The shopping street : a public space or a gilded cage?

(1)

The shopping street: a public

space or a gilded cage?

Author:

Ruben van den Berg

11033002

rubenvandenberg@msn.com

Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tuna Tassan-Kok

Second reader: Ms C.W. (Ching Wen) Yang MSc.

Submission Date: 17 August 2017

University of Amsterdam

Graduate School of Social Sciences

(2)

*Gilded cage (noun):

A luxurious but restrictive environment (Oxford, 2010: 738).

(3)

1 Voorwoord

Voor u ligt de uiteindelijke versie van mijn masterscriptie ‘The shopping street: a public space or a gilded cage?’. Deze scriptie is geschreven als onderdeel van de master Urban and Regional Planning aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam, Faculteit der Maatschappij- en Gedragswetenschappen.

Tijdens dit leerzame proces heb ik met inspirerende en kennisrijke personen mogen spreken. Via deze weg wil ik graag de mensen in het zonnetje zetten die de tijd hebben genomen om mij te woord te staan. Jullie oprechtheid en eerlijkheid brachten mij nieuwe inzichten en kennis over het onderwerp. Tevens gaat mijn grote dank gaat uit naar Tuna Taşan-Kok voor haar begeleiding vanuit de Universiteit van Amsterdam. De begeleiding vormde een cruciaal en inspirerend onderdeel van mijn scriptie en heeft het onderzoek op koers gehouden om te komen tot dit eindresultaat.

En niet op de laatste plaats, hoewel ze hier als laatst genoemd worden, bedank ik mijn familie en vrienden voor hun onvoorwaardelijke geduld en steun. Zonder jullie was de kans groter dat ik in winkelstraten sliep dan dat ik deze onderzocht.

Tenslotte wens ik U net zoveel plezier bij het lezen als ik heb gehad bij het onderzoeken. Ruben van den Berg

(4)

2

3

5. Publicness in the streets 42

5.1 Publicness Beurstraverse 43 5.1.1 Control dimension 44 5.1.2 Civil dimension 47 5.1.3 Comfort dimension 48 5.1.4 Animation dimension 51 5.2 Publicness Beurstraverse 53 5.2.1 Control dimension 54 5.2.2 Civil dimension 55 5.2.3 Comfort dimension 56 5.2.4 Animation dimension 58

5.3 Street interviews Lijnbaan and Beurstraverse 59

6. Discussion 61

6.1 Main findings 62

6.2 Revisiting the research question 64

6.3 Methodological reflection 64

6.4 Limitations of the study 66

6.5 Recommendations future research 66

6.6 Policy recommendations 67

7. Appendices 68

A. Operationalisation of publicness 68

B. Observation schedule physical indicators publicness 70

C. Observation schedule stationary activity 73

D. Questionnaire interview Herman Kok 76

E. Translated questionnaire semi-structured street interviews 77

8. References 79

(6)

4 Introduction

1.1 Background of the study

‘You can measure the health of a city by the vitality and energy of its streets and public open spaces’ (William H. Whyte (1980).

[William H. Whyte, 1980]

Public spaces such as squares, parks and streets have sustained an important position in establishing urban livability, ranging from the ancient Agora to Avenue des Champs-Élysées in Paris. Public spaces are present in all parts of a city and have myriad functions as social, economic and political centers of cities (Akkar, 2003). As William Whyte has noted, it is the unique combination of these functions that draws us back to these spaces to ‘not escape the city, but to partake of it’ (Whyte, 1980: 100).

This research has been conducted against the background of the changing nature of urban public spaces. Since the early 1980s, public spaces have become an important element in city center redevelopment schemes. Most spaces have since been upgraded to serve as unique selling points in the midst of the inter-urban competition for visitors, residents and investments. Particularly de-industrialized cities are developing impressive shopping streets at the heart of the city, and high quality materials, artwork and design elements are enhancing the new aesthetics of shopping streets (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001; Akkar, 2003; Miles, 2010; Melik, 2008).

Besides making city centers more attractive, shopping has emerged as a means by which the private sector can strengthen its grip on public spaces (Akkar, 2005; Miles, 2010; Leong, 2001). Since former industrial cities are in need of generating new economic activity, the temptation to jointly develop public shopping spaces has sometimes become too strong for local governments and the private sector alike to resist (Madanipour 2003; Miles, 2010). Scholars have frequently hinted at the diminishing ‘publicness’ of public-privately developed spaces through their focus on profit rather than serving the public interest (Sorkin, 1992; Kohn, 2004). As most studies claim a progressive erosion of publicness, there remains need for an in-depth and systematic study of publicness. The present thesis contributes to this discussion in two ways. The first objective is to propose a new model which to assess the `publicness' of a specific typology: the shopping street. The second objective consists of the application of the proposed model to two adjacent shopping streets in the city center of Rotterdam: The Lijnbaan and Beurstraverse. This twin objective seeks to answer the following central research question: What is the publicness of shopping streets and how can we measure it?

(7)

5

1.2 Scope and objective of the study

The increasing importance of public space in cities is accompanied by attention to the ‘publicness’ of public spaces. A vast majority of publicness-related research concerns public spaces in general rather than a specific typology. The problem is that these approaches fail to take into account these differences, as public spaces can hardly be considered homogenous (Melik, 2008). In view of this, the decision was made to limit the thesis to one typology of public space: the shopping street.

1.3 Research question

What is the publicness of shopping streets and how can we measure it? Since the research question is relatively

unequivocal, there is no need for formulate subsidiary questions. Answering this involves three steps: (I) define the relation between shopping streets and publicness, (II) propose a framework to assess the publicness of a shopping street and (III) measure and visualise the publicness of two adjacent shopping streets in Rotterdam. 1.4 Thesis outline

The structure of this thesis is as follows: the current Chapter 1 provides an introduction to the thesis. Chapter 2, the literature review, starts with a conceptual framework which briefly explains the main concepts. It builds on the key concepts of public space and streets, publicness, consumption spaces and private-sector involvement in order to establish the theoretical framework, which the discussion of the main debates in the literature further supports. Chapter 3 highlights the methodological choices that have been made throughout this research. This chapter also addresses the research design and data collection methods. The chapter ends by operationalising the central concept, ‘publicness’, by providing an intermezzo between the literature and the fieldwork. Chapter 4 explores the spatial structure and policy of post-war Rotterdam with the development of the Beurstraverse and Lijnbaan. Chapter 5 more closely examines the publicness of the Beurstraverse and Lijnbaan and presents the findings of the empirically collected data. Chapter 6, the discussion, concludes the research with a revision of the research question, reflection on the research methods, a summary of key findings and recommendations for further research and policy.

