with Rwanda to the north,
Tanzania to the east and south the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to the west. UN data cites that Burundi is a largely rural society, with only 13% of the population living in urban areas. Approximately 85% of the population are of Hutu ethnic origin, 15% are Tutsi, and fewer than 1% are indigenous Batwa/Twa. The country’s overall population is almost 11 million people (World Population Review, 2015).
PHOTO 6 PHOTO 7
Listed as one of the world’s poorest countries on international statistical scales, the World Bank states that 81% of Burundians are living on less that $1.25/day. (World Bank, 2006) 85% of males and 80% of females attend school. However, only 35% of the student population that complete secondary education are female. In addition, there are over 433 000 children engaged in child labour in the country. (UN Statistics Division, 2014, CIA, 2012)
Burundi is a fragile state emerging from a long history of cyclic violence. Events such as tribal rebellion, assassination of heads of state, civil war and hundreds of thousands of Burundians killed with even greater numbers displaced combine to form a turbid backdrop to modern Burundi. The violence of recent decades was punctuated with periods of
uneasy peace that periodically broke through, decimating Burundian communities. (Baghdadli et al, 2008)
Originally Rwanda and Burundi formed the same country, known as Ruanda-Urundi, however in the 19th century, Burundi’s borders were established roughly as they are found today through King Ntare III Rugamba conquering the region, while the two countries remained as one. The Oxford Central African Forum (OCAF) write that, traditionally this authoritarian leadership structure, reinforced by German colonial rule, established the concept that the nation, its people and resources belongs to the national leader, to do with as he sees fit. (OCAF, 2011)
Following World War I, when Ruanda-Urundi was mandated to Belgium, a shift in power was exacerbated by the introduction of ethnic bias. The royal family was replaced by chiefs, chosen by the Belgians and weighted towards the Tutsi tribe. The Belgian definitions of ethnicity dictated educational and therefore leadership opportunities. For example, Tutsi children could go to elite schools, while Hutu children were relegated to mission schools. (OCAF, 2011)
While there was an attempt to institute economic reforms during this time, the Belgian overseers did so with intimidation, including prison and corporal punishment for non-compliance. Again the leadership structure reinforced an oppressive atmosphere and gave Burundians no sense of ownership in their economic development, which is an issue remaining today and evidenced in the desperate and individualised approach to income raising and the strong dependance on development aid. (Uvin, 1997, 2010)
In 1962, Burundi declared independence from Belgium and there followed decades of political assassinations (see TABLE 2) and unrest, including the massacres of both Hutus and Tutsi in 1972, 1988 and 1993, numbering in the hundreds of thousands. (Nkurunziza, J. D. & Ngaruko, F. , 2005)
In summarising the OCAF report, three concepts emerge from Burundian history that impact life today. Firstly, the concept of authority is described as one which is, “… acquired
and protected by force, not by political ideas or values nor by vision.” (OCAF, 2011) This is
clearly evidenced through the lack of democratic freedom and repeated violent overthrowing of leaders. The second point refers to the concept of leadership. “The
national leader owns the national wealth, and he re-distributes it as he sees fit. His mandate is not from the people, therefore not accountable to them.” (OCAF, 2011)
The third OCAF point is one of the concept of power. The document states, “… power is
measured by the level of harm that can be caused by the beholder, not by the extent of change that they can bring about.” (OCAF, 2011) The fear of the leader’s capacity to harm,
keeps the people in a state of submission and severely impacts their capacity for agency.
TABLE 2 (PHOTO 8)
Pictured left, is one of many political monuments scattered throughout Burundi. Most are in disrepair and ignored by the general public. In addition to the monuments commemorating political leaders, kings and assassinations thereof, many streets are name with the date of significant events. For example a main street in the capital, Bujumbura is Avenue 21 Octobre. Although this date commemorates the assassination of former president, Melchior Ndadaye, most Burundians are not aware of this fact, and certainly no children I encountered knew the significance of the date.
In addition to these concepts of authority, leadership and power, the Belgian strategy of exacerbating ethnic divides in order to establish the government structure of their choice, favouring the Tutsi, contributed to an emphasis on ethnicity over family and tribal
connection. This lack of tribal and clan connectivity is further evidence of Davies’ complex shutdown theory (explained further in Chapter 6).
3. 2. Current Burundian context
Burundi’s extreme poverty contributes to a sense of desperation and individualism where citizens are simply trying to survive in an ‘every man for himself’ context. It was evident from the research that enmeshed in the poverty mindset was a lack of foresight,
particularly in the areas most relevant to my research question. In an interview with a regional director for education, I was informed that children’s education and therefore their formal opportunities to learn about citizenship topics, was not prioritised. Short term 3 needs of income were frequently prioritised over long term benefits of education. Another area where the lack of foresight is evident is in the approach to politics. This phenomenon is not unique to Burundi, as cited in the 2011 UNESCO report, ‘The hidden crisis: Armed
conflict and education’. This report counts lack of priority of children’s education in conflict
affected country as one of the key inhibitors to growth and peacebuilding.
Although children didn’t specify corruption and political unrest in their responses, adult interviewees frequently commented on tenuous nature of politics, the mistrust of politicians and the facade of democracy evidenced in their need to temporarily align themselves with a particular political party because of the job security or personal security it gained them, rather than being the best choice for national leadership.4
Generations of Burundians seem to have been born and raised in a structure where the strongest fight for power, and do so for their own gain, without care for their constituents. People in positions of authority appear to often hold their place through threats and corruption.
