INDIVIDUAL AND CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
Master Thesis
The Phenomenon of the Digital Self-portrait: Individual and
Cultural Predictors of Selfie-related behavior
Thesis Entertainment Communication Graduate School of Communication
University of Amsterdam Author: Ieva Dominaite Student number: 10863966
Supervisor: Sindy Sumter Date: June 26, 2015
Abstract
Scientific problem. In the last decade a lot of studies investigated online self-presentation via pictures sharing. However, there is a lack of empirical research concerning individual and cultural predictors of a considerably new genre of digital photography namely taking pictures of the self, which are taken and shared in social media.
Aim. This thesis aims to understand how gender, gender-role beliefs, appearance contingent self-worth, and idiocentrism-allocentrism are related to selfie-related behavior, which is operationalized as selfie editing, posting and sending.
Method. Emerging adults from three nationalities, i.e. Dutch, Lithuanian and Spanish completed an online survey. The participants filled-in the Gender Role Beliefs Scale
(GRBSS; Brown & Gladstone, 2012), the Measurement of Horizontal and Vertical
Individualism and Collectivism (Triandis & Gelfand, 1998), Contingencies of Self-Worth Scale (CSW; Crocker, 2003) and the separate items to measure selfie-related behavior were used.
Results. The study showed that gender and gender-role beliefs were significant predictors of selfie-editing, and women engaged in a more frequent selfie-editing than men did. Also, the relationship between gender relationship and selfie-editing was mediated by appearance contingent self-worth. Additionally, gender-role beliefs predicted less frequent selfie-sending. However, no significant relationship was found between idiocentrism-allocentrism and selfie-related behavior.
Conclusion. The present thesis provides preliminary support about social and
psychological individual differences for related behavior namely editing, selfie-posting, and selfie-sending among both genders. Limitations of a study and future research directions are also discussed.
Keywords: Selfie, gender-role beliefs, idiocentrism-allocentrism, appearance contingent self-worth, emerging adults.
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR Introduction
Engaging in social media activity is becoming more and more common part of a person’s life. Facebook, which is considered to be the most popular social networking site (SNS), on average holds 900 million active users per day—numbers rapidly growing every day
(Facebook, 2015). It is important to note that the majority use their mobile phones to connect to the site (Facebook, 2015). This means that a significant number of online users can and do connect from anywhere and anytime: not only do they “scroll” and “swipe” while waiting for a bus or having a dinner,—capturing a moment in a bathroom has become a commonplace too. Unsurprisingly, Instagram—a social networking site focused on photo-sharing—already hosts more than one billion pictures (Instagram, 2015). Consequently, researchers are
becoming increasingly aware that the growing popularity of social networking sites is not only the result of their communication functions, but also owes to the fact that these sites serve as a powerful tool in self-presentation (Fox & Rooney, 2015).
Academic literature had already provided a number of studies examining individuals’ tendency for self-presentation through sharing their pictures online (e.g., Eftekhar, Fullwood, & Morris, 2014; Emanuel et al., 2014; Hunt, Lin, & Atkin, 2014;Long & Zhang, 2014; McAndrew & Jeong, 2012). Scholarship suggests that inapt self-presentation online might lead to higher susceptibility to becoming victims of cyber-bullying (Pujazon-Zazik, Manasse &, Orrell-Valente, 2011) and have a negative impact on identity development (Manago, Graham, Greenfield, & Salimkhan, 2008). However, one of the online self-presentation techniques—“pointing a camera to yourself and sharing the picture online“—which is very common on SNSs and is widely discussed in popular media (Tiindenberg, 2014), has received little to none attention in academic circles.
This so-called “Selfie” is especially important when investigating photo-related online self-presentation for a number of reasons. Firstly, according to the Lacanian psychoanalytical
approach (Lacan, 1938), recognizing the self in a mirror is a starting point for becoming an individual and for perceiving oneself as different from others. In line with this approach, contemporary theorists view “selfie” as an important expression of a person’s self in the world of social media. Self-expression through technology is also linked with seeking
acceptance and validation from the society—posting a selfie and receiving a positive reaction from others (e.g. a “like”) is not merely observing oneself in the mirror anymore.
(Tiidenberg, 2014).
Secondly, a study of selfies can provide an insight into what could possibly be a crucial phenomenon for healthy and beneficial SNS use. For example, selfies are
fundamental to self-exploration for many bloggers, are often markers of one’s social status or one’s belonging to a particular community. Therefore, seen from this perspective, selfies can be deemed even therapeutic (see Tiidenberg, 2014; 2015).
Thirdly, particular findings about editing and posting selfies via social media stand out in the recent study by Fox and Rooney (2015). In their sample of US men, editing selfies was related to narcissism, whereas posting selfies via social media was related to both narcissism and psychopathy. In line with these findings, Sorokowski et al. (2015) showed that Polish men with higher narcissism were posting pictures of themselves more frequently. Notably, for women narcissism did not appear to be a predictor of selfie posting.
These studies were the first to present findings about individual differences and selfie-related behavior. However, they have several limitations. The first limitation is that studies were conducted only in US and Polish samples. Taken into account how widespread selfies are, further research should examine other nationalities as well. Second, both Fox and Rooney’s (2015) and Sorokowski’s et al. (2015) studies investigated a limited number of correlates of selfie-related behavior.
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
As such, our understanding of selfies is still limited. This study will try to understand how individual and cultural predictors are related to selfie-related behavior by examining three major aspects of the phenomenon: editing, posting, and sending of selfies. It will extend our knowledge of online self-presentation by specifically investigating individual predictors, namely gender, gender-role beliefs, and appearance contingent self-worth, and two cultural predictors, namely idiocentrism and allocentrism. The present thesis will look at selfie-related behavior among emerging adults from three different countries, i.e. the Netherlands,
Lithuania and Spain. These countries are generally thought to be at least partially
representative of Western, Northern, and Southern Europe. Therefore, what follows will be the first analysis of self-presentation through selfies both cross-culturally and among both genders.
Photography, Self-presentation and Presenting Oneself through Selfies
Photography has a long history in our society. It has always had a significant role in people’s social life—traditionally photographs capture important life events and are kept as a memory. Since digital cameras appeared on the market, the manner of taking pictures has changed rapidly and evidently: photography became more or less a staple of our daily lives. Even bigger changes ensued upon incorporating a digital camera into the mobile phones: today photographs are not only taken habitually but it is also common to share them via social media. By sharing pictures via SNSs people are creating desired personal image by presenting themselves in a specific manner to their audience.