(8)

6 Theoretical framework

2.1 Introduction: conceptual coherence

The introductory Chapter 1 has addressed various concepts. This introductory section of the theoretical framework briefly explains the selection of the key concepts. This is done to minimise the complexity and clarify the meaning and coherence of the concepts in the thesis. The adjacent conceptual model in Figure 2.1 illustrates this coherence.

Public space

The concept of public space is the starting point of the theoretical framework. From a physical perspective, public space refers to ‘all space in the spatial structure to which the public has visual and physical access at all times’. Such spaces can take many physical forms and support myriad social, cultural, relaxation and leisurely functions (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001; Staeheli and Mitchell, 2007).

Shopping streets

The concept of a shopping street is a combination of the concepts of ‘public space’ and ‘spaces for consumption’. From a typological public space perspective, streets are linear, narrow spaces which are embedded among buildings, connect various spaces and are surrounded by functions (Meyer et al, 2006: 96). A street can be categorised according to the dominant function of its surrounding space: living streets, shopping streets, boulevards and so on. A shopping street, as one of these embedded spaces, is predominantly surrounded by retail shops (Mehta, 2014). Apart from being a ‘space for consumption’, a shopping street is a place where public life unfolds; it is a place where people move, wander, meet and spend time with their relatives or friends.

Spaces for consumption

This concept concerns the consumption-based economic regeneration of post-industrial cities. As part of this process, public spaces have been transformed into consumable goods. Public space merged with retail and promotes private and corporate values, often at the expense of social values (Zukin, 1995; Miles, 2010).

Publicness

Publicness is the essence of public space and is related to accessibility, both physical and visual. It is ‘out there’, and is therefore measurable. Much Anglo-American literature has indicated that the intrusion of consumption and the resulting politics of fear and control have threatened the ‘publicness’ of public space (Sorkin 1992, Mitchell 1995, Zukin 2000; Akkar, 2003). The literature review on publicness resulted in the creation of a new measurement model, which is subsequently applied in the case study analysis.

2

(9)

7

2.2 Public space

‘Public space is not space in the city but the city itself’ (Brighenti, 2010: 25).

The academic literature has not provided a universal notion of public space. Public space is in fact a multifaceted concept with often-contradictory definitions. Staeheli and Mitchell (2007) have clarified the most important definitions of public space. They have analysed 218 journal articles and geographical books published between 1945 and 1998 (Figure 2.2). Most of this literature refers to the physical definition (37%) or views public space as a meeting place or place for interaction (27%). This is followed by public space as a site of negotiation, contestation or protest (23%). A number of definitions which are relevant for this research are discussed in greater detail.

Figure 2.2: Definitions of public space (Staeheli & Mitchell, 2007: 797).

Physical definition

The easiest way to define public space is in terms of its physical characteristics, such as streets, boulevards, parks or squares (Meyer, 2006). The physical forms of most public spaces derive from more practical purposes, e.g. streets for transportation or shopping and squares as market places (Gehl, 2000).

Accessibility and ownership

Public space is often referred to as space governed by the public sector. Hence, privately owned spaces that are accessible to the public qualify as public space, and those publicly owned spaces that are not accessible to the public do not. For the sake of this research, public space refers to accessibility rather than ownership.

Social meaning

Public space has always been a site for people to meet one another and exchange information about the city and society. Public space is home to the civitas, where fundamental civil values such as openness, equality and publicity can be expressed and important events can be staged, including coronations, processions, feasts, festivals, town meetings and executions, to mention just a few (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2000; Meyer et al, 2006; Zukin, 1995). Public space belongs to the public, is open and accessible to all, and is where difference is encountered and negotiated (Habermas et al 1974; VROM-raad, 2009).

(10)

8

Places of exchange relations (consumption)

Public spaces are key places where commercial activities unfold. Shops have generally been located close to prominent public spaces in order to benefit from their great traffic (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2000).

2.3 The shopping street as public space

‘Think of a city and what comes to mind? Its streets. If a city’s streets look interesting, the city looks interesting; if they look dull, the city looks dull’ (Jane Jacobs, 1961: 52).

The above quote from Jane Jacobs is not merely a metaphor; in most cities, streetscapes occupy over 50% of the land (Mehta, 2015). When mentally constructing an image of a city, people consider the linear paths, most often represented by streets, as one of the most critical elements (Lynch, 1960). Functions of the street do not centre solely around movement; they also present opportunities to meet people, which is a basic purpose of cities in any case (Jacobs, 1993). Carmona and others (2003: 111) have described streets as spaces accessible to all, constituting public space in its purest form, as well as places to see and be seen. William Whyte (1980) has observed that even when people in urban areas seek relaxation, they do not want a complete retreat and separation from city life. Rather, they desire activity and the presence of people. Besides their meeting, relaxation, and transportation functions, people also rely on streets as part of their leisure and shopping activities. Beyond their form and function, which predominantly support active and passive activities and behaviors, streets facilitate the development of sociability (Mehta, 2015; Jacobs, 1993).

Relation between shopping and streets

The relation between shopping and the city has a firmly established historical origin in the ancient Greek Agora, where the notion of Western public life emerged alongside the marketplace. To posit this earliest form of shopping is to define it as the gathering of people with the sole purpose of exchange. The relationship between shopping and the city has developed from shopping as a component of the city into shopping as the condition of urbanity (Mcmorrough, 2001).

Contemporary shopping streets are rooted in the shopping arcades of Europe. In 19th_{-century Paris, the French}

passage (shopping arcade) was the first intentionally planned public retail space (Meyer et al, 2006). Functioning

as an interior street, the French arcade formed a passage that connected previously separate parts of the city. Arcades were vital for shopping because they allowed pedestrians to finally traverse the city without the danger of other forms of traffic. As a connective element that is fully blended into the urban pattern, retail was instrumental in linking the experience of the city with the new experience of consumption. Inspired by the success of arcades, the first extensive efforts to built sidewalk systems emerged. After almost half a century of arcades, the pedestrian was reintroduced to the city street through the widespread construction of sidewalks. Through the sidewalk, the public space of cities employed the philosophy of arcades by becoming safe, pleasant and lined with shops. Having rendered the city safe for pedestrians, arcades were no longer necessary

(11)

