Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation

An analysis of how UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) relieves strain by providing protection, outlined by the general strain theory (Agnew, 1992), of Palestinian

refugee children, through health, psychosocial, and educational programmes?

Campus The Hague – Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs

MSc Crisis and Security Management

Jeremy Robson - s1836919 08/06/2017 - Word Count: 21,884

First Supervisor: Dr. Wietse Van Den Berge

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1. Introduction

Until a durable, peaceful solution to the issues faced by Palestinian refugees materializes, Palestinian refugee children are entitled to, and are in dire need of, assistance and protection. Increased socio-economic hardship as a result of Israel’s obstruction of UN general assembly resolution 194(III), has left many young Palestinians with painful uncertainty about the future (Annan, 2004). The UN General Assembly has repeatedly exclaimed that the functioning of UNRWA is still essential in all fields of operation, and has extended its mandate every three years since 1949 (Badil, 2010). Even though UNRWA does not have a protection mandate, it is considered that humanitarian assistance could act as a type of protection through basic relief, where refugees can be able to realize economic and social rights. Various UNRWA programs in the areas of health, psychosocial support, and education effectively add up to an implementation of rights defined by the 1989 Convention of the Rights of The Child (CRC). UNRWA remains the main healthcare provider for the Palestinian refugee population, and large numbers of children totally rely on their schooling system in order to get ahead in a conflict-ridden society, where there is a lack of opportunity. UNRWA is also the main provider of services in refugee camps, where children account for close to half of the total refugee population registered for assistance with UNRWA (ibid.).

As a result of successive years of under-funding and cooperation, it has been observed that UNRWA’s ability to deliver the quantity and quality of services necessary is under extreme strain. The challenges that are facing UNRWA also directly affect Palestinian refugee children, and these issues can be seen in sectors of educational opportunities, and social extra-curricular activities. Therefore, it is crucial that the international community, as well as independent research (which will be presented in this paper) monitor and evaluate any challenges to humanitarian rights in accordance with the CRC and humanitarian law (ibid, p.39).

It is important to define the international definition of a refugee, and their protection. Interestingly, the literal definition of the word protection can be defined as “supervision or support of one that is smaller and weaker” or “A legal or other formal measure intended to preserve civil liberties and rights” (Mirriam-Webster, 2005). Fortin (2000) defines a refugee as a person who is outside their country, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution because of their lack of protection from the state or authorities in their region. Further, Fortin (2000) argues that the meaning of protection for refugees in internal, where the state must provide protection within its territory to victims, or potential victims of persecution. In this case, protection stands for the measurement of the ability of UNRWA to provide adequate healthcare, psycho-social

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4 services and education, in order to relieve strain (outlined by the General Strain Theory), to vulnerable refugee children in the Palestinian Territories (UNRWA, 2016). Without this basic protection, because of collective strains on the society, young populations may turn to violence and the communities in which they live in can become unstable and innefficient. In turn, these UNRWA services will offer sanctuary, opportunity and identity to children who otherwise have none of these basic rights. All refugee child populations will be classified as vulnerable in this paper, and their rights are defined by the Convention of The Rights of The Child. There are a variety of Palestinian areas with different levels danger, violence and poverty, such as refugee camps in Gaza, and larger refugee camps in The West Bank like Balata Refugee Camp. Protection, and the relief of strain, will be measured by weighing the strength and weaknesses of provision of services to Palestinian refugee children. This can be measured by school attendance rates, financial aid to UNRWA schools and hospitals, population rates in certain refugee camps (reflecting a harsher environment for UNRWA work), infant mortality rates, population proximity (to schools and hospitals), provision of basic facilities (community centres, other health centres, playground etc), opportunity for economic growth (eg: camp GDP and local business growth), and prevalent health statistics. As well as providing these crucial statistics, interviews and first-hand accounts will also provide critical analysis on the local opinion of how UNRWA is functioning. Also, Policy papers and document analysis will show policy planning and implementation, mainly on the UNRWA level. The Convention on The Rights of The Child (CRC) is a key international agreement by which authorities must abide by, for the sake of the children’s safety and as a framework in the field of humanitarian protection. Therefore, this Paper will constantly tie the work of UNRWA to the CRC in order to highlight its mandate of accountability to the international community. All international humanitarian organizations must abide by internationally agreed laws for protection and human rights, and in order to justify and critically analyse an organization such as UNRWA, these laws must be addressed.