Self-presentation is defined as person’s behavior that carries information or an image of oneself to other people (Baumeister, 1998). When it comes to self-presentation in computer-mediated communication, it differs from self-presentation through other interpersonal interactions. People like never before, have the opportunity to become public. That is, unlike in face-to-face communication, “profile information” on SNSs is
communicated to masses. Therefore, these online self-presentations are not adapted for each and every different user presented with them, but rather are cultivated in one-to-many fashion (DeAndrea & Walther, 2011). One of the forms of “presenting the self” in digital media is taking a picture of oneself and sharing it via SNSs.
Generally speaking, human beings were tracking and presenting themselves at all times. For example, some of the earliest examples of self-portraits executed in oil on canvas or panel date to late 1400s, gaining popularity with the rise of the Renaissance (e.g. Jan van Eyck, Albrecht Dürer, Parmigianino, etc.). However, painters of the Renaissance did not have laptops or smartphones, neither did they use these devices to edit and share their self-portraits constantly and publically. Although the use of the word “selfie” online was first registered in 2002, it was defined only in 2012 as “a photograph that one has taken of oneself, typically one taken with a smartphone or webcam and shared via social media” (Oxford dictionaries, 2012). In line with its persistent use, “selfie” was named Oxford Dictionaries Word of the Year 2013 (Oxford dictionaries, 2013). Tiindenberg (2015) notes that selfies are widely discussed in popular media due to their popularity among different societal levels such as celebrities, politicians, and ordinary people.
As a consequence, nowadays selfies are often seen as a symptom of the social media narcissism rather than an actual art like self-portraiture (Rawlings, 2013). However,
Tiidenberg (2015) suggests looking at this phenomenon from a wider perspective and criticizes the latter point of view as over-simplistic. She suggests viewing selfies as a reflexive and constructional tool. Similarly, taking pictures of oneself is crucial to self-improvement, self-knowledge (Rettberg, 2014) and exploration of one’s sexual identity (Tiindenberg, 2014). Beyond selfie taking and sharing, it is worth noting that selfies often are first edited and only then publically or privately shared.
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
An online survey among 1,710 American adults conducted by the Renfrew Center Foundation (2015)revealed that the majority edit their pictures before posting them via social media, primarily by removing blemishes or adding colour. Reasons for editing pictures varied from general dissatisfaction with the looks to the desire for a skinnier look in particular. Noteworthy, the aforementioned study was not scientific, and so there is a gap in academic research about the selfie-editing behavior concerning both genders. Below, we will describe possible predictors for selfie editing and sharing via posts or messages.
Social Individual Predictors of Selfie-Related Behavior
Gender. Various studies have shown that men and women use technology for different reasons (Bimber, 2000). This applies to social media use too. Research in gender differences in social media use revealed that males are more active in information and task-oriented social networking behavior, whereas women are more focused on interpersonal relations (Haferkamp, Eimler, Papadakis, & Kruck, 2012; Rui & Stefanone, 2013; Tifferet & Vilnai-Yavetz, 2014).
Photo-related behavior is one of the most common activities among SNS users (Pempek, Yermolayeva, & Calvert, 2009), and gender differences apply here also. To be precise, there are three major ways in which photo-sharing behavior differs between males and females. First, women share more photos on social-networking sites in general (Hunt et al., 2014; Mesch & Beker, 2010; Rosen, Stefanone, & Lackaff, 2010; Rui & Stefanone, 2013). Second, profile pictures of men disclose status and imply risk-taking (via showing certain objects, clothes and outdoor settings), whereas women have more pictures
accentuating family relations and emotional expressions (family pictures, eye contact is more common) (Tifferet & Vilnai-Yavetz, 2014). Third, studies also showed that men tend to edit their profile pictures for SNS more than women and they use full-body shots rather than portrait photographs, which is preferred by women (Haferkamp et al., 2012).
To sum up, all of these findings support the idea that gender plays an important role in the online photo-sharing behavior. However, nowadays the concept of gender itself is
becoming increasingly debatable. That is, men and women may differ in the extent to which they behave according to traditional gender roles (Brown & Gladstone, 2012).Therefore, research should not only investigate the effects of gender but also the extent to which a person agrees to the traditional gender roles, as these beliefs might affect how people present themselves. Thus, we will also investigate how gender-role beliefs contribute to selfie-related behavior.
Gender-role beliefs. Gender roles refer to the perception of power distribution and gender-related tasks (Vijver, 2007). Traditional gender roles present women as sensitive, emotional, and maintaining both family and interpersonal relationships. Meanwhile, men are seen as assertive, controlling, independent, and are expected to be responsible for financial support of a family (Vijver, 2007). Gender-role beliefs define the level to which individuals agree with these traditional delineations of gender roles (Baber & Tucker, 2006). Research showed that gender norms reflect in different communication behavior, e.g. women are expected to be highly expressive and responsive, the opposite is expected from the men’s role (Eagly & Koenig, 2006).
As social life nowadays is so often transferred to social media, gender-role beliefs have also been studied as predictors of media use and online communication. For example, Ogletree, Fancher, and Gill (2014) showed that gender-role beliefs predicted sexual messages sent and received among men. The authors of a study explained that sending sexual explicit messages may be a form of proving masculinity, whereas receiving messages is explained by objectifying women and so requesting them to send their sexual pictures.
As selfies are understood as a common tool for the exploration of one’s sexual
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
the current study will broaden our knowledge of gender differences in social media use, and selfies in particular, by investigating both gender and gender-role beliefs’ correlations to selfie-related behavior. Based on the literature discussed above, it is expected that gender and gender-role beliefs will be associated with (a) selfie editing, (b) posting and (c) sending (H1). Cultural Predictors of Selfie-Related behavior
As aforesaid, gender differences are common in online self-presentation. However, research shows that gender differences may vary across cultures. For example, Baumgartner, Sumter, Peter and Valkenburg (2014) pointed out that in more traditional societies boys were more likely to engage in “sexting” and expressed their sexuality online more than girls did. This study called for more culturally sensitive research when investigating social media use. Two variables that are seen as key characteristics of cultural identities are individualism and collectivism.