9

and construction gradually stopped (Benjamin, 2002; Evers et al, 2011). New retail locations emerged along the boulevards, where the relationship between architecture and public space strengthened. Boulevards in British and European cities assumed an important role in city life: they became public places where people of all classes gathered and mixed, and cafes encouraged the observation of life in the street (Mcmorrough, 2001). Since the development of the modern shopping street, various public and private shopping typologies have arisen. In the evolution of shopping streets to new major retail developments, such as private shopping malls and department stores, the function of shopping as an urban, social and spatial connector started to diminish. New retail locations were designed with one single and highly specific objective: consumption and spending. As a result of this, shopping streets have lost their potential as public spaces. One of the most prominent advocates of shopping streets was Jane Jacobs. Jacobs was highly critical of strict spatial and functional separation between working, living and leisure because they induce a ‘barrier effect’ in the spatial structure. Planners and developers were quick to recognise the value of Jacobs’s new terms for describing a type of retail that is based not on the isolated, oasis-like experience of the mall but rather on the experience of the city. According to Jacobs’s ideas, shopping in an urban setting will not only become a method for economic renewal but also a means for cultivating a vibrant city life (Jacobs, 1961). In addition to the main reason of consuming goods and services, people also shop in order to stroll around and enjoy the city, watch other people, and meet and spend time with friends (Mehta, 2015; Tauber, 1972; Whyte, 1980). The presence of a variety of shops therefore makes streets attractive. Other establishments such as cafes and restaurants are meaningful and useful in attracting and retaining people on these streets (Whyte, 1980; Banarjee et al., 1996).

(12)

10

2.4 Spaces for Consumption

‘Our cities are what and where we consume’ (Miles, 2010: 1).

By the mid-1970s, the economic structure of many cities started to change rapidly. The weakening of the mass industrial sector gained momentum in the second half of the 20th_{century and affected the position of major}

industrial cities. Cities in the Western world were confronted with the impact of fleeing companies and inhabitants. Reasons why these areas became large cities in the 19th and early 20th centuries suddenly disappeared within a generation. Former industrial cities with no other sense of direction spiralled downwards in a vicious circle of decline. Many cities initiated a process of economic and cultural restructuring in order to fill the gap left by industry. Thus, post-industrial cities gradually shifted from ‘locations of production’ towards ‘spaces of consumption’ (Zukin, 1998; Miles, 2010; Jayne, 2006).

Cities have reoriented themselves towards different economic functions, notably the experience and consumption economies, in order to enhance their commercial appeal (Hall, 1997; Pine and Gilmore, 1999). The rationale has been to establish a certain image, which serves as a means of added economic and symbolic value by creating cities that become interesting places to visit and, most importantly, in which people consume. The mobility and freedom to visit places have resulted in an up-scaling and saturation of the market, thus necessitating cities to compete more expressly with each other. This stems from increased leisure time, rising incomes, advances in technology and the emergence of new capital sources. A city that wants to remain visible in a global consumerist world must offer a unique proposition: a range of experiences which distinguish it from other cities (Berci et al, 2002; Hannigan, 2003) (Figure 2.3). This development of consumption spaces is characterised by an exaggeration of the economic roles of public space due to the removal of social and political aspects of public space.

Architect Rem Koolhaas has claimed that 'shopping has come to colonise, even replace, almost every aspect of urban life’ (Miles, 2010: 98). The increased development of consumption spaces has taken many forms, such as malls, marketplaces, shopping streets and cafes, but is also evident in the consumption of places and culture, such as heritage precincts, museums, galleries and festivals. Hall (1997: 65) has mentioned that ‘places are now commodities to be produced and consumed’. In a certain sense, the popular focus on consumption and experiences of spaces is a concern for municipal

(13)

11

governments and entrepreneurs. The unstoppable demand for new and diverse experiences necessitates producers to continually update and revise their shopping experience. Nowadays, city centres are renovated every few years in response to new consumer preferences (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001).

Since former industrial cities are in need of this economic boost, the temptation of consumption (frequently masqueraded as culture) often becomes difficult to resist for policy makers, planners and private actors alike (Miles, 2010). The rise of these spaces is linked to the changing economic context of an ‘entrepreneurial city’ (Hannigan, 2003). Harvey has argued that the 1970s and 1980s were marked by a series of changes whereby ‘government’ was replaced by ‘governance’. As a counter to globalisation and deindustrialisation processes, cities have been urged to change their policy direction from ‘managerialism’ to ‘entrepreneurialism’ (Harvey, 1989). Managerialism is primarily focused on the local provision of facilities and services in the benefit of the urban population. Due to decentralisation, local governments have not been able to ‘manage’ urban developments as they did in the past and must pursue their own revenues in order to compensate for limited public resources.An entrepreneurial city tries to increase its attractiveness with explicit spatial and economic strategies through coalitions of public- and private-sector actors (Taşan-Kok; 2010). As a result, municipal governments no longer have the executive power to make urban planning decisions and instead must act as active negotiating partners. Public-private partnerships are both an unavoidable (due to diminishing state subsidies) and a favoured (through a belief of creating a more attractive city) part of an entrepreneurial city (Doucet, 2013). Leong (2001) has argued that shopping in particular has emerged as a medium through which the private sector has strengthened its grip on spaces, buildings, cities, activities and lives.

2.5 Private sector involvement in public space

The manner in which the private sector, new urban economies and 'neo-liberalism’ threaten or even dismantle the 'authenticity' of cities has often been a topic of discussion. Current trends in public space are marked by an increasing involvement of the private sector, which academics and planners alike have fiercely debated. The previously discussed literature regarding public space and streets has stressed the importance of physical and visual accessibility for all. Academics such as Sorkin (1992) and Kohn (2004) have interpreted private sector involvement as a threat to this accessibility and have agreed that private sector involvement is the ultimate form of public space decline, resulting in the accumulation of ‘themed spaces’. Themed public spaces refer to a broader trend of increasing entertainment and leisure functions in public space, supported by the growing number of events, shopping and sidewalk cafés (Melik, 2008). They have used phrases such as ‘the narrative of

loss’ and ‘the end of public space’ to illustrate a decline of public character due to increased regulation,

restriction and commercialisation. The French anthropologist Marc Augé (1992) has made an key addition to this stance. His main critique is the creation of a ‘fantasy world’ in which controlled and themed spaces substitute the democratic and spontaneous character of urban life. Instead, staged experiences replace social, cultural and historic values. These spaces have a high degree of functionalisation with the purpose of maximising the consumption experience. Augé has argued that newly developed public spaces, which often arise via private

(14)

12

sector involvement, lack true identity and are sites where social and historical relations are difficult to define. These spaces are generally private spaces and are therefore not public in a strict sense.

