Who Cares? Volunteers Negotiating Their Roles and Responsibilities in Providing Support
to Asylum Seekers and Refugees in the Netherlands
Master Thesis in the Master Program
International Migration and Intercultural Relations (IMIB): Erasmus Mundus Master in International Migration
and Social Cohesion (MISOCO)
By
Gerrianne Gerrita Maria Pennings
Supervisors:
Prof. Dr. Andreas Pott (University of Osnabrück)
Assoc. Professor Dr. Floris Vermeulen (University of Amsterdam) Dr. Gorka Urrutia Asua (University of Deusto)
2
Abstract
Volunteers are crucial actors in supporting refugees and asylum seekers, yet volunteers receive little attention in academia. In the Netherlands, there is a great willingness to provide support to asylum seekers and refugees. Although voluntary work tends to be rewarding and meaningful for both asylum seekers and volunteers, volunteers also face challenges in working with this vulnerable group. The aim of this study is to explore the position of volunteers in the asylum regime. The research question that guided this research is: How do volunteers negotiate their role and their responsibilities in providing support to asylum seekers and refugees? The main method used is semi-structured interviews with volunteers from various organisations. The findings show that voluntary work does not only have an impact on the asylum seekers and the individual volunteers, but also that volunteers become an integrated part of the asylum regime through which they contribute to civil society. In this process, volunteers are constantly renegotiating their role and responsibilities. This negotiation process takes places internally, but also in dialogue with other volunteers and actors in the asylum regime. It hopes to contribute to a better conceptual understanding of the position of volunteers in contact with asylum seekers and refugees in the Netherlands.
3
Table of Contents
1. Introduction ... 5
2.1 Development of the Voluntary Sector in the Dutch Welfare State ... 13
2.2. Volunteering in the Asylum Regime ... 16
2.3. Structure of the Asylum Regime ... 18
2.4. Negotiation Roles and Responsibilities... 22
2.5. Conclusion ... 25
3. Constructing Volunteering ... 27
3.1. Perceptions of volunteering ... 27
3.2. Motivations behind volunteering ... 34
3.3. Challenges ... 39
3.4. Conclusion ... 46
4. Negotiating Roles and Responsibilities ... 48
4.1. The Participants ... 48 4.2. Negotiating Roles ... 50 4.3. Negotiating Responsibilities ... 57 4.4. Conclusion ... 62 5. Conclusion ... 64 5.1 Discussion ... 64 5.2. Conclusion ... 71 Appendix ... 73 References ... 74
4
List of Abbreviations
COA Central Organ for reception of Asylum seekers IND Immigration and Naturalisation Services
UK United Kingdom
UWV Employee Insurance Services VWN Refugee Work the Netherlands
5 1. Introduction
1.1. Research Question
It is a Tuesday morning in February, halfway through the interview process. As I sit comfortably in Carmen’s living room with a cup of coffee, I explain her about my research topic. She listens, thinks for a second and the first thing that she says is:
“Sometimes you get the impression that volunteers are just doing something, but if you look closely they are the core of everything. If this core would fall away, the system would collapse. Then many services would not exist. The cohesion and the bridge between society and the asylum seekers would disappear forever” (Carmen, personal communication, 9 February 2016). 1
The feeling that Carmen expresses is not uncommon to most of the volunteers I have spoken to during the course of this research. All of them have a passion to contribute something to society, a practical mind set and loads of enthusiasm. However the voluntary sector does not only positively contribute to society. It is a sector that also faces challenges and has certain needs and problems. The individual volunteer might lose his or her agency and can get lost in the system. The topic of this research is to explore the roles and responsibilities of volunteers as an active actor in the Dutch asylum regime. The aim of the study is thus to answer the following research question: How do volunteers negotiate their role and their responsibilities in providing support to asylum seekers and refugees?
1.2. Societal and Academic Relevance
The aim of this research from a societal perspective is to provide support organisations that work with volunteers more insight into the negotiation processes of individual volunteers. The Netherlands has a culture of volunteering. There are few countries in the world where there
6
are so many local citizens active in sports associations, neighbourhood councils, interests groups and boards of countless other welfare organisations. Most of these organisations run completely on the basis of volunteers (Schuyt, 2001). Also in the context of asylum, many initiatives are based upon active volunteers. Along with the strong increase in asylum applications in the Netherlands, a strong increase in volunteers is seen. A recent article in a well-known newspaper reported about this increase with the headline: “For every refugee in the Netherlands there is a volunteer” (van der Velden, 2015). Organisations active in the realm of asylum are overwhelmed by the number of new volunteers that are willing to take on responsibilities to provide practical support. From a societal perspective, this increase is welcomed, but one has to be critical as well. Firstly, this increase creates challenges for voluntary organisations, as they might not be able to accommodate the needs of every volunteer in terms of training and assistance. Secondly, many volunteers tend to have an idealised picture of asylum seekers and refugees and thus might not realise the challenges of providing support and building relationships (Hollands, 2006). Therefore, this study might be helpful for volunteers to understand their role and responsibilities based upon experiences of others.
The most important academic aim of this study is to fill a gap in the literature. Within the Dutch asylum regime, the voluntary sector has a lot of potential as an effective and powerful actor. However in reality it does not seem to practice its agency within the wider structure. Yet very little has been researched about this actor in the asylum regime compared to the amount of studies about asylum policies, public opinions or studies from the perspective of asylum seekers and refugees. A limited number of empirical studies tend to focus either on the individual motivations of the volunteers or tend to investigate a singular case example of a certain project (Hollands, 2006; Smets & ten Kate, 2008; Wren, 2007). This research does not aim to disprove existing knowledge about volunteering with asylum seekers, but rather aims to add more supporting evidence. This study aims to connect the level of the individual volunteer
7
to the broader function of the voluntary sector in the asylum regime. It aims to explore the negotiation processes that volunteers experience and the roles and responsibilities that are constructed. This is a helpful and appropriate conceptual framework as it allows for investigation in the internal negotiation process, but mostly the interactions with other volunteers and other actors in the asylum regime. Using the concept of negotiation allows to better understand the boundaries in support provision both at the individual level as well as at the level of the asylum regime. This study will contribute to more knowledge and a better understanding about volunteers in the Dutch asylum regime.