1.1. Research Question:

How does UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) relieve strain by providing protection, outlined by the general strain theory (Agnew, 1992), of Palestinian refugee Children, through health, psychosocial, and educational programmes?

1.2. Sub Questions:

How are Palestinian children vulnerable and How does UNRWA provide basic protection, against these societal strains, to Palestinian Refugee children in Palestine, between the ages of

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5 5-18, through health, psychosocial, and educational programmes? An analysis of its strength and weaknesses, and proposed improvements.

1. How does UNRWA relieve societal strains by providing basic protection through health programmes to Palestinian refugee children within Palestine?

2. How does UNRWA relieve societal strains by providing basic protection through psychosocial programmes to Palestinian refugee children within Palestine?

3. How does UNRWA relieve societal strains by providing basic protection through educational programmes to Palestinian refugee children within Palestine?

1.3. Academic Relevance:

There is a large amount of literature and studies on the topic of Palestinian refugees, and their legal status, rights and freedoms in their host countries. Broader global interest, on issues related to refugees, especially their role under international law, have increased in recent decades (Khalil, 2010). Palestinian refugees constitute a unique case study. Prolonged exile, statelessness, and Israeli refusal to re-admit refugees render their situation extraordinary and unique. And the issue of a legal definition is inevitably a narrower one. “Accordingly, only those enjoying the status of refugee in the strict legal sense enjoy the rights guaranteed by international law and included in many national laws and regulations” (Grabska, 2006, p9-10). This may explain the large number of studies related to Palestinian refugees, however that is why this paper will explore a more specific angle related to the work of UNRWA (the only UN agency exclusively working with one group of refugees) in providing protection to Palestinian refugee children. It is important to specify this topic in order to pursue the knowledge gap in academic literature and bring to light such a contemporary area of this subject.

There has been an abundance of growing debate about the role that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency should play in protecting Palestinian refugees (Kagan, 2010). Also, there is a great need for The General Strain Theory to be implemented in Middle Eastern conflict and refugee studies, as this has surprisingly not been tested before and will greatly further academic and societal research. Michael Kagan is a prominent scholar in the analysis of UNRWA’s failures and achievements and he strongly argues that the definition of protection must be refined, and that UNRWA’s evolving protection mandate must be defined in three definitive categories: one, promoting durable solutions; two, promoting the general welfare of Palestinian refugees; and three, individual rights protection. On the other side of the spectrum, conservative scholars such as G. Heinsohn and D. Pipes, propose rather radical and vivid

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6 arguments. Heinsohn wrote a column in the Financial Times in 2007, condemning UNRWA for providing housing, schooling and medication for Palestinian children. He argued that UNRWA’s role has caused overpopulation, and false hope, therefore encouraging violence against Israel (Heinsohn, 2007). In another distinctive example, Daniel Pipes argued that UNRWA should be eliminated and Palestinian refugees moved to UNHCR mandate because of “UNRWA’s role in perpetuating Palestinian misery… it condemns a creative and entrepreneurial people to lives of exclusion, self-pity and nihilism” (Pipes, 2003). Alternatively, B.S Custer, S. Akram and G.S Goodwin-Gill, all believe that “UNRWA’s mandate should be understood in the light of the General Assembly’s creation of the Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) in 1948, which was charged with resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and this finding a solution to the refugee problem in line with Resolution 194 Paragraph 11, which includes the right of return” (Akram & Goodwin-Gill, 2001, p.165-194). Commissioner-General Karen Abu Zayd is also a vocal advocate for the protection of Palestinian refugees through UNRWA’s mandate (Abu-Zayd, 2007).