Individualism-Collectivism. Individualism is emphasized as a cultural worldview that shows tendency to separate and isolate, brings self over the group, and contributes to the drive to master one’s environment (Hofstede, 2011; Triandis, 1995). Contrastingly,
collectivism is a form of cultural orientation with a tendency to open up, connect, and
cooperate with others, bringing group over the self (Hofstede, 2011; Triandis, 1995). In their study, Rui and Stefanone (2013) compared individualistic and collectivistic samples
(American and Singaporean users of SNSs) and their online photo-sharing behavior. Outcomes of the study revealed that individualistic cultural identity behaved as a predicting factor of more protective self-presentation through more careful photo tagging. In opposite, collectivists were not as much concerned with unwanted pictures’ tags, and were sharing more of their pictures online than individualists did. Another study, which compared online self-presentation in individualistic and collectivistic cultures (US and Chinese SNS users),
revealed that individualists are rather posting group pictures, whereas collectivists are more likely to share pictures of self (Zhao & Jiang, 2011).
However, Lee and Choi (2006) note that not every person in an individualistic culture is an individualist. Likewise, collectivistic societies do not necessarily consist only of
collectivists. Blurring of the lines of cultural identification is especially common in modern societies. Therefore, researchers now tend to investigate these characteristics on a more individual level. This approach is also adopted in a current thesis.
Idiocentrism-allocentrism. The concepts of idiocentrism and allocentrism were presented to define personal individualism and personal collectivism respectively
(Yamaguchi, Kuhlman, & Sugimori, 1995). Idiocentrism and allocentrism indicate whether an individual identifies as being individualistic or collectivistic independently from the society he or she lives in (Triandis & Gelfand, 1998). Idiocentrists are described as
independent, self-directed, and self-reliant, and so are more likely to compete for attention and have higher scores in self-deceptive enhancement (Lalwani, Shavitt, & Johnson, 2006; Singelis, Triandis, & Bhawuk, 1995). Alternatively, allocentrists strive for compassionate social relationships and tend to adapt to certain environmental cues, and so have higher scores in impression management (Chen & Marcus, 2012; Lalwani et al., 2006).
With regard to self-presentation, Chen & Marcus’ (2012) study revealed that
individuals that are higher in allocentrism are more likely to disclose audience-relevant and partially less honest information on SNSs, in comparison with idiocentrists.
Given, it is important to further investigate the influence of both idiocentrism and allocentrism on online self-presentation. This thesis will take a first step to better understand how idiocentrism and allocentrism are related to the selfie phenomenon. Given previous findings that idiocentrism and allocentrism are related with online self-presentation, we
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
anticipate that idiocentrism and allocentrism will be positively related with (a) selfie-editing, (b) selfie-posting and (c) selfie-sending behavior (H2).
Mediating Effect of Psychological Individual Predictor: Appearance Contingent Self-Worth
To understand how social individual predictors affect selfie-related behavior, one must also look at individual underlying mechanisms. One major factor that can help us understand aforementioned relationships is appearance contingent self-worth.
Appearance contingent self-worth is individuals’ tendency to base their self-worth on his or her physical appearance (Stefanone et al., 2011; Crocker & Wolfe, 2001). Overstreet and Quinn (2012) found that women with higher scores in appearance contingent self-worth have higher appearance concerns. Hence, having higher appearance concerns might also be related with more careful online self-presentation and more specifically – more frequent selfie-editing.
Additionally, Stefanone et al. (2011) revealed that public-based contingencies of self-worth, that are appearance, approval, and competition, highly explained online-photo sharing. More importantly, in comparison to men, women scored higher on appearance contingent self-worth, which had the strongest relationship with intensity of online-photo sharing.
Given gender differences in appearance contingent self-worth, evidence that it leads to appearance concerns, and more frequent online photo-sharing, it isnecessaryto broaden the body of research by analyzing how appearance contingent self-worth can mediate the relationship between gender and selfie-editing behavior. Thus, in addition to the main effect of appearance contingent self-worth, we anticipate that it will mediate the effect between gender and selfie-editing behavior. We propose the following hypothesis: the relationship between gender and selfie-editing will be mediated by appearance contingent self-worth (H3).
In short, the current study aims to investigate social individual predictors gender and gender-role beliefs, psychological individual predictor appearance contingent self-worth, and cultural predictor idiocentrism-allocentrism of selfie-related behavior. In addition to these concepts, it will include age, time spent on social networking sites and selfies taken in the past week as control variables.
To summarize all hypotheses and for the visualization of above-mentioned variables the conceptual model is given below.
Figure 1
Conceptual model explaining hypothesized relationships
Method Sample
Participants for this study were recruited via the researcher’s networks. A link that directed to the online survey was sent via direct messages and publically shared on Facebook. Therefore, 329 respondents completed the survey in Netherlands, Lithuania, and Spain. After excluding participants who did not meet the age inclusion of emerging adults (18-30) (Arnett, 2000) or
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
did not fully complete the survey, a sample consisted of 218 respondents (36% male, 64% female).
In total, 57 (26%), 111 (51%) and 50 (23%) responses were received from Dutch, Lithuanian and Spanish samples, respectively. Dutch sample consisted of 35.7% female (N = 36) female participants, ranging in age from 19 to 30 years old (M = 23.50, SD = 0.27). The major part of the Dutch sample identified as Dutch (92.9%). Lithuanian survey comprised 70.5% female (N = 79), from 19 to 30 years old (M = 24.44, SD = 0.19). The majority of respondents in Lithuanian sample also identified as Lithuanians (96.4%). Finally, Spanish sample consisted of 50% female (N = 25) and 50% male (N = 25) participants, who all identified as Spanish. Age range among participants was from 18 to 30 years old (M = 25.12, SD = 0.42).
The majority of participants (96%) in this study reported to use Facebook, more than half of respondents (55%) identified as Instagram users, 27% had Pinterest accounts and 12% were using Tumblr. Only 3 participants (1%) indicated of not having a social networking site account.