In nuancing the fear of privatisation, Van Melik (2008) and others have noted that public space cannot be placed only in a dichotomy of public or private. In addition, Hajer and Reijndorp (2001) have argued that the status of private or private – or commercial instead or common – does not automatically determine the spatial quality of a place or its potential role in the public domain. Academics such as De Magalhães and others (2002) have been more optimistic towards private involvement and have emphasised the possibility of creating new and improved public spaces. In order to gain the attention of consumers and investors, more entertaining and aesthetic public spaces have been developed (Melik, 2008). Also, Jager (2010) has argued that a number of other steps are possible between a total ‘sellout’ of public space to the private sector on the one hand and traditional public development and management on the other. A good example is the public Potters Fields Park in London. The park is managed by a non-for-profit Trust – the Potters Fields Park Trust. The dedicated Trust monetises the park by organising events and exploiting an ice-cream concession and café on site. The funds generated are ring-fenced to the upkeep of the park so that the public can see the direct benefit of them (Tighe, 2016).

2.6 Private sector involvement in shopping street development

An important feature of shopping space is the public space. The relationship between the two is more significant than it initially seems: open space offers a setting in which shops can present themselves (Goossens et al, 1995). Public space is generally the responsibility of the municipal government. In systematically planned shopping centres, the initiative that incites change begins with the owner of the complex. If there are multiple owners, the municipality usually initiates change. Either way, a successful conversion process requires consultation. The municipality invites the involved parties to serve on a planning team where, together with the initiator, they can exchange ideas that could benefit everyone. In most cases, owners and investors are interested in a higher return, and operators want to see an improvement in competitive position and earnings. The municipality, however, has a much broader range of objectives, ranging from the support of economic initiatives – with an aim to maintain facilities – to the simple beautification of open space or the improvement of mutual relationships between various parts of a (shopping) area. Since some interests carry more weight than others, the conversion process seldom runs smoothly in practice. For example, the owner with conversion plans has to convince his or her tenants that they will benefit (Goossens et al., 1995).

The most intensive form of collaboration, whereby risk are shared, is a public-private partnership. This form of development is often employed in complex situations which pose substantial financial risks. In such cases, the municipal government often works with more than one private actor. This form of development has also been used in the Beursplein (Stock Exchange Square) project. The municipality and private sector have collaborated closely on this project from the outset. Both parties wanted to boost the quality of the area, but the project

(15)

13

would not have been possible without collaboration. The new public space that resulted from this partnership comprises part of the complex development (Melik, 2008; Van Weesep et al, 2003).

2.7 Publicness, a four-dimensional concept

‘A city is not composed of absolutely public and private spaces. It is rather a composition of public and private spaces with different degrees of ‘publicness’ and ‘privateness’ (Akkar, 2005: 76).

Introduction

When observing spaces such as streets, squares or parks, they are automatically assumed to be public. However, when envisioning a garden surrounded by fences with a gate, or a house or building, it is considered to be a private space. The urban environment is not sharply divided into a dichotomy of public and private space; there are also spaces which are not absolutely public or private, e.g. a public university campus which is only used by the students and employees, a garden which is accessible only to those who pay the entrance fee or a park which is only open at certain times of the day. Therefore, the urban environment is arguably composed of public and private spaces with varying degrees of `publicness' (Akkar, 2003).

Ownership is often considered the defining criterion to order public spaces from publicly owned to privately owned (Staeheli and Mitchell 2008). However, the assessment of publicness based on ownership is too limited, as spaces with various levels of publicness can be privately managed (Németh and Schmidt, 2011). A more comprehensive definition must, as Németh and Schmidt (2011: 9) have argued, ‘involve multiple, interrelated definitions, in order to avoid the tendency either to create a list of desirable features or to reduce the concept to a single continuum’. Some studies have developed multidimensional definitions of publicness which have been analysed for the sake of conceptualisation of publicness. Many conceptualisations of publicness by the authors in Figure 2.4 exhibit numerous similarities or assign different labels to common concepts. First, each definition includes ‘ownership’ or ‘actors’ (Akkar, 2003) as one of the dimensions of publicness. Second, the way

Figure 2.4: Different multidimensional definitions of publicness per author.

Dimensions

Authors

• Ownership and

control

• Rights of acces

• Rights of use

˜

Varna and

Tiesdell (2014)

Schmidt (2011)

Németh and

(2008)

Melik

• Ownership

• Fear

• Fantasy

• Ownership

• Management

• Uses and Users

• Ownership

• Control

• Physical

configuration

• Animation

• Civility

De Magalhaes

(2010)

(16)

14

a space is controlled or managed is a key element. Melik and Varna have respectively labelled this ‘fear’ and ‘control’ to acknowledge the restrictive security measures in public spaces. A third component, which is most common, is accessibility (labelled ‘rights of access’ in De Magalhães’s terminology and ‘physical configuration’ by Varna and Tiesdell). This dimension includes not only whether a space is open to the public or not but also how much effort it takes to enter the place. A fourth dimension is the extent to which a place is designed for and used by different types of users; this relates to Melik’s notion of ‘fantasy’ and Varna and Tiesdell’s concept of animation.

The goal of this chapter is to establish a new multidimensional conceptualisation of publicness which is partially based on work of the analysed authors. The following three dimensions are selected: control, civility and

animation. The new conceptualisation contributes to the debate on publicness by adding a novel perspective: comfort. The comfort dimension focuses on whether a shopping street accommodates repose and if people like

to spend time in the public space. This has resulted in the final selection of following publicness dimensions:

control, civility, animation and comfort. Ownership, as the most straightforward element of publicness, is used

throughout the thesis as a case-study selection criterion rather than a dimension of publicness. This provides a better understanding of how private sector involvement affects the ‘publicness’ of such places.

Given this chapter’s desire to measure the publicness of shopping streets, its crucial challenge is to identify indicators in the literature for measuring publicness. Each subchapter ends with a short conclusion by addressing selected indicators and posing an ideal situation of publicness based on the literature review. This informs a model of the ideal publicness which is explained in chapter three.