1.3. Methodology
A sound methodology is the cornerstone of empirical research. In this section I will explain the rationale of specific procedures and steps in my research design. A qualitative design was chosen as the most appropriate approach to answer the central research question of this study, because the purpose behind qualitative research is to identity processes and understand the depth of an issue in its context (Hennink, Hutter, & Bailey, 2010). An ethnographic researcher needs to be aware of his or her own positionality. Before going into detail about the design, I will reflect upon my own positionality. Throughout this research I participated in volunteering activities outside my direct research scope. These participant observations and informal conversations were helpful during the interview process as I was able to identify with some of the experiences of volunteers. Snyder (2011) reflects upon a similar issue in her research and our positions are comparable to some extent. She describes herself as an outsider as she is not directly involved with most of the organisations that were part of her research, yet she also claims to be an insider because she identifies herself as a Christian that does volunteer activities with asylum seekers during her doctoral studies. In the case of Snyder (2011) it turns out not be problematic, but actually supports her ethnographic methodology. I was not directly involved with volunteering at the site of my fieldwork, but by
8
volunteering in a different context it was easier to identify with the participants and the issues raised during the interviews. In this research design I can draw a similar conclusion about my own positionality. As a volunteer I have always been open about my research to ensure that volunteers were informed about my research topic.
1.3.1. Design of the Study
This design of this study can be divided into three parts. During the first part the preparation of fieldwork was the key point of focus. During this stage I reviewed literature about volunteering in the context of asylum and developed the theoretical framework. Secondly, the fieldwork stage was prepared. Access to the field for recruiting participants was not problematic. My fieldwork focused on the volunteers active at one asylum seeker centre in the middle of the Netherlands. I contacted volunteer coordinators of several organisations that are active throughout the Netherlands to included volunteers from the most well-known support providing organisations in the Netherlands. I had done research prior to this thesis at this particular asylum seeker centre and therefore was already familiar with the context. Through existing networks I could interview volunteers I had previously worked with as well as include participants from other organisations, which resulted in a very diverse sample. Lastly, during the preparation phase I prepared an interview guide according to questions that arose from reviewing the literature.
During the second phase I conducted interviews with eleven volunteers or volunteer coordinators. Most of the volunteers represent an organisation. A few volunteers are not officially connected to an organisation and work independently. Many more volunteers contributed to this research through informal conversations and participants observations. The volunteers that were interviewed all have different tasks and responsibilities with a variety of organisations that are active in the asylum regime. Not only does this sample reflect a diverse
9
background in terms of organisational affiliation, but also in terms of social characteristics. The interviewees ranged in age between early twenties to late seventy. Both males and females were represented in this research. Within this sample different socio-economic and ethnic groups were presented. This sample included high-educated psychologists, teachers and social workers as well as students and people that are currently unemployed. All participants signed a letter of consent stating they agreed to the interview and agree to being recorded. Because of the recording I could be fully engaged in the conversation. I also took notes during the interviews. The interviews were semi-structured. With the interview guide I made sure that the most important questions were asked in every interview. The order of the questions was different in each interview, which created the opportunity to go into topics brought up by the participants. All interviews lasted between 45 minutes and 75 minutes. The interviews were conducted in Dutch. Most participants gave feedback at the end of the interview. In general they found it very comfortable and indicated they enjoyed the interview. Besides the level of comfort most participants also found it energizing and refreshing to reflect out loud upon their experiences. For example, it was found helpful to reflect upon questions that place their experiences in a broader academic and societal context. For others it was helpful to look for examples to illustrate rather abstract questions such as ‘how do you see your role?’ Participants expressed the wish to be informed about the final results, which will be made available to them through a Dutch summary. To ensure confidentiality and anonymity, pseudonyms are used throughout the research and any personal information, such as names of particular organisation or asylum seekers are not reported.
The third phase of this research focused on data analysis and writing. The interview were transcribed and coded. A set of deductive codes based upon the previous literature review and interview guide was used. Examples of such codes were role, responsibility or motivation. Throughout the coding more specific inductive codes were developed such as language barrier
10
as a sub code of challenges or professionalism as a sub code of responsibility. Based upon the results and outcomes of the interviews I went back to the literature to read more about specific themes such as challenges in volunteering or how roles are negotiated in other voluntary sectors.
1.3.2. Limitations of the Study
In every study there are decisions to be made and hurdles to overcome. In the following paragraphs a few limitations will be described followed by suggestions on how to improve. Firstly, although it was generally speaking not difficult to access the field based upon previous contacts as well as easily accessible contact information of volunteer coordinators, not every organisation working with volunteers is represented in this study. Since there are many organisational differences between the different organisations that work with volunteers, this could influence the results. Some organisations do not have any pre-entry requirements, whereas others work with formal contracts. However this research does not claim to be representative of all volunteers in the Netherlands. The aim is to show that regardless of the organisation a volunteer belongs to negotiation processes take place both internally and externally2.
In this case study most volunteers are active at the same location, however focused on different target groups ranging from children and teenagers to parents. At this particular centre a high number of asylum seekers have been in the Netherlands for years and have exhausted all legal remedies, thus their chances of receiving a refugee status are limited. Throughout the research it became clear that this has an influence on the perceived role of volunteers. However, there had recently also been an emergency shelter in the same city for refugees that have higher
2 In the quotations the names of specific organisations are not mentioned in order to maintain anonymity and
confidentiality. However, in some cases contextual information is relevant. In those cases, necessary information about the way an organisation is structured, is included in the analysis of the quotation.
11
chances on a successful asylum application. Most volunteers did not just work with asylum seekers at the centre but also have contacts with refugees at an emergency shelter or with a residence permit that are at the phase of integration3 in the Netherlands. Because volunteers reflected also upon these experiences and contacts, the effects of the particular context were minimized. However in an ideal situation, I would have been able to include interviews with volunteers active at different types of asylum seeker centres4.
Establishing report in an interview is crucial. In a few cases the participants shared sensitive stories and asked me not to use this information in my final analysis. I have respected these wishes. It showed the positive relationship of trust that I was able to establish with the participants in this research. In general these stories mentioned other actors in the asylum regime. This study only focused on the perspective of volunteers to limit the scope of the research. However the risk of this approach is that it loses the perspective of other actors and does not fully represent a realistic picture of the asylum regime.
1.4. Reading Guide
This research is divided into five chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. In this introduction the following topics are discussed: the research question and problem; the societal and academic relevance and the methodology of the study. The methodology includes an overview of the design of the study, explanation of the specific methods and the limitations of the study. The next chapters will each discuss a few sub questions to support the main question.
3 Integration is contested construct. Integration defined by scholars differs from policy objectives. When talking
about integration in this research, the official discourse is followed in which integration is seen as a one-way process in which the newcomer has the full responsibility of adaption to the Dutch society (Vasta, 2007). From an academic perspective, this would be defined as assimilationist approach to integration (Duyvendak & Scholten, 2011).