Procedure
The data reported in this study was collected duringMay 2015. After opening the link that directed to Qualtrics, participants were briefly introduced to the study and the anonymity of every participant was guaranteed. After the introduction participants were directed to the survey where they first had to answer some open- and closed-ended demographic questions such as age, gender, nationality, and the country of origin. The following part consisted of both questions about general use of social networking sites and particularly about selfie editing, posting and sending. Next, participants were asked to complete measures of
comprised questions about gender-role beliefs. It took around 5 to 10 minutes for the participants to complete the online survey.
Instruments
Selfie-editing behavior. Selfie-editing measure was based on the instrument used in Fox and Rooney’s (2015) study by asking participants: ‘‘How frequently do you use the following techniques to make you look better in the pictures you post on social media?” with possible answer options as following: (1) “Cropping or cutting parts of yourself out of pictures”; (2) “Using photographic filters”; (3) “Using Photoshop or other picture editing software or applications”.Participants responded on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (= Never) to 5 (= Very often) for each photo editing method. High scores reflected more
frequent selfie-editing. The 3 items resulted with a Cronbachs alpha of .74 for a total sample (Dutch sample’s α = .79, Lithuanian: α = .66, Spanish: α = .75).
Selfie-sharing behavior. Selfie sharing behavior was assessed with an item as follows: “How many pictures of yourself have you shared via SNS during the past week?” with an option to insert exact numbers.
Selfie-sending behavior. An item “How often do you send pictures of yourself via such messaging apps as Whatsapp, Snapchat, Facebook Messenger, iMessage, etc.?” assessed selfie sending behavior. Participants answered all items on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (= Never) to 5 (= Often).
Gender-role beliefs. To measure gender-role beliefs a short version of a Gender Role Beliefs Scale (GRBSS, Brown & Gladstone, 2012) was used. This scale consisted of 10 items; a sample item is “It is ridiculous for a woman to run a train and a man to sew clothes”. Participants responded on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (= Totally disagree) to 7 (=
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
Totally agree)1, 2. The 10 items resulted with a Cronbachs alpha of .84 for a total sample (Dutch: α = .63, Lithuanian: α = .80, Spanish: α = .87), which proves the scale is reliable and valid.
Idiocentrism-allocentrism. To measure idiocentrism-allocentrism, subscales of horizontal individualism and collectivism from the Measurement of Horizontal and Vertical Individualism and Collectivism (Triandis & Gelfand, 1998) were used. A sample item for horizontal individualism (idiocentrism) is “I’d rather depend on myself than on others”; whereas a sample item for horizontal collectivism (allocentrism) is “I feel good when I cooperate with others” with the possible answers ranged from 1 (= Totally disagree) to 7 (= Totally agree)1, 2. Initial analyses showed considerably low Cronbach’s alpha for both idiocentrism and allocentrism. Therefore, principal components factor analyses were conducted for these two subscales. It was assumed that 4 primary items, that each of the scales were comprised, correlate, and so we have chosen to perform direct oblimin rotation. One factor with Eigenvalues above 1 was detected for both above-mentioned subscales. Thus, each of the subscales measuring idiocentrism and allocentrism consisted of 3 items that exceeded .70. The 3 items for idiocentrism resulted in a Cronbach’s alpha of .63 (Dutch: α = .60, Lithuanian: α = .67, Spanish: α = .45), and for allocentrism a Cronbach’s alpha of .61 for the total sample (Dutch: α = .60, Lithuanian: α = .56, Spanish: α = .73).
Appearance contingent self-worth. To measure appearance contingent self-worth we used the subscale of appearance from Contingencies of Self-Worth Scale (CSW) (Crocker, 2003). This subscale consisted of 5 items; a sample item is “My self-esteem is influenced by how attractive I think my face or facial features are”. Participants responded on a 7-point
1
Scale was translated to Dutch and Lithuanian by native speakers research master student of communication science and the author of a current thesis.
2
scale from 1 (= Totally disagree) to 7 (= Totally agree)1. A translated and adapted García-Soriano, and Belloch (2006) version of a scale was used for the Spanish sample. The 5 items resulted with a Cronbachs alpha of .76 for the total sample (Dutch sample: α = .80,
Lithuanian: α = .73, Spanish: α = .76), which shows considerably high internal reliability. Control variables. Three control variables were assessing participants’ age, time spent on SNSs and selfies taken per week. Time spent on social media was evaluated using the answers that indicated activity in various social media platforms: (1) “How many days per week do you connect to such social networking sites as Tumblr, Facebook, Pinterest, Instagram?” and (2) “Those days when you connect to such social networking sites as
Tumblr, Facebook, Pinterest, Instagram, approximately how many hours and minutes do you spend?”. Also, an open-ended question allowed participants to name different SNS than were mentioned in our survey. Answer categories for the first item were rated on a nine-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (= Never) to 9 (= Seven days per week). The second item was an open-ended question and was rated by filling hours and minutes per day spent using social media. These two items (days per week; hours and minutes per day) were multiplied to get the answers of how many hours were spent using social networking sites per week. The sum of items scores was used to form one scale. The following item measured selfies taken per week: “How many pictures of yourself have you taken during past week?”.
Data analysis
The data were analyzed using statistical package IBM SPSS 22. First, K-S-Test had significant results for the outcome variables selfies editing, posting and sending, which indicated that they were not normally distributed. Though, a graphic inspection of the skew and kurtosis showed that the distribution can be treated as normal for selfie-editing (z ≤ 3.29;
1
Scale was translated to Dutch and Lithuanian by native speakers research master student of communication science and the author of a current thesis.
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
N = 218) (Kim, 2013). In order to correct for the non-normal distributions, the bootstrapping was conducted for all dependent variables selfie-editing, selfie-posting, and selfie-sending.
Second, to test hypotheses of the current thesis (see Figure 1), 3 sets of hierarchical multiple regressions were conducted for gender (0 = male, 1 = female), gender-role beliefs, idiocentrism, allocentrism, age, time spent on social media, and selfies taken per week as independent variables and three different types of related behavior namely selfie-editing, selfie-posting and selfie-sending were separate dependent variables.
Third, we used the PROCESS macro with bootstrap intervals (1000 samples, N = 218) (Hayes, 2013) to test the potential mediating effect of appearance contingent self-worth in the anticipated relations between gender and selfie-editing, as well as gender-role beliefs and selfie-editing.