1.4. Societal Relevance:

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency, founded after the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict, was established by the United Nations General Assembly resolution 302 (IV) of 8 December 1949. Its goal was to provide relief and works programmes specifically for Palestinian refugees. Still, in the absence of a solution to the Palestinian refugee problem, UNRWA’s mandate has been repeatedly renewed (UNRWA, 2016). The ongoing issues of the resettlement of Palestinian refugees has long been a prevalent debate on the regional and international stage. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, emphasizes that “Israel will not jeopardize the Jewish character of its state by allowing any Palestinian the ‘right of return’ and we want them to give up the fantasy of flooding Israel with millions of Palestinians” (Hughes, 2012). As Palestinian refugee populations grow, along with Israeli reluctance to work with Palestinian authorities, UNRWA and the International community are under increasing pressure to improve or resolve these issues, therefore, making it extremely relevant in societal terms. Children are often caught in the middle of the worst situations of long standing conflicts, and as a child refugee there is often little to no protection because of the vulnerability of a child. Children are often reliant on others because of their lack of independence, and states and communities are highly responsible to protect their most vulnerable. Rules and regulations set up by the international community must prevail if local Palestinian and Israeli authorities will not, or cannot, provide sufficient help for child refugees. However, even though UNRWA is

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7 the largest actor in protecting Palestinian children, it must not be taken for granted that they are doing perfect work, and it is necessary for research and analysis on their role in order to highlight strength and weaknesses in their work, and hopefully bring to light crucial improvements that may be implemented.

1.5. General Strain Theory:

The General Strain Theory is a broad concept which contains multiple types of strain that effect ones means to cope with life events and occurrences (Agnew, 2001). Often, when referencing strain and relative deprivation, Robert Merton’s classic strain theory is used. “Classic strain measures deprivation based on income or socioeconomic inequalities which is the basis for strain and frustration” (Agnew, 1999, p.123). Alternatively, Robert Agnew’s general strain theory is much better suited to assess relative deprivation as a result of social processes because it is more recent and inclusive, and it also acknowledges that there are multiple sources of strain, unlike Merton who focuses mainly on monetary strain, and that strain is highly adaptive. Some highly adaptive forms might consist of cognitive, behavioural, emotional forms (Broidy & Agnew, 1997). GST states that certain strains or stressors increase the possibility of crime or violent acts (Agnew, 2001). Strains refer to events or conditions that are disliked by individuals. They involve negative or aversive treatment by others (receive something bad); the loss of valued possessions (loss of something good), and/or the inability to achieve goals (fail to get what is wanted). A distinction is often made between objective strain, which refers to dissatisfaction amongst a group, and subjective strain, which refers to events and conditions that are disliked by one particular person. Further, there is a difference between personal strain which is more anticipated, and then vicarious strain which is strain experienced by others around the individual such as close family and friends (Agnew, 2010). These categories can all be equally stressful and can contribute to violence and instability within a community. Therefore, it becomes the job of an organization such as UNRWA to provide assistance to fill this gap and relieve certain strains within the Palestinian community.

There are several important reasons that the strains mentioned above increase the likelihood of crime and violence. Most significantly, they lead to a range of negative emotions, such as anger, frustration, humiliation, and fear. In turn, individuals feel pressured to pursue corrective action; individuals feel bad and therefore want to do something about it. Revolting against these strains may be a way for individuals to seek revenge against the source of the strain or related targets. The continued experience of strains may increase irritability or ‘negative emotionality’, reduce social control (e.g: emotional ties to parents and school friend),

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8 foster the belief that crime is excusable or justifiable, and lead to association with other criminals or violent actors. Also, according to Agnew (2010), crime and revolt are more likely to occur when people lack the ability to cope in a legal manner. Specifically, they lack coping skills such as problem-solving skills; coping resources, such as money; and are low in social support (Agnew, 2010). GST can also be related to more extreme acts of crime and violence such as terrorism. Terrorism often involves the commission of brutal violence against civilians who have usually not been involved in provoking their victimizations. Also, terrorists often commit acts in connection to some sub-national group in the name of political, social, or religious reasons. Individual criminals will, for the most part, commit acts of violence for their own personal benefit, or as a result of a more personal strain (Agnew, 2010).

The general strain theory proves to be essential in analysing what areas that Palestinian children are most vulnerable, in relation to health, psychosocial, and educational categories, and then analysing how the work of UNRWA is providing relief and protection against these strains, in relation to one of the most vulnerable group of the Palestinian refugee population, Palestinian children between the ages of five to eighteen. UNRWA provides health, psychosocial, and educational help in order to offer protection to vulnerable refugee children in communities where strain is prevalent (UNRWA, 2016).