4 According to official legal definitions, asylum seekers are foreigners that have filed an asylum claim. If a
claim for an asylum status is rejected and no new appeal is made to the courts, an asylum seeker becomes an illegal immigrant. If asylum is granted, the person receives the status of refugee and a (temporary) residence permit. A refugee does not have full citizenship yet, after successful integration a refugee can become a naturalised Dutch citizen (IND, n.d.).
12
The second chapter discusses the contextual background as well as the conceptual framework. The central question discussed is what is the role of the voluntary sector within the asylum regime in the Netherlands? This chapter gives an overview of the voluntary sector and its development, the structuration of the asylum regime and summarizes what has been written previously about volunteering with asylum seekers in the Netherlands. The chapter ends with reviewing the concept negotiation. The third chapter takes the perspective of the individual volunteer and answers the question how volunteers understand practicing support to asylum seekers and refugees. It discusses their perceptions of volunteering as well as motivations and challenges. This chapter is supported by a critical reflection of literature on volunteering from other contexts as well as interview data. The fourth chapter presents the central analysis of the negotiation of roles and responsibilities. Four participants are chosen as the main unit of analysis to understand the negotiation processes at work. Roles and responsibilities are discussed separately based upon themes that emerged from the data. The fifth and last chapter discusses the final results and answers the main research question to reach a final conclusion.
13 2. Voluntary Sector in the Dutch Asylum Regime
In order to understand how volunteers negotiate their role and responsibilities and the interactions with asylum seekers and refugees, one needs to understand the context of the relationship. This chapter starts with an overview of how the voluntary sector developed followed by its relation to the welfare state. It is followed by a background on volunteering in the specific context of the asylum regime. After this introduction, a brief overview will be given of the asylum system in the Netherlands. Lastly, the concept of negotiation is explained. I argue why this is a relevant concept to use in order to gain knowledge about the dynamics of the asylum regime in the Netherlands and review literature on volunteering that uses the same conceptual approach.
2.1 Development of the Voluntary Sector in the Dutch Welfare State
“The classical welfare state is changing slowly but surely into a participation society. Everyone who is able is asked to take responsibility for his or her own life and surroundings” (Movisie, 2015).
These words were part of the annual throne speech of the king in 2013 through which the government presents its annual plans. The term ‘participation society’ is not new, yet only after 2013 it became part of a collective discourse (Movisie, 2015). As the state has taken over more and more responsibilities of providing for elderly and other groups that are in need of care, costs have risen as well. A welfare state can be defined as a “form of social structure whereby a free market economy and a pluralistic democratic political structure guarantee a certain welfare for the population” (Schuyt, 2001, p. 39). Now the welfare state is under pressure, forms of active citizenship are reinvented. Before the government started subsidizing various kinds of support, private initiatives were the key actors with the undisputed responsibility of care (Dekker, 2004). These private initiatives started to emerge in the
14
nineteenth century and were divided along religious lines. This system of social stratification is called ‘pillarization’. Since the Reformation, the Netherlands has been religiously divided, nonetheless pillarization had its strongest hold between 1920 and 1960 (Dekker, 2004). The largest denominational blocs, Roman Catholic, Neo-Calvinist and Liberal Protestant, each made up for one of the pillar as well as the Humanists and other secular groups. Every pillar had its own political parties, trade unions, educational systems, newspapers, radio stations, sport organizations as well as health and welfare agencies (Kramer, 1981). Before the first law on welfare benefits for elderly was established in 1956, families together with the religious community were the principal support providers.
State support through subsidies only started to develop after World War II, mainly due to the ideological reasons behind the system of pillarization. Before, the role of the government was limited to setting minimum standards to guarantee a basic quality of, for example, education and health care (Kramer, 1981). Because of the structure of pillarization in which private initiatives play a key role, there was a strong sense of local autonomy in which what we would call now, volunteerism, was the standard. A voluntary organisation can be defined as “an organisation voluntarily organised by individuals to serve some collective purpose” (Steimel, 2011, p. 30). In the late sixties, criticism on this system of vertical pluralism increased. The social networks that constructed the base of the pillarization system slowly became less and less relevant (Dekker, 2004). Secularisation started to evolve and simultaneously a call for a stronger central government emerged. A protestant mayor said: “it’s no longer the family or the congregation of Christ that provides the necessary support, but the town hall” (van Bergen, 2014, p. 230). When the pillarization structure slowly crumbled down in the sixties, policies and laws on welfare provision became part of the responsibility of the central government (Kramer, 1981).
15
Even though the main responsibility of care shifted to the central government, volunteers in non-profit organisations remained very active. In the mid-nineties, the Netherlands had a very large number of volunteers and employees active in the non-profit sector compared to the rest of Western Europe and other developed states (Burger et al., 1999). This seems to be contradicting the hypothesis of Putnam. He argues that in the short term, increased diversity as well as economic growth will lead to a decline in social capital. People will be less engaged with voluntary organisations as a result (Putnam, 2007). However, since 2000, the outstanding position of the Netherlands seems to have disappeared. Knulst and van Eijck (2006) looked at the decrease in volunteering. One exception is the participation among the population of 60 years and older. There is a correlation between age and religious affiliation. Older generations were brought up in a religious context where commitment to your community through the private initiatives was the spine of society. The younger generations grew up in an era of de-pillarization and decrease of ideology in which there is no longer a pre-determined social group to identify with (Knulst & van Eijck, 2006). Although, the welfare state has taken over the provision of care, it has not made the contribution of families, churches and private organizations redundant. Schuyt (2001) argues that the relationships between the government, primary social units (family, relatives and friends), social midfield (churches, private initiatives, voluntary organisations and foundations) and the market change as the welfare state keeps on changing. Internationally, the voluntary sector is growing again in importance, which impacts the relationship of this sector with the state (Hogg & Baines, 2011). The state does an appeal to the voluntary sector to become an ever more important stakeholder in the participation society. However, as they review the changes in the UK they express their concern about how the voluntary sector can stay true to their values. Hogg and Baines (2011) argue that unequal partnerships might arise in which the distinctiveness of each individual volunteer is threatened, because the sector has to confirm more and more to business principles.