Results Descriptives and Intercorrelations
In Table 1, means, standard deviations and correlations for the study variables are presented. Emerging adults in our sample scored relatively high on idiocentrism with a mean of 5.53 (SD = 0.89), allocentrism with a mean of 5.73 (SD = 0.82) and appearance contingent self-worth with a reported mean of 4.70 (SD = 1.12). Selfie-related behavior selfie-editing and selfie-sending in the sample was not as frequent as expected with means of 2.21 (SD = 2.21) and 2.79 (SD = 1.79), respectively. Selfie-posting was also infrequent with a mean of 0.38 (SD = 1.04, min = 0, max = 8). On average, emerging adults reported consuming social media 18.91 hours per week and also took averagely 1.84 selfies per week.
As shown in Table 1, correlations detected between variables were ranging between weak (r = -.14, p < .05) to moderate (r = .40, p < .01). Selfie-editing was significantly related with gender, gender-role beliefs, and a control variable time spent on SNSs. Selfie-sending was correlated with a control variable selfies taken per week. What is more, selfie-sending was
Table 1
Means (standard deviations) and correlations between variables
Notes. *p < .05, **p < .01. aSNS time – time spent using social networking sites. bGender: Male = 0, Female = 1. cCSW – contingent self-worth.
Variable Means (SD) Correlations
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1. Age 24.34 (2.35) - -.12 -.09 -.20** .06 -.09 -.33** .07 .09 .13 -.12 2. SNS timea 18.91 (19.60) - .13 .21** .06 .32 .17* .00 -.11 .03 .03 3. Selfie taken/week 1.84 (4.54) - .04 28** .37** .08 -.00 .04 .08 .12 4. Selfie edited 2.21 (0.95) - .05 .13 .40** .19** -.01 .06 .22* 5. Selfie posted 0.38 (1.04) - .18** -.00 -.05 .06 .11 .03 6. Selfie sent 2.79 (1.30) - .01 -.14* .00 .13 .07 7. Genderb 36% male - .08 -.09 .05 .24**
8. Gender role beliefs 3.17 (1.24) - -.03 -.07 .03
9. Idiocentrism 5.53 (0.89) - .12 -.06
10. Allocentrism 5.73 (0.82) - -.10
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negatively related with gender-role beliefs. In addition, significant associations were found between selfie-posting and selfie-sending. The anticipated mediator variable appearance contingent self-worth was associated with the predictor gender and the outcome selfie-editing.
Predictors of selfie-related behavior
Social individual predictors: gender and gender-role beliefs. Hypotheses 1a, 1b, and 1c predicted that gender and gender-role beliefs were associated with editing, posting and sending pictures of self, respectively. To test whether these social individual predictors gender and gender-role beliefs were associated with selfie-related behavior, we conducted a hierarchical regression analysis (see Table 2) and also compared men and women. First, as expected in Hypothesis 1a, the main effect was observed for gender and selfie-editing. In addition, women were more likely (M = 2.51, SD = 0.91) to edit their selfies in comparison to men (M = 1.71, SD = 0.81). The results also showed that more frequent selfie-editing was predicted by stronger gender beliefs and time spent on SNSs (see Table 2). Therefore, Hypothesis 1a was supported.
Second, Table 2 depicts that neither gender, nor gender-role beliefs were significant predictors of selfie-posting. Thus, Hypothesis 1b was rejected.
Third, as assumed in Hypothesis 1c, it was expected to find the effect of gender and gender-role beliefs on selfie-sending. In turn, gender was not significantly associated with sending behavior. Though, stronger gender-role beliefs did approach significance as a predictor of selfie-sending. Interestingly, the regression showed that emerging adults with stronger gender-role beliefs were sending their selfies via messaging apps less frequently. Hypothesis 1c, on that account, was partially supported.
Table 2.
Summary of hierarchical regression analysis for gender, gender-role beliefs, idiocentrsim, allocentrism and appearance contingent self-worth as predictors of selfie-related behavior (N = 218)
Selfies edited Selfies posted Selfies sent
SEB b* SEB b* SEB b*
Age 0.03 -0.06 0.03 0.07 0.04 -0.10
SNS timea 0.00 0.16* 0.00 0.04 0.00 -0.02
Selfies taken 0.01 -0.03 0.02 0.27*** 0.02 0.36***
Genderb 0.13 0.32*** 0.16 -0.02 0.19 -0.07
Gender role beliefs 0.05 0.18** 0.06 -0.04 0.67 -0.14*
Idiocentrism 0.07 0.54 0.09 0.02 0.10 -0.16
Allocentrism 0.07 0.07 0.09 0.80 0.11 0.12
Appearance CSWc 0.05 0.14* 0.06 0.02 0.08 0.05
R2 .17 .01 .04
F 9.32*** 0.42 1.93*
Notes. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001. aSNS time = time spent using social networking sites.
b
Gender: male = 0, female = 1. cCSW = contingent self-worth.
Cultural predictors: Idiocentrism-Allocentrism. Hhypotheses 2a, 2b, and 2c were concerned with idiocentrism and allocentrism as predictive variables for all three selfie-related behavior namely selfie-editing, selfie-posting, and selfie-sending. It was, however, revealed that even though the models were significant predictors of both selfie-editing and selfie-sending, interactions between idiocentrism, allocentrism and selfie editing and sending were not significant. What is more, in the second set of regressions, which tested idiocentrism and allocentrism as predictors of selfie-posting, we did not find the significant model.
Therefore, in contrast to our expectations, emerging adults with higher scores in such characteristics of cultural identity as idiocentrism and allocentrism were not engaging in selfie-related behavior more frequently. On that account, H2a, H2b and H2c were rejected. Results of the regressions for cultural predictors are displayed in the Table 2.
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR Appearance contingent self-worth as mediator
Hypothesis 3 predicted the indirect effect of appearance contingent self-worth on the relationship between gender and selfie-editing. In the mediation model, the regression of gender on selfie-editing, ignoring the mediator appearance contingent self-worth, was significant, b* = 0.71, t(218) = 5.41, p < 0.001. It was further found that regression of the gender on the mediator, appearance contingent self-worth, was also significant, b* = 0.52, t(218) = 3.12, p < .01. Third, significant regression of appearance contingent self-worth on the outcome selfie-editing also approached significant b* = 0.11, t(218) = 2.13, p < .05, even when we controlled for gender.