(17)

15

2.7.1 Control dimension

Consumption focuses on a massive increase in positive places on the one hand and the massive avoidance of all kinds of negative influences on the other. When people go shopping, they want to be entertained and not alarmed. The implementation of control measures is driven by a call for safety, which has become a weighty topic in public space design and management. The academic literature refers to this as the ‘safety discourse’ (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001). There is also a broad consensus that ‘perceptions of personal safety are prerequisites for a vital and viable city’ (Oc and Tiesdell, 1999: 265). Although safety and perceptions of personal safety manifest in myriad ways, a negative connotation does harm to the publicness of a space. Therefore, both safety in statistics and public perceptions of safety are meaningful (Oc and Tiesdell, 1999). Other effects of control measures in public space are that such interventions can contribute to a feeling of paranoia by alerting visitors to the possibility of danger or can result in the exclusion of certain people (Atkinson, 2003; Carmona et al, 2013; Lofland, 1998; Whyte, 1988). Overall, control interventions can be categorised as

direct or indirect control measures (Loukaitou-Sideris and Banarjee, 1998). Direct control focuses on a variety of

CCTV (closed-circuit television) systems, private security and legal measures to restrict certain activities. Soft control measures are more embedded in the urban design and include sadistic street furniture or bans on food vendors.

CCTV in public space

It has become common practice in cities to use CCTV for controlling public places. The rationale behind surveillance in public space is that people behave better when they are under the constant fear of being watched, without knowing by whom and when (Koskela, 2003). The number of closed-circuit cameras is set to increase as a result of two trends: densification of cities and technological improvements. The United Kingdom is currently the most surveilled nation, with one surveillance camera per every 11 inhabitants (BSIA, 2013)., There is also frequent use of CCTV in the Netherlands, although not as intensely as in the United Kingdom. A survey of Dutch municipalities revealed that 72.7% of Dutch cities with over 100,000 inhabitants use CCTV in public space (Figure 2.5) (Schreijenberg et al. 2009).

Municipal size Cities with CCTV Cities without CCTV

0 – 50.000 inhabitants 50.000 – 100.000 inhabitants 100.000 – 150.000 inhabitants 150.000 – 200.000 inhabitants > 200.000 inhabitants Total 56 (17,9%) 20 (57,1%) 8 (72,7%) 6 (100%) 5 (100%) 95 (25,7%) 256 (82,1%) 15 (42,9%) 3 (27,3%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 274 (74,3%) Figure 2.5: CCTV use by municipal size (translation by author) (Schreijenberg et al. 2009: 5).

(18)

16

Figure 2.7: Listed rules in City Hall Park, New York (Kayden, 2016).

Research on the effect of CCTV on safety has yielded results that are mixed and difficult to measure. Overall, it can be concluded that CCTV can lead to a small reduction in crime. A study of 15 city centre projects in the United Kingdom noted a 10% crime reduction (College of policing, 2013). On the other hand, there is also evidence that CCTV geographically displaces crime to locations which are not under surveillance. This might trigger a growing need for CCTV which advances the dystopian view of a cityscape under complete CCTV surveillance (Koskela 2003; Raco 2003).

Ordinance

While the ‘electronic eye’ is on the rise, ‘eyes on the street’ by the means of police, town guards or private security officers remains relevant (Figure 2.6). The role of private security officers in public space has increased as governments have proceeded to delegate security tasks to the private sector. In public areas, however, only the designated authorities can provide instructions which citizens are obligated to follow and which may be enforced with violence. Private security officers are entitled to hold an offender until he or she is retrieved by the police. In privately owned public spaces, the owner can refuse access to a person who is unlawful or who does not adhere to the owner’s instructions and rules. Academics have raised concerns that private security officers will use their power to exclude ‘undesirable’ visitors, which could include the homeless, teenagers, the poor and other misfits (Mehta, 2014; Kohn, 2004).

Laws and rules of conduct

Another control indicator is the set of laws and rules which restrict certain use (Figure 2.7). Public space that is privately owned is subject to the rules of conduct as posed by the property owners, which are often inconsistent compared to the uniform rules in publicly owned spaces. The enforcement of rules restricts the rights that people have in public space and consequently erodes spatial justice (Kohn, 2004; Flusty, 1997). Regulation specifies how public spaces should be used or determines rules of access and acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. Listed rules are generally objective and often against actions such as sitting, skating, smoking or passing out of flyers without permission (Németh and Schmidt, 2011).

Figure 2.6: Private security official: Granary square, London (The Guardian, 2017).

(19)

17

Hostile architecture: Exclusionary design

Although the intent of a design is usually to make objects and environments more functional, comfortable and user-friendly, the exact opposite is occasionally true. Hostile architecture, also known as the ‘militarisation of urban space’ and ‘sadistic street furniture’, refers to direct and indirect design elements installed in spaces of public use which are made unusable for certain use or use by specific groups (Petty, 2016) (Figure 2.8). Direct hostile architecture can take many shapes, such as benches with minimal surface and uncomfortable sitting which make sleeping impossible, concrete and metal spikes to deter people from sitting, and trash bins to prevent people from taking garbage out

(Bergenhenegouwen and Van Weesep, 2003; Lofland, 1998). A common example of indirect hostile architecture is the design ‘stealthy spaces’. This type of space is difficult to find, and there is no signage or other design feature to indicate the entrance (Flusty, 1997: 18). The rationale behind these spaces is to be open but not overly welcoming. People who do know how to locate the public space are a selection of ‘desirable’ people who are not regarded as a threat to the security of the particular space. Although direct and indirect hostile interventions vary in form and most likely in effect, the purpose of such measures is to exert a form of disciplinary control over users of public and urban spaces (Petty, 2016).

Conclusion

The above discussion elaborates on the application of CCTV, ordinance, rules of behaviour and hostile architecture as tools for control. A more public street is one in which a safe environment is preserved without controlling the behaviour of visitors. Therefore, only ordinance under public jurisdiction is preferred. Building on this line of thought, an ideal shopping street would have an absent CCTV in the public domain, no additional rules, and no hostile architecture which limits the freedom of visitors without aiming at criminal offences. An excess of control measures can contribute to paranoid feelings by signalling possible danger or results in the exclusion of certain people and groups (Van Aalst and Van Liempt, 2012).

Indicators for control: • CCTV • Ordinance

• Laws and rules of conduct • Hostile architecture

Figure 2.8: Demonstration of sadistic street furniture discomfort, Rotterdam (Unpleasant Design, 2013).

(20)

18

Figure 2.9: Littered public space, Amsterdam.

2.7.2 Civil Dimension

The civil dimension of publicness is understood here as the way in which a space is cleaned and well cared for in order to establish a positive and inviting ambience. This concerns anything to ensure that public spaces are

schoon, heel en veilig (attractive, clean and safe) (VROM-raad, 2009). The ‘broken window’ theory of James

Wilson and George Kelling (1982) shares this concern. This theory suggests that low maintenance of spaces can trigger social disorder, which can result in a negative spiral of decline (Figure 2.9). In theory, low public space maintenance results in high levels of litter, which increases disorder and therefore encourages the willingness to litter (Gehl, 2010; Varna and Tiesdell, 2014).