16
The voluntary sector increases its role in public service delivery, meanwhile the stakeholder ambiguity increases as well. This ambiguity refers to “the lack of clear-cut differentiation between the various roles of employer, employee, provider, recipient, volunteer and others” (Hogg & Baines, 2011, p. 346). A study by Redekop (1986) looked at the relationship between voluntary agencies and government actors in the health care sector of the UK. Although cooperation between these actors is often very difficult and should be treated with great delicacy, a well-established relationship can have benefits for both sides. Examples that are applicable to other context as well are: the relationship with the community that a government representative can maintain through voluntary agencies and the other way around, voluntary agencies gain promotional and funding opportunities through government participation (Redekop, 1986).
2.2. Volunteering in the Asylum Regime
The role of volunteers is often left ambivalent and neglected in academic literature. But across Europe, volunteers are playing a crucial role in filling gaps left by governments and large aid organisations in the current refugee crisis. For example at the Greek island Lesbos, one the main gateways into Europe, many volunteers bring relief but also are the source of new tensions (Stevis, 2015). In the media a large increase of volunteers is reported. For every asylum seeker in the Netherlands a new volunteer is signing up with one of the various NGOs active in the realm of supporting refugees and asylum seekers (NOS, 2015; van der Velden, 2015). A study in Germany reported an increase of 70 % percent of volunteering registered with established organisations over the last few years. This study also reported on the demographics and motivations of volunteering. The main results showed that most volunteers are young, educated women. In Germany the activities that volunteers take on are mostly related to assisting in the asylum procedures, translation as well as actually running the aid organisations (Karakayali & Kleist, 2015). In the Netherlands, there are no recent studies that
17
give a complete overview of the characteristics of volunteers, however it is known that around 7000 volunteers are active for Refugee Work the Netherlands [VWN] alone. This organisation assists refugees and asylum seekers at every stage of the procedure until integration into the Dutch society (VWN, n.d.). Central Organ for reception of Asylum seekers [COA] receives many applications for volunteering and uses volunteers in assisting with language classes, activities for the inhabitants of the centres as well as connecting asylum seekers to the surroundings of the centre (COA, n.d.). The increasing numbers can be explained by three factors: knowledge, ability and desire (van der Velden, 2015). Gaining knowledge about during the refugee crisis is inevitable, because asylum seeker centres and emergency shelters are in the direct surroundings of the population and media frames cases influencing political agendas as well as citizens (Dekker & Scholten, 2015). Because refugees and asylum seekers are already present, the ability to help has a low threshold. Lastly, the desire to help can be explained by a “historical genetic deviation in the Dutch making them willing to help” (van der Velden, 2015). Each volunteer helps in his or her own way, which is highly dependent on the type of organisation that volunteers are affiliated with. Support provision is therefore defined as an inclusive concept containing all forms of support, ranging from practical support in terms of financial or material goods, but also includes time investment as well as emotional support.
Besides willingness of volunteers to support asylum seekers, it can be argued that support provision by volunteers fill in gaps, as asylum seekers are not regarded as citizens and thus are not fully part of the welfare system. After the regularized guest worker programs in the seventies ended, the numbers of asylum applications went up. The popular argument that the welfare systems have a magnet function for migrants, including asylum seekers, led to stricter migration policies. However, Sciortino (2004) points to a wide range of studies that have shown that immigrants do not only contribute to the welfare system by paying taxes, but also that the migration regime and welfare system are strongly linked. Western European states
18
became more involved in providing welfare benefits for its own citizens while restricting opportunities for asylum seekers, refugees and other migrants (Sciortino, 2004). Although in theory welfare policies and asylum policies seem to be two separate policy fields, the reality is very blurred. The policy areas are seen as separate because welfare policies apply to only to citizens. Asylum seekers are not considered citizens as long as they do not have a refugee status and thus are not entitled to welfare benefits (Ghorashi, 2005). As soon as asylum seekers receive a refugee status, they become part of the welfare system. Yet even at this point, refugees are not full citizens until they naturalize. Their position and entitlement depends on the type of welfare system and how citizenship is determined, thus the specific conditions differ per country according to Sainsbury (2006). Until 1987, the Dutch government did not provide organized shelter for asylum seekers during their asylum procedure. Mainly through the help of volunteers, asylum seekers were able to take care of themselves (Ten Holder, 2012). But also after 1987, volunteers played a crucial role in providing support to asylum seekers (Hollands, 2006; Ten Holder, 2012). Even though the government takes care of the basic needs of asylum seekers, the policies of service provision are still require to be self-reliant (Koser, 1997; Smets & ten Kate, 2008). Bloch and Schuster (2002) argue that in strong welfare states, asylum seekers are being driven back on to voluntary bodies and community organisations as they find themselves excluded from statutory welfare provision or are only provided with minimum support under unacceptable conditions. To conclude, gaps in welfare provision left by bureaucratic government agencies have a potential to be filled by organized and well-funded networks of voluntary organisations, who could be “a potent agent of change and welfare provision” (Hayes, Humphries, & Cohen, 2004, p. 122).
2.3. Structure of the Asylum Regime
When aiming to understand the position of volunteers in the asylum regime, it is crucial to use a conceptual lens that can include volunteers as an actor. Rules and norms around asylum
19
are not only made by policy makers, but influenced by public debate. At the moment this results in fueling fear, rather than providing strong, sustainable solutions (Tillie, 2013). Daily lives of asylum seekers are determined by restricting policies. A regime perspective helps to understand how rules and norms are acted out. Tsianos and Karakayali provide a useful definition of a regime:
“Regimes are defined as institutionalized forms of behaviour in the handling of conflict that are guided by norms and rules” (2010, p. 375).
This particular definition has three elements: institutionalized forms of behaviour, handling of conflict and the guiding of norms and rules. In order to discuss the most important aspects of the asylum regime in the Netherlands in a systematized way, these three elements are used to guide this overview.
2.3.1. Institutionalized Forms of Behaviour
If it were not for asylum seekers, the asylum regime would not exist. In the Netherlands, there are various institutions that carry out a specific task within the asylum procedure. Each institution thus carries responsibility for its own aspects of the procedure. I will not go into each institution and its ‘behaviour’ in detail, but I will focus on those actors that are dealing with asylum seekers who are in their procedure and currently living in asylum seeker centres, because this is the group that volunteers are mostly in contact with. There are various actors involved with handling asylum procedures. First of all, the Immigration and Naturalisation Service [IND] handles the asylum claim and has the decision-making power in the asylum procedure. The second institution is COA. This organisation is in charge of providing the basic needs of shelter and assistance of asylum seekers during the asylum procedure (Ten Holder, 2012). Besides these two important organisations that control the waiting time during the procedure, other organisations such as health care organisations, schools and NGOs are
20
involved. These actors could be indicated as ‘street-level bureaucrats’ (Geuijen, 1998, p. 264). The various actors internationalise rules and regulations into patterns of behaviour that can lead to conflict between the asylum seeker and the care giving institutions (Geuijen, 1998).