INTERVIEW: M, Nkankunza, BZ Cordaid PBF 150129 JL Interview NON-REC 3
INTERVIEW: M. Nibitanga, MN 150304 JL Interview NON-REC 4
As a result, it could be said that the children of Burundi have been raised in this culture where violence is normalised and is a daily part of life and they accept that the people directly in authority over them have a right to inflict physical ‘punishment’ on them,
specifically teachers and parents. In this context, their perception of their right to agency is severely diminished and this is evidenced in the results discussed in Chapter 6, where children’s voices are not heard, outside of their own peer groups. In their article, Violent Conflict and Behaviour: A Field Experiment in Burundi, Voors et al comment on the impact of generational violence impacting the people of Burundi, following their extensive
research in 2012. “Together, they suggest, violence affects the behaviour of both kids and
adults, and the effects are both immediate and persistent.” (p961)
Anecdotal evidence of the peacebuilding programs from the late nineties is discussed further in Chapter 7. Although little documentary evidence was uncovered to discern the details of these programs that existed during the height of the crisis, (before the early 2000’s), the frequent reference by adult interviewees substantiate their presence while also reflecting ambivalence about their efficacy.
Post conflict documentation exists reflecting peace building programs implemented in Burundi, including the locally based Burundi Leadership Training Program running from 2002-2008, partially funded through USAid (Robiolle, T. & Mcdonald, S., 2008), as well as the United Nations Peace Building Fund (PBF) functioning from 2006 - 2010 in a variety of projects, including teaching positive conflict resolution strategies in schools. (Campbell, S. P., Kayobera, L. & Nkurunziza, J., 2010)
The Arusha Peace Talks held in 1987 saw the beginning of relative peace in Burundi. With the intervention of the international community through the nineties, political progress was made towards stability. But it was not an easy accord, rebel leaders were assimilated into the army, including into positions of leadership. Citizens claim today that the police force were orchestrated to be largely Tutsi and the army, largely Hutu, in an attempt to keep the peace. (Nibitanga, M. )5
INTERVIEW: M. Nibitanga, MN 150304 JL Interview NON-REC 5
The current president, Pierre Nkurunziza was a rebel leader who gained his appointment as part of an international peace keeping accord in 2005. Since his presidency, Burundi has avoided civil conflict, but the countless leadership abuses, rife corruption and other forms of human rights abuses have kept Burundi in a broken state. Through
ill-government, Burundi has failed to see significant growth out of its position as one of the world’s poorest countries. (Baghdadli, et al, 2008, Nkurunziza, J. D. & Ngaruko, F. , 2005)
Democracy in Burundi has been fragile at best and fraught with corruption and long held animosity across parties. (Uvin, 2010) Although technically democratic elections were held by the new President following the end of his first term, there was such intimidation and violence towards the opposition, it was democracy in name only, including the
assassination and disappearances of opposition leaders, resulting in a landslide, almost uncontested victory. As Peter Uvin wrote, “… the only consistent policy the winning party
has followed in four years of rule seems to be the systematic dismantling of all possible opposition in order to assure itself a continued hold on power.” (Uvin, 2010, p.166)
The recent announcement of the President to breach the constitution by demanding a third term in office preceded violent street protests which Burundi had not seen for a decade. Police, loyal to the President attacked protestors, on occasion dragging them from their homes at night. The army, following a failed military coup, is divided in its loyalties and leaves the citizenship vulnerable and distrustful. (Green, 2015, Associated Press, 2015, Reuters, 2015) It seems that tragically, Uvin’s description of Burundian democracy above continues to the present day where at the time of writing over 20 people have been killed amongst demonstrators, thousands of Burundians have fled and the head of the
opposition party has been assassinated. As often follows civil conflict, this unrest has led to a massive refugee crisis on Burundi’s borders with Tanzania, DRC and Rwanda, resulting in deaths from cholera and humanitarian aid struggling to respond to the unexpected influx. (Essa, 2015)
Despite improved political stability (until recent events), Burundi continues to be plagued with poverty, health and infrastructure issues in addition to ethnic disenfranchisement and these serve to form a disconnection that is exacerbated by the historical legacy of
authoritarian leadership. (Uvin, 2010) This results in a culture where the child has little voice and no agency, even less in peacebuilding or conflict resolution involving adults.
Although education is recognised as a powerful tool in the recovery of Burundi, there is corruption claimed by interviewees throughout the schools and ministry, and there are still inherent dangers for students in attending school, including sexual violence, prostitution and tribal based violence. (Uvin, 1997)
One motivation of this research is UNICEF’s focus on the hope that a new generation is emerging of young Burundian citizens aged 10 and below, who have been born into a country relatively conflict free. (UNICEF, 2014a & b) The results of the weeks and months as Burundi moves towards national elections in June, 2015 will reveal whether these young Burundians will continue as the first generation of peace.
PHOTO 9
View over Lake Tanganyika, Bujumbura SOURCE: J Lovius
3. 3. Research locations
The two locations chosen for the research were Bubanza commune and Bujumbura commune, specifically Musaga village. The research locations chosen had to comply with a number of parameters: security, receptiveness of school authorities, existence of
peacebuilding programs, age and demographic as required by UNICEF and finally, transport feasibility.
The US State Department states that “Corruption is endemic in Burundi and contributes to
an environment where the rule of law is not respected.” (UN State Department, 2014)
Therefore safety, firstly, was a factor on location choice, particularly as the country moved towards the national election in July of this year.
Secondly, these research locations constituted new locations for UNICEF’s project which gave them relevance, as well as falling within the appropriate age group of primary school children. Finally, both locations were feasible in regards to transport and access. The Musaga schools were a short bus ride from the city centre, which was my base and the Bubanza schools were approximately 90 minutes drive from the city centre, where transport was provided by Cordaid.
Map 1 (left): Burundi showing provinces.SOURCE: Ezilon maps