Lighting of public spaces is a major component in creating and enhancing the civility and accessibility of shopping streets at night. Adequate lighting is essential in order for people to navigate safely through spaces, as it improves visibility and increases the amount of people within them. Lighting is closely related to the control dimension of publicness in that its goal is to intimidate undesirable groups, such as homeless people, and to discourage violence. This last effect is a strong theme in literature regarding the effects of street lighting. Recent British studies have evidenced that adequate lighting significantly reduces crime in public areas (Brandon et al, 2008). Street lightning can additionally come from shopping facades or establishments which are open late into the evening, such as restaurants, cafes and bars (Gehl, 2010).

Conclusion

Increased ‘publicness’ implies a space that appears spotless, tidy and well maintained. It is important to note that overly maintaining a public space decreases the publicness of that space. When spaces become too meticulous, they become predictable, and their attraction to the critical consumer diminishes (Varna and Tiesdell, 2014). Nevertheless, a good lighting scheme can improve the publicness of a space, especially for places involved in the evening economy of city centres. In short, an ideal public space would have moderate levels of maintenance, and the space must be well lit at night.

Indicators for civil:

• Maintenance • Lighting

(21)

19

2.7.3 Comfort dimension

According to Jan Gehl (2003) and William Whyte (1980), two experienced observers of urban life, comfort is a prerequisite of successful public spaces and more livable cities. Comfort essentially indicates the extent to which people repose in public space as well as the extent to which social contact can be stimulated between oneself and others. Comfortable space can be framed as the ‘living room’: a place where every city dweller can meet friends, family and strangers. Carmona et al. (2003) have nuanced comfort as based on three levels: physical (e.g. sufficient and comfortable seating), social (e.g. fostering engagement) and environmental (e.g. creating microclimates). The remainder of this subchapter discusses these three elements of comfort.

Seating

William Whyte (1980) and Jan Gehl (2014) have both noted that comfortable seating is one of the most important measures for the success of public space. In brief, despite the other aspects of a place that may promote human activity, people cannot repose in a space for long without seating (Figure 2.10). By adding seating, people can sit, talk, eat and drink in public space (Gehl, 2003). Such seating must all be available to the pubic without the requirement of food or beverage consumption. Public seating in streetscapes offers not only places for the public to sit but also reasons for people to stay on the street longer, which creates affordances for social interaction. It is relevant to mention that sitting spaces are not

designed as furniture per se, but could include places within a public space where people can sit such as steps, planters, walls and similar structures. Or, as William Whyte famously stated, ‘people tend to sit most where there are places to sit’ (Whyte, 1980: 28).

Engagement

Comfort can also facilitate an encounter with the space and the people within it. This can occur through both passive and active engagements (Carmona et al, 2003: 167). The most common form of passive engagement is ‘people-watching’, or watching other people and the life and activity that they bring (Whyte, 1980: 13). The most-used seating tends to overlook pedestrians, allowing people to watch without direct notice. In contrast, active engagement is focused on the direct interaction with the public space and the people using it. Carr et al. (1992: 119) has mentioned that although people find amusement in people-watching, others are more eager for direct contact, whether with family, friend or

strangers. An element for engagement stimulates contact between people and strangers. Opportunities for

Figure 2.10: Comfortable seating, Rotterdam.

(22)

20

both passive and active engagements include views, art installations and fountains (Figure 2.11).

Microclimates

Protection against adverse weather conditions, such as sunlight, temperatures, rain and wind, can invite and encourage people to spend more time in public space (Mehta, 2014). Sunlight and shelter are vital factors, as people prefer to use spaces in direct sunlight yet still protected from wind and rain (Mehta, 2014). Microclimates can be achieved through design or through the addition of vegetation and water (Figure 2.12). Besides providing contrast in a streetscape, trees also improve localised climatic conditions by offering shelter and shade. The type and intensity of measures corresponds with geographical location: places in warmer climates with intense levels of

sunshine develop a significant temperature difference between sunlight and shade, thus rendering shelter more relevant. Places in northern latitudes, such as the Netherlands, benefit more from protection against wind and cold in combination with increased access to sunlight (Shaftoe, 2008; Whyte, 1980; Mehta, 2014).

Conclusion

A comfortable space provides different opportunities for seating and varying forms of engagement. The availability of seating (e.g. logical location and regular interval) is considered positive for publicness. To meet the needs of diverse people, it is also imperative to incorporate opportunities for disengagement from social contact. This allows people to use and traverse the space without being constantly confronted by engagement, yet it still offers places for relation. The availability of microclimates is fundamental to foster activity and repose in public space. A comfortable microclimate achieves a harmony between wind and shelter, sun and shade, and heating and cooling. For example, a public space needs to have shaded and sheltered areas as well as sites where people can access sunlight. To conclude, a comfortable public space is about finding the right balance between comfort, functions and social contact, which share the common focus of extending people’s duration in public space.

Indicators for comfort:

• Seating • Engagement • Microclimates

(23)

21

2.7.4 Animation dimension

The verb ‘animate’ actually means ‘to give life’ and is regarded as positive in the context of public space (Smith, 2015). Functions attract people to public spaces and are arguably central to creating ambience and stimulating activity (Oldenburg, 1991). The increasing development of consumption spaces (Chapter 2.4) is apparent in the influx of organised events, fun shopping and refreshment consumption in and around shopping streets (Melik, 2008). Having an activity to do gives people a reason to visit a street – and to return (PPS, 2016). Animation also makes public spaces safer. High concentrations of people can make it more likely that offenders will be witnessed and captured, or even prevent crime (Tiesdell & Oc, 1998; Melik, 2008). Although stimulating animation attracts people, its danger is that the conflict between private and public space makes spaces more controlled e.g. by limiting certain users and increased security measures (Chapter 2.2).

Funshopping

‘Funshopping’ is the visit of several comparable shops for pleasure and entertainment, often accompanied by friends or family. A presence of fun shops enables shared use of streets. A main shopping street is essentially more public than a residential street because it is accessible to a larger and more diverse group of people (Mehta, 2015). The character of shopping streets in city centres is changing as ‘fun shops’ start to exceed the number of ‘run shops’ (e.g. shops for quick groceries and household shopping). This may result in commercial gentrification and thus squeezing out ‘run shops‘ and local retailers (Spierings, 2006).