2.3.2. Handling of Conflict
The second part of the definition refers to handling conflict. Regime analysis thus assumes there is a certain tension or conflict present that needs to be dealt with. Tsianos and Karakayali (2010) do not give a clear definition of conflict, but they seem to make an implicit connection between social conflict and concrete social relations. Although Tsianos and Karakayali (2010) use regime analysis in the context of borders, in this research it is applied to the Dutch asylum regime. Just like borders are contested, the reception of asylum seekers is seen as problematic. Therefore, a regime approach can also be applied in the context of asylum. Asylum is problematized, because there seems to be a discrepancy between political discourse and the morality of providing asylum. The asylum regime has become stricter, but various scholars question whether this approach is sustainable (Koser, 2001; Levy, 2005; Duyvendak & Scholten, 2011; Vasta, 2007). This discrepancy is faced daily by ‘street-level bureaucrats’, when general policies fail to meet the needs of asylum seekers (Geuijen, 1998). In order to understand the way in which these institutions behave it is important to understand the different levels at which they operate. At the higher levels of governance in the Netherlands, Scholten (2015) argues that there is a political and administrative failure in dealing with asylum. He argues that this fiasco has not just appeared overnight, but has gradually developed. Many of these challenges are a result of the discrepancy between daily practices and policies. In handling this form of conflict, employees of COA or other street-level bureaucrats develop coping strategies. Examples of such strategies are increasing one’s workload, creating distance in their work environment and blaming higher authorities (Geuijen, 1998).
21 2.3.3. Guiding of norms and rules
How institutions behave and how conflicts are handled is guided and shaped by norms and rules. A norm is understood as a standard or common principle, rules on the other hand are a more explicit set of regulations to govern the conduct in a particular area. The norm behind asylum policies is to provide ‘strict, yet humane’ asylum (Geuijen, 1998; Ten Holder, 2012; Smets & ten Kate, 2008; Koser, 1997). Whereas the Netherlands used to be known for its open asylum policy and strong focus on multiculturalism, an extreme shift in tolerance has changed the policies and practices of the Dutch government drastically (Entzinger, 2006; Vasta, 2007). I focus on the main regulations that influence living at asylum-seeker centres and also have direct or indirect effects on volunteers. Smets and Ten Kate argue that:
“The daily lives of asylum seekers are largely determined by the demands and the restrictions that are imposed on them as part of the asylum procedure” (2008, p. 327). One only has to read through the brochure ‘New in the Netherlands’ to get a sense of the rules that are posed upon asylum seekers and refugees. The discourse of this brochure is quite direct and puts strong emphasis on which requirements newcomers are obliged to fulfil (Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 2014). An example of such a restriction would be that asylum seekers are not allowed to work. Asylum seekers are not to expect to integrate and cannot provide in their own living, but at the moment they receive a refugee status, refugees are expected to become well-integrated citizens as soon as possible (Smets & ten Kate, 2008). Another example is that children can go to school, but for anyone else opportunities to follow educational programs or learn Dutch are limited. Here volunteers often tend to fill in gaps by organising activities for asylum seekers. Social networks in the host society serve adaptive purpose (Koser, 1997). Volunteers also have to find ways in order to discover what the rules are and how to act according to the rules in the system. One of the participants, Elisabeth, describes an example of paying for travel costs for one of her contacts. Many volunteers wish
22
to remain distant from the official authorities at the centres, however Elisabeth decided to figure out the exact rules and made an appointment with a COA staff member to find out who is responsible for reimbursing travel costs. The rule about mobility has far stressing consequences for asylum seekers in restricting their daily life. This restriction of mobility depends on the type of centre in which asylum seekers are placed and can range from fulltime detention to having to report to the authorities once a week. As a response to the institutionalized rules at asylum seeker centres, asylum seekers develop ways to handle their situation. Geuijen (1998) summarizes these into three coping strategies: asylum seekers find activities which are allowed (volunteering or practicing sports) to develop social contacts, other asylum seekers tend to develop an apathy which is often related to mental health issues or asylum seekers develop behavioural problems which tend to be disturbing the environment of the asylum seeker centres. To conclude, asylum seekers can be considered a vulnerable group based upon the stressful experiences that newcomers go through. Although shaped by different rules and norms in their home countries, they are forced to adapt to new environments (Drachman, 2014).
2.4. Negotiation Roles and Responsibilities
Regime analysis is useful to look at the position of volunteers in the asylum regime. However, the research question focuses on the process of how volunteers claim their position. A critique on regime analysis is that is a too state-centred and static concept. It undervalues the dynamic of bargaining actors (Strange, 1982). Yet regime analysis has evolved into a perspective that allows space for conflict and negotiation according to Casas-Cortes et al., (2015). They argue that humanitarian actors play an increasingly important role in analysing regimes. The concept negotiation is not only used in regime analysis in order to understand how actors act and handle conflict. Negotiation theory has many applications and the act of negotiation takes place in boardrooms, lunchrooms and perhaps even in the bedroom according to Thompson (2006). It goes beyond the scope of this study to review the whole body of
23
literature on negotiation theory. The term negotiation means to give and take, an act that produces value. Negotiation is not just an individual process, but in order to understand the process of bargaining, one needs to take into account the social context of a phenomena (Kramer & Messick, 1995). In the context of studying forms of work, Meerts defines negotiation as “an activity by those who are free to choose their ways, in contrast to those who are force to repeat the same act all the time in order to create quantities instead of qualities. ‘Work’ instead of ‘labour’ (2006, p. 341). Negotiation theory stems from economic theory and one of the underlying assumptions is that actors are rational decision-makers. Precisely for these reasons, negotiation theory is criticised. Instrumentalism has become a very pervasive underlying assumption in which people are seen as rational individuals who behave in ways only to promote self-interest (Ingerson, DeTienne, & Liljenquist, 2015). Recent scholars have focused on the relational aspects of negotiation, which is an approach that I find much more applicable to the asylum regime. Relational negotiators are defined by Ingerson et al. as:
“Agents embedded in a system of relationships, who are motivated to understand and advance the welfare of others” (2015, p. 37).