For example, families who receive healthcare from an UNRWA hospitals can rest assured that the strain of a lack of healthcare on the family will be relieved. Children who attend school daily can rely on frequent and organized schooling in order to improve their prospects for the future, hence relieving strain on economic prospects and social standing. Schooling can also provide a safe-haven for schoolchildren, away from the associations of other criminals and frustrations (Agnew, 2010). These are just some general example. However, there are significant ties between GST and the way UNRWA provides basic protection for Palestinian refugee children against these strains, and therefore an analysis of UNRWA’s work is essential. For the sake of clarity, this paper is not measuring extent the (in)effectiveness of UN programs for Palestinian children influences strain and thus their (potential for) terrorist or violent behaviour, however, rather, it is analysing which areas Palestinian children are vulnerable, based on the categories of the General Strain Theory, and how UNRWA is relieving these pressures through health, psycho-social, and educational programmes.

This research paper will add to the body of literature related to the general strain theory which consists mainly of Agnew’s publications. Also, Micheal Kagan’s literature surrounding

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9 analysis on how UNRWA and UN are filling the protection gap for Palestinian refugees. The gap in knowledge that this paper will address is the specific focus of relating the strains of Palestinian children with the work of UNRWA. The theory is being put into practice by looking at specific societal strains within the Palestinian territories and then analysing them practically in relation to how UNRWA is relieving the strains.

1.6. International Law of Refugee Protection:

This law is not central to this paper; however, it is crucial in the international humanitarian sector as it comprises a range of universal and regional conventions/treaties, rules of customary international law, general principles of law, national laws and the constantly developing stage in the practice of states and international organizations. Most notably the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, under which UNRWA is designated, serves to guarantee human rights to every refugee. This law is important to this research as it outlines the international rules by which the UNRWA must abide in relation to Palestinian refugee children. UNRWA must uphold these international protection values, and it is crucial to asses any gaps in protection.

1.7. Convention on the Rights of the Child:

In order to narrow down the specifics of international humanitarian law, specifically to focus on children, in relation to this thesis, then the Convention on the Rights of the Child must be featured. UNRWA works with a large number of children, and in order to abide by international law, its humanitarian programmes must live up to these standards. The Convention on the Rights of the Child contains forty-two articles clearly outlining the rights of the child (UNICEF, 1989). Some of these are very relevant to this thesis, and the situations faced by Palestinian refugee children. For example, Article one defines a child as under 18, and article two goes on to express that “the Convention applies to all children, whatever their race, religion or abilities; whatever they think or say, whatever type of family they come from” (Ibid, pg.1). Further, Article 6 states that “children have the right to live. Governments should ensure that children survive and develop healthily. Article 7 (Registration, name, nationality, care): All children have the right to a legally registered name, officially recognised by the government. Children have the right to a nationality (to belong to a country). Children also have the right to know and, as far as possible, to be cared for by their parents. Article 8 (Preservation of identity): Children have the right to an identity – an official record of who they are. Governments should respect children’s right to a name, a nationality and family ties” (Ibid, pg.1). As well as the right to education and protection in war (Ibid.).

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1.8. Research Method:

The type of study used for this research analysis will be observational research. This section will be structured by UNRWA’s core sectors, health, psychosocial and educational. The study is qualitative in nature; however, it will obtain variations of numerical data such as refugee child population statistics.

Interviews will also be used to gain information about internal and external views on UNRWA operations. These interviews will act as primary sources of information which will provide personal accounts of UNRWA operations, and how they are relieving personal strains. Interviews will be semi-structured interviews, as this is very effective for gathering data on prepared questions, where the interviewee will be slightly directed but also have space to go off track, in turn gathering other important information. Interviewees will consist of students who have attended UNRWA schools, School teachers, foreign volunteers who have an external un-bias opinion, local aid workers, and local healthcare professionals, as well as smaller interviews from concerned citizens. This is very feasible as there is a personal connection with myself and the interviewees from a voluntary experience in Palestine, and with UNRWA schools.