Food and drink

Food and drink consumption attracts people to public space. Projects for Public Space (PPS, 2009) have even labelled food and drink vendors as ‘the caterers of a city’s outdoor life’. This stems from observations in New York, where vendors are located in all the liveliest places in cities. Streets vendors or take-away vendors are often surrounded by a crowd of people who are just standing, eating and schmoozing. Street vendors sometimes spread out tables and chairs in combination with coloured umbrellas, resulting in spontaneous and convivial places. Furthermore, public space with good provision of permanent eating facilities allows people to bring and consume their own food and beverages. Another alternative is eating and drinking facilities such as sidewalk cafes, bars and restaurants in streets where one needs to make a purchase in able

Figure 2.13: New Bond Street, London (Independent, 2015).

(24)

22

to sit and consume. One important element which relates to the civil dimension of publicness is the provision of suitable litter bins and their regular emptying. Public spaces can rapidly become unattractive when bins are overflowing or when discarded food and drink are littering the space (Shaftoe, 2008; PPS, 2016).

Events

Events can vary from large programmed events to micro-scale street events. When streets are sealed off for traffic and when daily uses give way to event uses, different public space use can be constructed. There are some notable examples where this occurs. During the summer, streets in London and New York are closed to traffic, transforming transport routes into sociable and festive spaces (Smith, 2016). Street events are a relatively easy and cost-efficient alternative to bring joy and delight with substantial social and democratic benefits (Shaftoe, 2008).

Conclusion

Lively public spaces are characterized by a range of animation functions which are accessible to a diverse group of people. Shopping streets with high levels of publicness are varied in function, with healthy commerce that can strengthen the image and identity of a city. Only a dominant presence of fun shopping in shopping streets promotes publicness. Although positive, it remains important to stay alert to the type of retail present in streets. Consumption of food and drinks are stimulus for publicness, especially when street vendors and comfortable places for people to consume their own food are available. The organisation of events improves the publicness unless accessible to all users, free from entrance fees and which engage with streets in a positive way.

Indicators for animation:

• Fun shops

• Food and beverage vendors • Events

(25)

23 Research design

Introduction

This chapter elaborates on the research method used during this thesis. It further discusses the research strategy of this thesis and clarifies the reasons for the selection of a case study approach. Second, it provides insight into the type of case study that this research conducts and justifies the choice to conduct research on multiple case studies. Third, this chapter focuses on the cases to be studied. It explains why the research was carried out in Rotterdam, provides details about the units of analysis of this research and discusses the number of cases required to produce compelling and robust research. Fourth, this chapter specifies the data collection methods of this thesis. It describes the collected datasets, the purpose of them and the two data sources that were used to collect each dataset. With regard to interviews, this chapter defines the aims of conducting interviews, the type of interview which was conducted, the concern of interview questions and the process of conducting interviews. As far as direct observation is concerned, this chapter explains how observations were carried out in this research.

3.1 Case study research

A case study approach is the research strategy of this study. As Yin (2014: 37) has stated, case study research is the favoured approach when a ‘who’, ‘what’, ‘where’, ‘how’ or ‘why’ type of research question is posed. The main research question of this study is formulated as follows: What is the publicness of shopping streets and

how can it be measured? In short, this research concerns a ‘what’ and `how' question. In view of this, case study

research is a suitable choice. Another reason for choosing a case study method relates to the phenomenon which this research examines. According to Yin (2014), the case study approach is preferred when researching a social phenomenon in a specific real-world situation. The aim of this present thesis is to investigate the ‘publicness’ of shopping streets, which thus focuses on a social phenomenon in a real-world situation. Third, a case study method is appropriate for this research because of the close relation between the investigated phenomenon and its context. A case study is a preferred research strategy when the phenomenon under examination can only be studied in context. This research investigates the phenomenon of the `publicness' of shopping streets in a spatial context of Rotterdam, the Netherlands. A full examination of the ‘publicness’ of shopping streets cannot be examined without consideration of the spatial context of Rotterdam, including regeneration strategies, projects and policies (Yin, 2014; Gillham, 2000).

3.1.1 Type of research

This research can be deemed explanatory. The selection of such a design was based on the purpose of the research, which seeks to propose and explain the causal relations between the `publicness' of a shopping street according to four variables (dimensions) – `control', `civil', ‘comfort’ and 'animation' – via the publicness model. This research recognises that public spaces constitute varying degrees of `publicness' and argues that the extent

(26)

24

of the `publicness' of shopping streets depends on these four variables, which are derived from the literature review (Yin, 2014: Bryman, 2012).

3.1.2 Multiple case study research

This research employs a multiple case study method for two reasons. According to Yin (2014: 87), the analytical conclusions originating from a multiple case study with two or more cases are more convincing. Another substantive reason is the purpose of this research. This research develops a new publicness model and subsequently uses it to measure the publicness of shopping streets. Therefore, this model must be tested by at least two cases, as limiting it to one particular case may result in less generalisable outcomes.

3.1.3 Selection of cases

Two shopping streets are examined during the case study. There are two major reasons behind the choice of two cases in this research. The first reason is that examining two cases allows for a more complex, detailed and in-depth analysis, and the second is the time limitation. The case study selection process is based on three criteria. The first selection criterion is that the two shopping streets are clustered. A cluster of two shopping streets is part of the same spatial context, so the same urban policy applies to both streets. Given their similar setting, any differences in publicness will most likely not relate to differences in spatial context or policy (Melik, 2008: 90). The second selection criterion is ownership. The literature review demonstrated that retail is essential for the involvement of the Dutch private sector in public space. An intrusion of the private sector is often linked to a loss of publicness. It is therefore relevant to compare a cluster of shopping streets with both public and private ownership. The third selection criterion is the spatial context. The city in which the streets are situated must have characteristics of a post-industrial city, where shopping streets are developed as a counteraction to deindustrialisation processes. According to these three criteria, the two shopping adjacent streets selected for the case study were the Lijnbaan (Figure 3.1) and Beurstraverse (Figure 3.2) shopping streets in the post-industrial city of Rotterdam (Figures 3.3 and 3.4). Chapter 4 explains the spatial structure of Rotterdam and the development of the Lijnbaan and Beurstraverse.

(27)

25

Figure 3.3: Map of Rotterdam with its city centre. Data source: OpenStreetMap (2017). Analysis by the author.

(28)

26

3.2 Data collection methods

The qualitative data collection process consists of the following elements: (I) literature review, (II) content and document analyses, (III) non-participant observations, (IV) semi-structured streets interviews and (V) one semi-structured expert interview. The remainder of Chapter 3.2 elaborates on the purpose of the selected data collection methods, and the model below (Figure 3.5) illustrates these applied methods.

Figure 3.5: Different data collection methods in the analysis.