Noteworthy, insignificance was found after a Sobel test was performed (z = 1.70; p = .90). However, the significant effect of the mediator to the gender on the selfie-editing was found with a point estimate of 0.06. Bias corrected and accelerated 95% confidence interval (BCa 95% CI) of 0.01 and 0.17. Consequently, it can be concluded that appearance
contingent self-worth partially mediated the relationship between gender and selfie-editing. Therefore, the Hypothesis 3 was supported.
Finally, since the mediated relationship was observed between gender and selfie-editing, we also looked at the differences among men and women. We found that those women who scored higher in appearance contingent self-worth were more likely to edit their selfies (b* = 0.18, t(140) = 2.14, p < .05), whereas for men this relationship was not
significant (b* = 0.08, t(78) = 0.65, p = .52).
Additional effects of control variables
In the conducted analyses, we controlled for age, time spent on SNS, and selfies taken per week. Age had no additional effect on selfie editing, posting, and sending. Time spent on SNS approached to be significant predictor of selfie-editing only, whereas selfies taken per
week was predicting selfie-sending behavior. What is more, when testing the mediator effect of appearance contingent self-worth on the relationship between gender and selfie-editing, additional effect (b* = 0.01, t(218) = 2.32, p < .05) was observed for time spent on SNS.
Summary of the significant results of the study is graphically presented in Figure 2.
Notes. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.
Figure 2
Summary of the significant relationships
Discussion
Although various studies already investigated online picture sharing (Emanuel et al., 2014; Eftekhar et al., 2014; Hunt et al., 2014; Long & Zhang, 2014; McAndrew & Jeong, 2012), onlyfew of them analyzed selfies particularly—pictures of one’s self, usually taken with a hand-held digital camera or a smartphone. Two recent studies on selfies (Fox & Rooney, 2015; Sorokowski et al., 2015) showed that women post more selfies than men and that when it came to men, selfie-editing and selfie-posting was predicted by such personality traits as psychopathy, narcissism, and the tendency to self-objectify.The purpose of this thesis was to study and broaden our knowledge of individual predictors and to include cultural predictors of selfie-related behavior. Selfie-related behavior was operationalized as selfie-editing by
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
using particular techniques, selfie-posting via social media, and selfie-sending to others via numerous messaging apps (see Figure 1).
The current research began by investigating how selfie-related behavior among emerging adults are predicted by gender and gender-role beliefs. In contrast to previous findings that profile pictures are more frequently edited by men than by women (see
Haferkamp et al., 2012), in the present study we found that when it comes to selfies, editing techniques as cropping, filters and photoshop are more frequently employed among women than men. As for other selfie-related behavior, selfie-posting and selfie-sending, gender was not a significant predictor. It is crucial to mention that other studies regarding online sharing found gender differences for both pictures in general (Rosen et al., 2010) and pictures of one’s self (Sorokowski et al., 2015). Thus, more research comparing selfie posting and sending among both men and women is needed.
Concerning gender-role beliefs, it was showed that these beliefs were related to both selfie-editing and selfie-sending. First, emerging adults who have stronger gender-role beliefs edited their selfies more frequently. This coheres to previous findings that men with stronger traditional gender-role beliefs tend to seek more masculine image (Ogletree et al., 2014), whereas women are more likely to internalize the idea of “what the perfect looks is” and objectify their body (see Mitchell, Petrie, Greenleaf, & Martin, 2012), which could possibly lead to more frequent selfie-editing too.
Second, our findings showed that emerging adults with stronger-gender role beliefs are less likely to send their selfies via various messaging apps. Thus, this is perhaps
unexpected since previous research has demonstrated that men with stronger gender-role beliefs engage in sexting behavior more frequently, which also included sending pictures (Ogletree et al.,2014). Referring to women, the negative relationship between rather
explained by the perception that sending selfies is to some extent vulgar and extravagant, and consequently does not contribute to the image of traditional women. Third, in contrast to our expectations, no noteworthy relationship between gender-role beliefs and selfie-posting was found.
Turning to the cultural predictors of selfie-related behavior, even though prior research found that idiocentristic and allocentristic individuals differ in audience-relevant online information sharing (Chen & Marcus, 2012), our findings about the relationships between cultural predictor idiocentrism-allocentrism and selfie-related behavior were not significant. It is also important to note, that internal reliability of the idiocentrism scale was considerably low for the Spanish sample (considered as collectivistic society), whereas Cronbach’s alpha of the allocentrism scale was low for Lithuanian samples (considered as individualistic society). In line with their study findings suggesting that members of
individualistic societies would rather post group pictures than pictures of themselves alone, Chen and Marcus (2012) note that modern generations might have perceptions that are inconsistent with what is considered in the theories of “West-individualistic” and “East-collectivistic”. Consequently, even though the current study was investigating personal individualism-collectivism concepts, namely idiocentrism-allocentrism, rather than focusing on the national level, the insignificant outcomes in the present analyses call for more research examining cultural identity with regards to selfie-editing, selfie-posting, and selfie-sending.
In the present study we also looked at the underlying psychological individual mechanism appearance contingent self-worth. It was expected to have indirect effect on the social individual predictors’ relationship to related behavior, and being precise – selfie-editing. Although appearance contingent self-worth did not mediate the relationship between gender-role beliefs and selfie-related behavior, the partial mediation was significant for gender and its relationship to selfie-editing. Thus, as mentioned, in comparison to men,
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
women tend to edit their selfies more; moreover, this relationship can be explained by appearance contingent self-worth for women, but not for men. Noteworthy, female tendency to edit pictures using filters, cropping, photoshop or similar programs can also be indirectly affected by other and in the current study not tested vulnerability factors such as
objectification (Stefanone et al., 2011), motivations for self-expression and self-presentation (Lalwani et al., 2006) or simply innovativeness – greater familiarity with modern
technologies and seeking to use them (House & Davis, 2005). Future research should investigate other indirect psychological individual differences that can also be related to selfie-editing.
Limitations and Future Research
As with all social scientific research, there are few limitations that need to be outlined to inspire future research. One limitation concerns our sample, which consisted of emerging adults. This applies especially when considering the rapid change in both technology and computer mediated communication in the past decade.Is important to take into account that modern technologies and social media are used differently and for different purposes by a 18-year-old when compared to a 30-18-year-old. Thus, with regards to the considerably new
phenomenon of the selfie, it would be useful to look at the sample of adolescents, for whom selfie as a form of the online self-presentation might be even more important than it is for emerging adults.