One of the reasons I find the relational approach to negotiation more applicable is because it leaves room for the unequal power balance that might be present amongst actors in the asylum regime. Rather than focusing on the outcomes of the negotiation process, relational negotiation puts emphasis on the nature of the relationship. This is the key in understanding the roles and responsibilities of volunteers. A good example is a study by Walton et al. (2011) on the role of nurses focusing on the relational aspects of negotiating. According to the authors, nurses go through several phases starting as ‘feeling like an imposter’ to ‘professionalization’. Although these phases are developed in the field of nursing based upon a grounded theory approach, the study shows how role development through the lens of negotiation can support conceptual theory development. More concretely, it shows that negotiating once role happens
24
in a relational context rather than just internally (Walton, Chute, & Ball, 2011). Also in the field of migration studies, negotiation has been used as a concept to study identify transformation. Rabiskowska (2010) argues that constructing one’s identity is always an unfinished project. Whereas Giddens proposed a dichotomy between closed traditional communities and open modern societies, the author argues that Polish immigrants overcome this dichotomy by continuously transforming their identities based upon individual and group actions (Rabikowska, 2010).
The conceptual approach of negotiation is also used in studies on volunteering. The process of negotiation is crucial according to Campbell (2010). The position of the voluntary sector is not always clear-cut. Social identities are never solid, but always change according to the circumstances. Her auto-ethnography describes who she had to find her position as a new volunteer in a context where identities of others were already clearly defined. She concludes that allowing for negotiation can lead to more effective use of volunteers within the network as well as more acceptance amongst volunteers. A recent study by Tornes and Kramer looked at how episodic volunteers5 learn their roles (2015). They define roles as consisting of ‘content’ by what organisational members do and ‘processes by how they do it (Tornes & Kramer, 2015). The authors explain how role negotiation is both an internal as well as an external process is. They argue through their research that negotiation as a volunteer includes the following aspects: choosing roles and attempts to be influential. The first aspect describes how many volunteers were under the impression of having freedom to choose their own role and the second aspect refers to the attempt to change their situations. In this research many volunteers were not satisfied with the tasks assigned and felt shut down by the staff members. In this particular case there was little room for role negotiations. The authors argue that the volunteers
5 Episodic volunteers are defined as individuals who volunteer one time or at periodic intervals (Tornes &
25
that did engage in role negotiation were more able to find satisfying roles and would identify stronger with the organisation (Tornes & Kramer, 2015). In the light of regime analysis, these volunteers thus comply with the institutionalized forms of behaviour and minimize conflict through their negotiations.
Not many studies look at the concept of negotiation in the context of the asylum regime. In the asylum regime, many actors play a role and carry responsibilities. Therefore negotiation theories can be very useful in understanding the positions of various actors. A study on refugee women in the United Kingdom [UK] describes their disadvantaged position. These women would like to be “accepted as equals, but are treated as strangers” (Tomlinson & Frances, 2010). But through negotiation and practicing their agency within limited possibilities, the women are able to create identities of belonging. Lastly, I would like to discuss a study by Steimel (2011). She shows through her data that the voluntary organisations in charge of refugee resettlement have a different position towards the government actors compared to the negotiation that volunteers might face in interacting with asylum seekers. She builds her research on the basis of tension-focused communication theories. She concludes that a volunteer can be in conflict with policies that are put in place, while cooperating with other volunteers and experience a close cohesion with asylum seekers at the same time.
2.5. Conclusion
The aim to this chapter was to provide a contextual background and a conceptual framework in which volunteering with asylum seekers and refugees will be further analysed. It has been shown that the voluntary sector has been undergoing many changes during the last century. Before the Dutch welfare state became the most important care provider, private initiatives were responsible for care provision. These private initiatives based upon pillarization, a system of social stratification based upon ideology. This system functioned well on the basis of voluntary work. The government’s role was to provide the legal framework.
26
However, due to secularisation the religious institutions lost power and the government took over the responsibility of care provision. The voluntary sector thus retracted from the central position it used to have. Volunteers however remained active in the Netherlands, for example in providing support to asylum seekers and refugees before there were well-established asylum policies. Currently, a new phase has arrived in which the welfare state is crumbling down and active citizenship is reinvented. Especially in the context of asylum seekers and refugees, new volunteers are attracted. They are also necessary as asylum seekers and refugees do not have the same rights in terms of welfare compared to Dutch citizens. This is further explained by looking at the asylum regime in the Netherlands, which can be described as ‘strict, yet humane’. Basic support is given to asylum seekers and refugees, yet much self-reliance is expected. Volunteers play a crucial role in filling in gaps, as has been shown by studies in other countries such as the UK. The chapter ends by explaining how the position of volunteers can be understood by looking at the negotiation processes at work. In the following chapters, further elaborations will follow about how volunteers can be seen as relational negotiators, motivated to advance the welfare of asylum seekers and refugees.
27 3. Constructing Volunteering
The previous chapter described the context of volunteers in the Dutch asylum system. Firstly, this chapter discusses the first results of interviewing volunteers from different organisations and backgrounds. On a more abstract level, this chapter questions the definitions and perceptions of volunteering. Secondly, it is important to get to know the motivations that drive volunteers before understanding their roles and responsibilities. This chapter goes into the challenges that volunteers face in their activities and how they deal with these issues. The aim is to understand how volunteers construct volunteering and how volunteers negotiate internally between motivation and challenges.
3.1. Perceptions of volunteering
The previous chapter provided a contextual background about volunteering in the context of the asylum regime. An underlying assumption is a general understanding of what volunteering means. This paragraph aims to deconstruct the definition of volunteering by analysing the perceptions of the participants. Everyone has a basic understanding of what volunteering entails and what volunteers do, namely a certain activity for someone else without getting reimbursed in the form of payment. Although there is a basic understanding of what volunteering is, this section will break down the premises of volunteering. Wilson (2000) defines volunteering as any activity in which time is given freely to benefit another person, group or organisation. More precise and well-known definition comes from Tilly and Tilly (1994) for example, who define volunteer work as unpaid work without contractual, familial or friendship obligations. This conceptualisation does not include the informal aspects of volunteering. The definition by Wilson (2000) creates space to discuss the role of motivation, social context and the individual experiences. Because of the diversity of definitions in the field of sociology and to understand how participants perceive volunteering, the participants were asked to give their own definition. The responses were quite diverse and will be discussed in
28
detail, however the overall results fit well with the broad definition of Wilson (2000). Almost all participants indicated that volunteering is about doing something for another without expecting something in return. In every definition given there is an element of altruism. Many definitions refer to helping another person or doing something good in the world. The word ‘vrijwillig’ (voluntary) in Dutch can be literally translated with the words ‘free willing’. It is a choice to be a volunteer, regardless of the activity, the organisation or the target group one works with. Sandra expresses this in her definition, combined with her motivation:
“I think that voluntary work is about doing something good without expecting something in return. … It’s about the satisfaction that you get from it. You can choose to do it or not, but it has a lot to do with satisfaction and wanting to change something in this world. Wanting to help people” (Sandra, personal communication, 25 February 2016).