Document analysis: Some policy documents and content analysis research will also be used in order to bring to light certain governing factors, areas of strain, and UNRWA programme analysis. For example, in a region with evidently higher illiteracy rates, are there UNRWA programmes that provide a relief to this strain, or similar strains in this community. If there is a school that receives large amount of funding, does that mean that student in that area are generally happier with services and is that reflected in attendance rates? Schooling, psycho-social services and healthcare are essential as these are the main sectors of UNRWA mandate, and these directly provide a safe-haven for children in their daily lives. Documents provided by the UNRWA advisory commission are feasible to analyse and they provide specific policy information on a declaratory level. The documents will provide key information in order to analyse the work of UNRWA on a practical level (UNRWA, 2014).

The statistics that will be used in order to provide vital evidence of effectiveness will consist of school attendance rates, financial aid to UNRWA schools and hospitals, population rates in certain refugee camps (reflecting a harsher environment for UNRWA work), infant mortality rates (health), population proximity (to schools and hospitals), provision of basic facilities (community centres, other health centres, playground etc), opportunity for economic

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11 growth (eg: camp GDP and local business growth). These statistics can be compiled from reliable sources such as the UNRWA database, UN statistics, Palestinian Authority statistics, and the BADIL Resource centre. Statistics will be used to provide evidence of the number behind UNRWA programmes, why they are in certain areas, and whether they are relieving strain in areas that ned it most.

1.9. Research Outline:

First, it is important to outline the structure of this research to clearly explain the methodology. An introduction has outlined key aspects, academic and societal relevance, and a brief description of the general strain theory highlighting the main causes of strain. Second, a factual chapter will consist of an in depth factual and historical explanation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the creation of UNRWA and the refugee crisis. The third chapter will describe the general strain theory in detail highlighting causes of strain, and different debates. Fourth, there will be an in-depth analysis of the causes of strain for Palestinian Children and how UNRWA’s provision of health, psychosocial, and educational protection to Palestinian refugee children is relieving this strain. This section will also include the following facts and statistics, listed below, in order to fully analyse how UNRWA is providing protection and relief. To conclude, the paper will outline the final, appropriate recommendations and improvements of the work of UNRWA, per the analysis. Throughout the thesis there will be important comparisons and analysis in relation to the Law of International Refugee Protection and the Convention of the Right of The Child, in order to place UNRWA’s accountability on a worldwide scale.

2. Analysis

In this chapter, there will be an in-depth analysis provided in order to outline the strains, explained by the General Strain Theory, and relate them to the provision of UNRWA programmes to provide relief against these strains. This analysis is extremely relevant because it will show the gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugee children, their strains, and how UNRWA is there as the sole agency for these children, to relieve strains. The focus will be on health, education, and psychosocial programmes, as these are the main programmes provided by UNRWA and the main sectors in order to relieve strains, relating to economic and social strain, outlined by Agnew (1992), Merton (1938), Cohen (1955), Cloward & Ohlin (1960), and Moon, Blurton, & McCluskey (2008). Also, it is important to review the work of UNRWA in order to highlight any other important opportunities that might be missed in UNRWA programming. First, an in depth statistical analysis will investigate the details of UNRWA and

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12 refugee camps within the Palestinian territories. This will bring to light important data on the populations of children in camps, proximity to UNRWA resources, amount of UNRWA resources (e.g. number of schools, size of schools, health centres, psychosocial centres), as well as important statistics on unemployment and GDP in camps reflecting economic potential, all relevant to aspects of strain such as negative emotions, coping strategies, social support and the achievement of positively valued goals. Second, the analysis of how UNRWA is relieving strain will follow the lines of a comparative analysis between the declaratory level and the practical level. To clarify, the declaratory level will look at policy and programme documents such as UNRWA programme documents, academic documents, and policy documents from relevant actors, in order to provide evidence of a more administrative look at policies to relieve strain. The practical analysis will investigate the implementation of these programmes and policies and how they are relieving strain in practice, on the ground and on a local level.

Under the Convention of the Rights of The Child, it is declared that a child’s rights under the convention are the right to psycho-social wellbeing, the right to health and the right to education (UN General Assembly, 1989). Put simply, on a declaratory international level, under international law, children are, by law, protected. However, this paper will provide evidence to the fact that strains on refugee children, in areas such as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, prove hard to implement on a practical level.