Another limitation is the operationalization of the selfie-related behavior: selfie editing, posting and sending. It might have been difficult to remember the exact numbers of both selfies taken and shared, as well as the frequency of using the editing techniques. Future studies rather than collecting data based on self-reporting, might make use of data collected through participants’ mobile phones or tracking their SNSs’ accounts (see Christensen, Barrett, Bliss, Lebo, & Kaschub, 2003; Scollon, Kim, & Diener, 2003). Moreover,
participants were asked about selfie-related behavior in the period of “the past week”, which is a considerably short amount of time for the selfie-related behavior to occur. It would be further recommendable to extend the one week period to a longer one. (Sorokowski et al., 2015)
Finally, this study is also limited in that it did not include profound analysis of emerging adults’ familiarity with the phenomenon of the selfie. In our study it was presented as a picture of one’s self, whereas, for example, Sorokowski et al. (2015) included such definitions as a group selfie, or a selfie with a romantic partner. Additionally, it is very possible that the picture of one’s self and its sharing on SNSs and via messaging apps can be perceived as narcissistic, ironic, and embarrassing, and so the issue of the answers affected by social desirability might have been present too. More so, Lalwani et al. (2006) suggested that often pictures are shared online with an intention to receive certain comments or “likes”. Future research may broaden the questions around selfie-related behavior including, for example, a feedback, which is received after posting or sending a selfie, and qualitative studies should be conducted in order to better understand the motivations of all three: editing, posting, and sending a selfie.
Conclusion
The findings of this study have important implications on the rapidly spreading digital communication phenomenon of selfies and its individual and cultural predictors. The current study shows that emerging adults in Western, Northern, and Southern Europe countries were both taking and editing selfies. To be precise, selfie editing was predicted by gender and role beliefs; whereas less frequent selfie-sending was predicted by stronger gender-role beliefs.
CULTURAL PREDICTORS OF SELFIE-RELATED BEHAVIOR
Essentially, this study presents new direction for the future research on photographic communication by investigating other psychological predictors of the selfie-related behavior in the context of modern perception of cultural differences.
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BEHAVIOR
Appendix A: Dutch Online Survey Hi!
Ik wil je graag van te voren bedanken voor je deelname aan het onderzoek voor mijn Communicatiewetenschappen Master scriptie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Deelname duurt maar een paar minuten, en voor mij als master student is het heel belangrijk om te kunnen slagen.
Met deze studie wil ik het “selfies” fenomeen onderzoeken. De vragenlijst bestaat uit drie delen, dus ik wil je vragen om alles te beantwoorden. Probeer eerlijke en spontane antwoorden te geven, en onthoud – er zijn geen goede of foute antwoorden. Jouw deelname is anoniem en je antwoorden zullen in geen enkel geval worden gedeeld met andere partijen.
Als je graag de uitkomsten van dit onderzoek wilt weten, laat dan alsjeblieft je e-mail adres achter aan het einde van de vragenlijst. Vriendelijke groet,
Ieva
Master student Entertainment Communication, University of Amsterdam ieva.dominaite@student.uva.nl
Als eerste, beantwoord alsjeblieft de volgende demografische vragen.
Q1
Geslacht
Man Vrouw
Q2
Leeftijd (gebruik alleen nummers):
Q3
Land
Nederland Litouwen Spanje
Q4
Nationaliteit (vul het ontbrekende aan): Deel één
Q5
Zit je op Tumblr, Pinterest, Facebook, Instagram of een andere profielsite? Je kunt hier meerdere antwoorden geven.
Nee Ja, Tumblr Ja, Pinterest
Ja, Facebook Ja, Instagram
Ja een andere profielsite, namelijk
Q6
Hoeveel dagen per week zit je op profielsites, zoals Tumblr, Pinterest, Facebook of Instagram of een andere profielsite? Nooit
Minder dan 1 dag per week 1 dag per week
2 dagen per week 3 dagen per week 4 dagen per week 5 dagen per week 6 dagen per week 7 dagen per week
Q7
Op de dagen dat ik op profielsites zit, doe ik dat:
Ongeveer: ... uur en ... minuten per dag (gebruik alleen nummers): Uur
Minuten
Q8
Hoeveel foto’s heb je de afgelopen week van jezelf ("selfie") gemaakt? (gebruik alleen nummers):
Q9
Hoeveel foto’s heb je in de afgelopen week van jezelf ("selfie") gemaakt én op een sociaal medium geplaatst? ? (gebruik alleen nummers):
Q10
Hoe vaak verstuur je foto's van jezelf via chat apps (zoals Whatsapp, Snapchat, Facebook messenger, iMessages, etc.)? Nooit Heel zelden Zelden Soms Vaak Q11
BEHAVIOR
Nooit Bijna nooit Soms Vaak Heel vaak
Foto’s bijsnijden zodat delen
van jezelf uit de foto verdwijnen
Fotofilters gebruiken
Het gebruiken van Photoshop of andere bewerkingssoftware/ programma’s
Deel twee
Bij een aantal vragen in dit onderzoek is het de bedoeling dat u uw mening zo goed mogelijk aangeeft op een schaal die uit 7 opties bestaat. Kies de meest geschikte voor u. Helemaal mee oneens Mee oneens Enigszins mee oneens Neutraal Enigszins
mee eens Mee eens
Helemaal mee eens Ik vertrouw liever op mijzelf dan
op anderen.
Mijn persoonlijkheid,
onafhankelijk van anderen, is heel belangrijk voor mij.
Als ik mezelf er aantrekkelijk uit
vind zien, voel ik me goed over mezelf.
Als een collega een prijs wint, zou
ik trots zijn.
Ik vertrouw meestal op mijzelf; ik
vertrouw zelden op anderen.
Mijn zelfvertrouwen is
onafhankelijk van hoe ik me voel over hoe mijn lichaam eruit ziet.
Ik ga vaak mijn eigen gang.
Het welzijn van collega’s vind ik
Mijn zelfvertrouwen wordt beïnvloed door hoe aantrekkelijk ik mijn gezicht of
gezichtskenmerken vind.