The way relationships are build and how personal the connections are is different for each individual. A few volunteers shy away from using the word ‘work’. They argue it is purely about building relationships. Other participants refrain from building friendships and choose to see their voluntary activities as work.6 Wilson (2000) argues in favour of more detailed theory development that looks at specific activities and activities within the voluntary sector, because only a general definition will not do justice to the reality. Another helpful definition is given by Wilson and Musick (1997), which is based upon the following three premises: volunteer work is productive, involves collective action and consists of ethical relationships. I use the conceptualisation of Wilson and Musick (1997), because they include informal acts
6 In theories on work, there is a discussion on whether informal work, such as volunteering, fits into the same
conceptual framework as formal work. Taylor (2004) acknowledges this issue in her research and
reconceptualises work. In her framework she distinguishes between three dimensions: paid and unpaid, public and private and formal and informal work. This framework is useful when one looks at the structure of the labour market and the place of voluntary work. I will not go into this aspect further although it should be acknowledged.
29
into their definition. These three premises will be discussed in the context of definitions given by participants.
3.1.1. Productivity in Volunteering
Firstly, Wilson and Musick (1997) argue that volunteer work is much like paid work and therefore they argue that volunteering is productive. I am critical of using the word ‘productivity’, because I do not believe that volunteers frame their work in terms of outcomes and economic success, which is what the word productivity implies. In this sample, only a few participants see their voluntary activities as an addition or replacement of formal work. Kimberly explains this by pointing to the responsibility one has in dealing with people that have traumas. She points to her background in psychiatry, which helps her to have a professional take on her contact with asylum seekers even though she says she is always just herself:
“I am not a social worker, here I am Kimberly. I try to let go of my professional side” (personal communication, 5 February 2016).
So even though Kimberly sees her tasks as work, she acknowledges that she has a different position compared to professionals. She thinks that a new volunteer should have certain qualifications similar to professionals, but Kimberly acknowledges the difficulty of negotiating between a formal and informal approach. Wilson and Musick (1997) make a clear point in saying that certain qualifications are needed, much like in any paid profession. A study on Norwegian volunteers indicated what qualifications a volunteer working with asylum seekers should have, for example: being patient, involved in society, tolerant, attentive, showing humility, decency, being respectful, dedicated and creative (Bø, 2008). Some other studies discuss similar issues and frame these qualifications as ‘professionalism’ (Price, 2002; Findlay, Fyfe, & Stewart, 2007; Field-Richards & Arthur, 2012). Seeing volunteers as
30
professionals has advantages because it might secure their position, however it might also be seen as a threat to paid workers.
Every organisation has its own structure of selecting volunteers. In some cases a volunteer goes through a hiring process similar to any kind of paid profession, while in other cases the volunteer becomes active on an individual basis. The participants in this research come from a variety of backgrounds and work for different organisations. However, almost all volunteers have an opinion about needing certain qualifications. One of the remarkable observations that volunteers brought up in the interviews was that many newcomers step in with some clear conditions. Volunteering with refugees and asylum seekers is a hype and people would like to be involved, but only on the certain days and times that they can make it and they would rather not do administrative work. Two volunteers that are active as coordinators indicate that it is important that volunteers realise what this type of volunteering entails and how you build healthy relationships with people from a different cultural background. The aspect of being a relatively strong and balanced person yourself is brought up by several volunteers. Nienke is one of the volunteers that emphasises building relationships with asylum seekers and refugees. However, she also points to the dangers and challenges:
“Of course you have people that are mentally unstable. They do this [volunteering] just to boost their self-esteem, to feel better. But you have to keep in mind that refugees are vulnerable people. It could be problematic to connect them with people that are vulnerable themselves” (Nienke, personal communication, 4 February 2016). 7 When I asked about how organisations or coordinators should deal with the issue of selection, many volunteers indicated that providing information is important as well as getting
31
to know the volunteer. It is important to learn about what motivates and drives a volunteer to become active.
3.1.2. Individual and Collective Identity
Supporting new volunteers is crucial according to the participants and in line with the argumentation of Wilson and Musick (1997).Volunteering is not merely an individual act or encounter. All of the volunteers I spoke with work together with other volunteers in teams or know other volunteers through personal networks. I believe it is very important to be aware which unit of analysis scholars use. However, volunteers are often part of organisational structures. In many studies these structures are indicated as ‘networks’ (Hollands, 2006; Wren, 2007; Findlay, Fyfe, & Stewart, 2007; Bø, 2008; Hustinx & Handy, 2009; Smets & ten Kate, 2008). In general, a volunteer is seen as an actor with agency within the larger structure of asylum. A study by Hustinx and Handy (2009) looked at the tensions and questions of belonging that might rise in a large volunteering network. This study shows the complex interplay of attachment to the central organisation and its local parts. Many of the organisations in this research have similar hierarchical structures. Although volunteers tend to adhere to the overall mission of the organisation, loyalty and satisfaction are strongly linked to the individual and local volunteer experiences (Hustinx & Handy, 2009). In a case study on support networks in Glasgow, Wren discusses network structures, which might be unclear and not transparent (2004; 2007). In this case, concerns are raised about the role and responsibilities of some support agencies. Many of these concerns come from frustrations that arise in interactions between various actors in the asylum regime (Wren, 2004).
3.1.3. Relationships between Actors
The contextual background in chapter two about the Dutch asylum regime briefly described the relationships between various actors. In this section two relationship are examined in detail with the input of the participants. Firstly, the relationship between
32
volunteers and the government and secondly on the relationship between volunteers and asylum seekers are reviewed. Wilson and Musick (1997) refer to ethical relationships. In the case of contact with government agencies, this happens often through representative of the voluntary networks. This refers to the organisational level discussed in the previous section. The studies that look at the relationships between asylum seekers and volunteers discuss this is in most cases at the individual level.
Civil society actors are acknowledged, although in reality that does not mean that the relationship is always recognized fully, which became clear through speaking with volunteers that are in charge of coordinating the local networks of volunteers. One of them explained how the relationship between the organisation and COA can be tense:
“I am not that often in touch with COA. We work past each other. … They seem like nice people to me who want to do the right thing but are bound to rules themselves. I think volunteers should not go against them, but have to take a position of listening and they should try to keep the conversation going” (Daan, personal communication, 10 February 2016).