As of January 2016, there are a total of twenty-seven registered UNRWA refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza. The population of registered persons within these camps is 803,910, however, not all Palestinian refugees live within these camps, making the overall population of Palestinian refugees in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPt) 2,359,301 (UNRWA, 2016b). The OPt contains one of the highest growth rates in the world, with the majority of Palestinians (3.7 million children) under the age of 25, and approximately 40% of them under the age of 18, with the median age estimated around 16 (UNICEF, 2010). A large number of refugees live within refugee camps and Balata refugee camp, located within the city of Nablus, is the largest camp in the West Bank with a population of 27,000. Second, Askar refugee camp houses approximately 18,000. In Gaza, the most densely populated region of the globe, Jabalia camp contains the largest population of refugees with 110,000, closely followed by Rafah Camp with 104,000 refugees.

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2.1. Health

The General Strain Theory states that the strains most likely to increase conflict within a community are associated with low social control which is related to personal physical health of an individual, his family, and his friends (Agnew, 2010). Personal health and a failure to achieve goals, can all be important aspects in the analysis of the General Strain Theory (GST) (Ibid.). Strains of this type may lead to a range of negative emotions including frustration, humiliation, fear, and anger. Palestinian refugee children are a very vulnerable group of the population, and in order for the refugee community to progress and avoid frustration, access to health is of crucial importance to relieve strain. Article 24, of the Convention of The Rights of the Child, states that:

“Children have the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health and to facilitate for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health. Adequate nutrition, clean drinking water, environmental sanitation, shelter and primary health services are basic components for a standard of living adequate for children’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development” (BADIL, 2007).

Levels of health vary between each region in the oPt, however Amnesty International acknowledged that there is a scarcity of medical opportunities outside of the provisions of UNRWA health facilities, providing evidence that UNRWA is providing some amount of relief against strain, however struggling to deal with the larger numbers. This scarcity is a result of limited access because of government regulations, and/or unaffordability of private healthcare (BADIL, 2007). In 2002, the Committee on the Rights of the Child took note of the serious deterioration of health services in the oPt, realizing the potential strain it may have for such a large population of children, and highly recommended that Israel guarantee unconditional and safe access by all Palestinian children, including refugees, to basic health services, including medical supplies and personnel. Further, on behalf of children, the committee insisted that there be a guarantee of the safety of personnel working for the UN, especially UNRWA personnel (Ibid.).

According to UNRWA’s approach on healthcare, “health programmes have been delivering comprehensive primary health care (PHC) services, both preventive and curative, to Palestine refugees, and helping them access secondary and tertiary health care services” (UNRWA, 2016a). In order to clarify, secondary healthcare is provided by the medical specialists, where a primary healthcare referral is necessary. Tertiary healthcare is specialized

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14 for advanced medical investigation and treatment (Ibid.). However, in order to analyse how UNRWA is relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, it is necessary to provide relevant criticisms and statistical analysis about their health programmes. One strong critic, Gunnnar Heinsohn, condemned UNRWA for providing medication and health care to children, which, he argues, has resulted in over-population and therefore an increase in attacks against Israel (Heinsohn, 2009). Mataria (2009) argues that ever since the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, substantial donor assistance was meant to improve the health-care system for the oPt. In the single year of 2003, donations amounted to $240 Million (about $65 per person), covering a shocking 87% of budgeted non-salary operating costs of the Ministry of Health, of which, UNRWA was a large subsidiary (DFID, 2006). Also, in 2003, despite large donor support and efforts by UNRWA to fulfil their goal of providing comprehensive primary health care, in accordance with Article 24 of the Convention of The Rights of the Child, infant mortality rates still proved to be very high. UNRWA recorded infant mortality rates of 25.2 deaths per 1,000 live births in the Gaza Strip and 15.3 in the West Bank (Save The Children, 2008). The in-depth research conducted by Mataria (2009) investigates a set of four professional reports on healthcare quality and measurements in the oPt. He concludes that health services improved steadily until the mid-1990’s until they started to slow and decline (Rahim, 2009, Husseini, 2009). Further, reports two and three “show how planning and coordination of health care are inadequate, the use of resources is ineffective, and services are below acceptable standards, leading to public dissatisfaction with health services. Current financial arrangements are associated with high risks and unequal burdens, with substantial out-of-pocket payments that favour rich people and place a high burden on poor people” (Abu-Zaineh, 2008, PCBS, 2004). Palestinian refugees therefore suffer by being a poorer minority, and refugee children feel increased strain because of their vulnerability in this already vulnerable group of the community. Also, Mataria (2009) elucidates the role of Israeli military occupation in producing and maintaining inefficiencies and inequities and the relative powerlessness of the Palestinian National Authority to counteract them (Mataria, 2009).