Plezier is voor mij tijd
doorbrengen met anderen.
Ik voel mij goed wanneer ik
samenwerk met anderen.
Mijn gevoel van eigenwaarde vermindert wanneer ik denk dat ik er niet goed uitzie.
Mijn zelfvertrouwen is niet
afhankelijk van het feit of ik mijzelf aantrekkelijk vind.
Je bent bijna klaar, alleen het laaste deel nog! Deel drie Helemaal mee oneens Mee oneens Enigszins mee oneens Neutraal Enigszins
mee eens Mee eens
Helemaal mee eens Het is oneerbiedig om te vloeken
in het bijzijn van een vrouw.
De man zou meestal het initiatief
in de verleiding moeten nemen.
Vrouwen moeten net zoveel seksuele vrijheid hebben als mannen.
Vrouwen met kinderen zouden
niet buitenshuis moeten werken als dit niet financieel noodzakelijk is.
BEHAVIOR
wettelijke aangelegenheden als wettelijke vertegenwoordigers van het gezin moeten worden gezien.
Met uitzondering van hele speciale omstandigheden, zou een man nooit moeten toestaan dat een vrouw de taxi betaalt, kaartjes koopt of een rekening betaalt.
Mannen zouden beleefdheden moeten blijven tonen naar vrouwen, zoals het openhouden van de deur of het helpen bij het uittrekken van haar jas.
Het is belachelijk voor een vrouw om een trein te besturen of voor een man om kleren te naaien.
Vrouwen zouden zich druk
moeten maken over hun verantwoordelijkheden als het krijgen van kinderen en het huishouden, in plaats van hun wensen voor een professionele carrière.
Vloeken en obsceniteit is meer afstotend in het taalgebruik van een vrouw dan in het taalgebruik van een man.
Het eind van de vragenlijst
Bedankt voor je deelname.
Appendix B: Lithuanian Online Survey Labas!
Iš anksto Tau dėkoju už dalyvavymą šiame tyrime, kurio duomenys bus panaudoti rašant mano baigiamąjį magistro darbą Amsterdamo universitete. Labai stipriai prisidėsi prie mano studijų baigimo, o anketos pildymas truks vos keletą minučių!
Šis tyrimas yra apie plačiai paplitusį "selfies" (arba "asmenukių") fenomeną. Anketa susideda iš trijų dalių, tad prašau būk atidus/atidi ir nepraleisk nei vienos iš jų. Atsakymus rekomenduoju pateikti spontaniškai ir nuoširdžiai - teisingų, ar neteisingų variantų nėra.
Užtikrinu, kad anketa yra anoniminė, ir jos rezultatai bus panaudoti tik moksliniams tikslams.
Dar kartą ačiū! Jei tave domina šio tyrimo rezultatai - nurodyk savo elektroninio pašto adresą tam skirtoje vietoje, ir jų sulauksi keleto mėnesių bėgyje! Linkėjimai,
Ieva
Master student Entertainment Communication, University of Amsterdam ieva.dominaite@student.uva.nl
Pirma, keletas demografinių klausimų apie tave:
Q1
Lytis
Vyras Moteris
Q2
Amžius (Įrašyk naudodamas/naudodama skaitmenis):
Q3
Šalis:
Lietuva Ispanija Nyderlandai
Q4
Tautybė (Įrašyk):
Q5
Ar turi susikūręs/susikūrusi tokių socialinių interneto tinklų paskyras kaip Tumblr, Pinterest, Facebook, Instagram? (Galimi keli atsakymo variantai). Ne
Taip, Tumblr Taip, Pinterest Taip, Facebook
BEHAVIOR Taip, Instagram Kita (Įrašykite)
Q6
Kiek dienų per savaitę prisijungi prie tokių socialinių interneto tinklų kaip Tumblr, Pinterest, Facebook, Instagram? Niekada
Rečiau nei vieną dieną per savaitę Vieną dieną per savaitę
Dvi dienas per savaitę Tris dienas per savaitę Keturias dienas per savaitę Penkias dienas per savaitę Šešias dienas per savaitę Septynias dienas per savaitę
Q7
Tomis dienomis kai prisijungi prie socialinių interneto tinklų, ten praleidi: Apytiksliai ... h ... min per dieną.
(Įrašyk naudodamas/naudodama skaitmenis): Valandos
Minutės
Q8
Kiek savo paties/pačios nuotraukų – asmenukių (ang. selfie) padarei per pastarąją savaitę? (Įrašyk naudodamas/naudodama skaitmenis).
Q9
Keliomis savo paties/pačios nuotraukomis - asmenukėmis (ang. selfie) pasidalinai socialiniuose interneto tinkluose per pastarąją savaitę? (Įrašyk naudodamas/naudodama skaitmenis).
Q10
Kaip dažnai siunti savo paties/pačios nuotraukas – asmenukes (ang. selfie) per tokias susirašinėjimo programas kaip Whatsapp, Snapchat, Facebook Messenger, iMessage ir
kt.?
Niekada Labai retai Retai
Kartais Dažnai
Q11
Kaip dažnai naudojiesi vienu iš žemiau nurodytų būdų, siekdamas/siekdama pakoreguoti savo išvaizdą nuotraukose, kuriomis pasidalini socialiniuose interneto tinkluose?
Niekada Beveik niekada Kartais Dažnai Labai dažnai
Nuotraukose save “apkarpai”
(ang. cropping).
Naudojiesi nuotraukų filtrais
(ang. filters).
Naudojiesi Photoshop ar kitomis nuotraukų redagavimo
programomis.
Antroji dalis. Atidžiai perskaityk klausimus ir pažymėk Tau labiausiai tinkantį atsakymo variantą.
Visiškai nesutinku Nesutinku Labiau nesutinku, nei sutinku Nei sutinku, nei nesutinku Labiau sutinku, nei nesutinku Sutinku Visiškai sutinku Aš verčiau kliaujuosi savimi, nei
kitais.
Man labai svarbus mano paties/pačios tapatumas, kuris nepriklauso nuo kitų.
Kai manau, jog atrodau
patrauklus/patraukli, jaučiuosi gerai dėl savęs.
Jausčiausi laimingas/laiminga,
jeigu mano darbo, mokslo, ar profesijos draugas gautų apdovanojimą.