Also individual volunteers problematize the relationship with government actors. Carmen describes a similar tension she experiences:
“I would like to tackle everything totally different. But that is not possible, because COA has clear rules. You can’t do everything you want. That makes sense to me. There needs to be a clear policy on who enters the centre. But if people want to support the inhabitants and they would like to be supported. I come here voluntary, but I can’t do anything” (personal communication, 9 February 2016).
Volunteers, such as Daan and Carmen, have to internalise the rules and norms of the asylum regime in order to prevent conflict. A studies on the voluntary sector in the UK that did
33
focus specifically on asylum seekers and refugees concluded that a strong relationship with the state does not influence the type of activities that voluntary organisations engage with, but there seemed to be a clear impact on the way these activities were carried out and the underlying policies (Findlay, Fyfe, & Stewart, 2007; Redekop, 1986; Hogg & Baines, 2011). Many voluntary organisations have to negotiate in order to collaborate with established actors such as COA or IND without creating conflicts. These types of external negotiations are exercised by the individual volunteers.
The second and perhaps most important relationship is the one between volunteers and the asylum seekers or refugees. Ethical relationships need time to grow and develop. It is through the process of building ethical relationships with asylum seekers and refugees that volunteers develop their perception of what volunteering means. The first question that should be answered is how interaction comes into being. One of the volunteers I interviewed explained how interaction starts with being active, rather than with a conversation:
“We started with playing football. Getting the boys to play along. Just be present at the asylum seeker centre. When they showed some interest, we invited them to join us outside the context of the centre. We went to the forest or rented a community centre” (Kimberly, personal communication, 5 February 2016).
Activities are a centre of attention according to Bø (2008). In her study on the interactions between volunteers and asylum seekers playing sports, such as football, are critical in forming connections. Focusing on activities seem to be a successful way to start a relationship because they allow communication without conversation in a situation where there might be a language barrier and most importantly, they allow everyone to be themselves. Once relationships start to form and volunteers and asylum seekers get to know each other, interactions become more personal. This individual connection is the core of voluntary work
34
for many volunteers. One of the volunteers argued from the perspective of the other, in this case the asylum seekers she worked with. She says:
“The foundation is that you do everything not from within yourself, but from within the other as your point of departure. What does the other need? Ask what the other needs. Don’t have an attitude that shows you know exactly how everything works. You really have to do it together. Move with the pace of the other person” (Carmen, personal communication, 9 February 2016).
A few authors reflect upon this sense of unity and solidarity or simply point to the fact that both actors seem to benefit from the relationship (Hollands, 2006; Butler, 2005; Smets & ten Kate, 2008). This could be typified as bridging social capital: through regular contact, social ties are created (Smets & ten Kate, 2008; Wren, 2004). A good example of this is a study on the relationships between refugees and students in the UK. Rather than emphasising one group having agency, the author suggest that because of the high transition in both groups, they constantly negotiate with each other about the services that are provided (Butler, 2005). This study concludes that the interactions between students and refugees can very positive and fruitful if one focuses on similarities binding individuals together.
3.2. Motivations behind volunteering
In this section I will go into detail about motivation to understand what drives volunteers to specifically become active in the realm of asylum. In the literature, motivation is one of the topics that is given most attention. The concept motivation is explained by a psychological theory on self-determination. It helps to understand the idea behind motivation, as this is a driving force that makes volunteers act: “motivation produces” (Ryan & Deci, 2000, p. 69). This theory distinguishes between different types of motivation. Intrinsic motivation is the type of motivation that is highly internal and it regulated by enjoyment, interest and
35
satisfaction. However, we cannot do only what we like and enjoy all day long. Due to the process of socialisation, extrinsic motivation explains how we do activities that do not come from an internal interest in order to gain certain outcomes. For example, payment is a form of extrinsic motivation. Voluntary work is set apart from other types of work on this point specifically, because volunteers are not paid. Forms of social recognition, validation and compliments are still considered as types of extrinsic motivation, yet intrinsic motivation is the basis of volunteering. In the Netherlands, there is one extensive research into the motivations of volunteers. Hollands (2006) argues that motivation can be explained with a combination of beliefs and convictions as well as personal interests. Various reasons and motivations, such as religion and personal interests, often intertwine with each other. Although motivations are often intertwined, Hollands (2006) pays attention to four categories: personal interests, moral and political convictions, social inheritance and lastly, identification and empathy. The participants in this research participate in different roles in the field. Their motivations therefore are also very diverse and in many cases, volunteers mention more than one reason why they became volunteers. In a few cases motivations changed after experiences with asylum seekers and refugees. This change goes both ways. In some cases a volunteer develops an intrinsic interest or loses some of the intrinsic interest due to challenging and difficult situations, but decides to continue because he or she feels a moral or political obligation. In this section I follow a similar categorisation as Hollands (2006) because it reflects the diverse motivations visible in the answers given by the participants and to support Hollands’ findings with new evidence.
3.2.1. Personal interests
In this paragraph I describe three types of personal interest. The first is interest in other cultures, followed by the interest in particular target groups and lastly use of time. Firstly, most participants indicated that their motivation comes from an intrinsic interest in other cultures and diversity. The volunteers with a Dutch background share an open-mindedness towards
36
other cultures, religions and traditions. Contact with other cultures is valuable for volunteers and seen as a very enriching experience. Secondly, most volunteers focus on different target groups: children, teenagers or families. For example, Anne describes how she became active more than ten years ago when she was introduced to the idea of a club for children. At the first brain storm evening with the team it struck her that most team members were not only interested in working with children, but had a wish to do something meaningful for children with a refugee background. In the beginning, the aspect of asylum remained a neutral issue for her. However when she learned more about the stories of the children and visited the asylum seeker centre herself, she was touched by the place and the unique opportunity to be present there. Lastly, a recent study in Germany puts an emphasis on the age of the volunteer. For older people the religious values such as ‘loving your neighbour’ are most important, whereas for younger generation feeling social proximity to the refugees is the most important motivation (Karakayali & Kleist, 2015). Hollands (2006) indicates that mainly older people indicate that they wish to spend their time in a useful manner. In this sample, four older participants indicated similar reasons. Often this is not the only reason though: Elisabeth indicates how spending her time useful is important to her as well as her interest in other cultures and languages. When I ask her why she got involved with visiting women and families, she says:
“Mainly to be there for these people, but I really enjoy it too. I asked myself how I could spend my time in a useful way.”
She adds:
“Foreign people have always interested me. I would love to be able to learn their language and speak with them” (Elisabeth, personal communication, 9 February 2016).