3.2.1 Literature review

The literature review marked the beginning of the data collection process. For the review, a large number of academic articles were consulted. These articles have been crucial for understanding and assessing publicness through the previous work of academics such as Varna and Tiesdell (2014), Melik (2008), Nemeth and Smith, (2011) and De Magalhães (2010). This literature review also lay the groundwork for the establishment of a new publicness model. The list of consulted literature can be found in the reference list at the end of the thesis.

Analysis of publicness Theoretical framework Chapter 2 Development Lijnbaan Chapter 4.7 Structure Rotterdam Chapter 4.1 - 4.6 Development Beurstraverse Chapter 4.8 Control dimension Chapter 5.2.1 Chapter 5.3.1 Civility dimension Chapter 5.2.2 Chapter 5.3.2 Comfort dimension Chapter 5.2.3 Chapter 5.3.3 Animation dimension Chapter 5.2.4 Chapter 5.3.4 Non-participant observation Documentation of spatial characteristics Non-participant observation Observation of people and their

behaviour

Structured street interview Literature

review Document analysis expert interviewSemi-structured

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

(29)

27

3.2.2 Document analysis

Document analysis is a systematic procedure for reviewing or evaluating documents, including both printed and electronic (computer-based and Internet-transmitted) material (Bowen, 2009: 1). During the case study, multiple policy documents and other materials are reviewed. Much of this secondary data provides a rich understanding of the development of both shopping streets and Rotterdam’s spatial structure. To further assess the latter, municipal policy documents were analysed which document different spatial developments. Printed policy documents were obtained via the Dutch institute for architecture and urban development in Rotterdam (Het Nieuwe instituut). The consulted documents can be found in the reference list at the end of the thesis.

Figure 3.6: Different research methods per location. Data source: OpenStreetMap (2017). Analysis by the author.

3.2.3 Non-participant observation

Many renowned public space researchers, such as Jan Gehl (1971), Jane Jacobs (1961) and William H Whyte (1980), have extensively applied the observation research method. The Oxford English Dictionary defines observation as ‘accurate watching and noting of phenomena as they occur’, implying an unconstrained quality (Fowler et al, 1911; Hay et al, 2010). Observation can be classified in a dichotomy of participant and non-participant observation. Participant observation is a well-known method in social science whereby the researcher immerses himself or herself in the social setting and employs first-hand observation as the primary source of data. Participant observation is appropriate for investigating a social setting and observing the behaviour of a group of persons in that setting. In contrast, non-participant observation describes a situation in which the

(30)

28

researcher observes but does not participate in the social setting. Non-participant observations are usually structured types of observations (Hay et al, 2010; Bryman, 2012; Yin, 2014). The non-participant observation method was used for this research in order to identify the following:

• Physical indicators of publicness

Observations were used to document physical elements which indicate the publicness of shopping streets. The conclusions of the literature review on publicness mention such physical elements (Figure 3.6). In sum, the physical indicators of publicness served as a framework for the observations. The physical indicators were also mapped to show specific locations. The findings were subsequently digitalised, resulting in dimensional maps that informed the case-study analysis. The maps present the observed physical indicators per dimension.

Appendix B presents the observation schedule for the observation of physical indicators of publicness.

• Stationary activity

Non-participant observation was also used to gather data regarding the comfort and animation dimensions of publicness. For example, Carmona et al. (2003: 165) have noted that the duration of stay is an important indicator of public space comfort. In line with the findings of Carmona et al. (2003), observations were used to measure the stationary activity of participants. The developed framework measures the duration of stay in minutes, subsequently divided over six categories (Appendix C). The gathered quantitative data is visually presented in bar charts that were created in Microsoft Excel, with each bar representing a distinct time category (Figure 3.7). The animation of dimension was also taken into account during the observations by simply writing down whether participants were consuming; for this, the presence of food, drinks or shopping bags was an indicator of consumption. To allow for more in-depth observations, two research areas (one per shopping street) were selected. The two suitable research areas were selected based on test walks and the presence of street furniture (Figure 3.6).

The participant observation was conducted during three weekdays and one weekend day (Friday, July 7, 2017; Thursday, July 13, 2017; Wednesday, July 19, 2017; and Saturday, July 9, 2017). This resulted in a total of 10 hours of observation: exactly five hours on the Lijnbaan and five hours on the Beurstraverse.

(31)

29

During this time, 187 people were observed – 98 on the Lijnbaan and 89 on the Beurstraverse – and their stationary activity was measured. Appendix C contains the observation scheme.

3.2.4 Interviewing

There were two major goals for conducting interviews during this research. The first goal was to gather data on the complex public-private development process of the Beurstraverse (chapter 4.7.). The second goal was to gather data on the feelings, attitudes and perceptions of visitors of the Lijnbaan and Beurstraverse. This was focused more on the visitor’s perception of control measures, including the presence of CCTV and its influence. Obtaining information through interviews is a popular method in qualitative research and provides the opportunity to ask specific, detailed and occasionally sensitive questions. In a relatively short period of time, a large body of information can be collected (Hay, 2010; Hoggart et al, 2002).

• Semi-structured expert interview

The semi-structured interview was conducted with Heman Kok, International Research Director at Multi Corporation. This interview took place on April 10, 2017. Although other selected research methods are focused on the ‘frontstage’ (i.e. the use of public space), the semi-structured expert interview is related to the process and the private sector involvement in the Beurstraverse development: the so-called ‘backstage’ of public space research. The interview was constructed in a semi-structured form, which allows interviewees to have freedom in their responses and voluntarily offer information. Appendix D offers the original questionnaire in Dutch.

• On-site structured interviews

During the observations, once a better understanding of the publicness of both shopping streets was established, a series of on-site structured interviews were conducted with users of the Beurstraverse and Lijnbaan. On-site interviews with visitors are used to cite examples and not to generalise the public opinion. The sample of respondents was based on the participant’s willingness to participate. Choosing a structured interview is more convenient for comparing the answers of different respondents. It is therefore imperative to adhere to the wording and order of questions when conducting research via structured interviews (Bryman, 2012: 229; Yin, 2014). Although structured in nature, the interviews were conducted informally and without digital recording. The reason for such an interview approach was that most of the interviewees were not familiar with social research, and this may have helped to encourage freer communication. Key words were noted with pen and paper during the interviews and transcribed directly afterwards. This was not problematic since most of the interviews were short in duration. In total, nine visitors of the Lijnbaan and Beurstraverse as well as one private security guard of the Beurstraverse were interviewed.

The shopping street : a public space or a gilded cage?