Alternatively, The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights argue that UNRWA may find it hard to relieve strains in relation to healthcare for Palestinian refugee children because of the “continuing occupation and subsequent measures of closures, extended curfews, roadblocks and security checkpoints” (BADIL, 2007). The Israeli-Palestinian conflict often jeopardises the work of UNRWA, and blocks them from providing adequate healthcare to relieve strains for Palestinian Refugee children. For example, on the 15th of January 2009,

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15 Israeli forces fired white phosphorus bombs at a UNRWA centre in Gaza where 700 Palestinian refugees were seeking medical attention, medical humanitarian aid, and simply a place of refuge (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Ironically, on that same day UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon had arrived in Israel in order to promote peace talks and end hostilities. Instead, after hearing about the attack, he expressed his full “outrage” at the incident (Times, 2009). On the other hand, Israel’s Prime Minister claimed that the UNRWA facilities were being used as a base for Palestinian terrorists to launch attacks against Israel (Ibid.). As a result of this incident three people were injured, severe fires ripped through the area, and multiple vehicles and humanitarian supplies were destroyed. A spokesman for the UNRWA claimed that the fires were extremely hard to put out because water has no effect, and “you need to use sand, but we don’t have sand” (Ibid.). In the same month, there were a selection of white phosphorus attacks in Gaza, white phosphorus shells, burning white phosphorus wedges, or the resulting fires killing 12 civilians, including three women and seven children, one of them a fifteen-month-old baby. Dozens were wounded by burns or smoke inhalation. Human Rights Watch encountered cases of civilians who were injured from stepping on white phosphorus remains up to 12 days after major hostilities had stopped. In relation to events like this, one can see how an individual child may experience serious strain as a result of a lack of access to personal health care, medical supplies, and physical safety in his or her community, resulting in negative emotions and serious physical health issues.

In order for UNRWA to fulfil its goal of providing secondary and tertiary healthcare to Palestine refugees, health centres must be highly accessible by the general populace, especially by refugee children, to health centres. Primarily, aside from quality, access to healthcare is crucial in being able to relieve strain with Palestinian refugee children, and evidence shows that UNRWA can further achieve this goal by working closely with other actors, such as NGO’s and the Palestinian Authority (PA). Hence, as a response to issues and criticism surrounding the health systems, an increase in primary health-care centres sponsored by the Palestinian National Authority more than compensated for losses, with about 170 new primary health-care facilities being opened (mostly in the West Bank) in 13 years (Palestinian National Authority, 2008). Moreover, in 2006, more than 40 clinics were mutually operated by the Palestinian Ministry of Health and non-governmental organisations including UNRWA (Mataria, 2009). Care through secondary and tertiary general and specialised hospitals are mainly located in urban areas. The NGO sector, including UNRWA, operate 1,582 beds in 28 hospitals (Palestinian National Authority, 2008). A vast majority of its workload are covered by health

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16 insurance schemes provided by the PA and UNRWA (PCBS, 2004). By collaborating with other NGO’s and the Palestinian Authority, it can be seen that UNRWA is capable of providing a more effective level of healthcare, in turn, countering criticism and relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, the overall refugee population, as well as a wider proportion the Palestinian population. Diagram one below, provides evidence on the relatively small number of UNRWA centres in The West Bank, however, this low number is to be expected as UNRWA is the only organization working solely for Palestinian refugees and not the wider population. Diagram two, shows the geographical locations, and their access difficulty, of overall health facilities in relation to obstacles of access (e.g. checkpoints and separation walls). Diagram three, Shows the specific geographical locations of UNRWA facilities in order to highlight their distribution and access points.

Diagram 1: Distribution of health-care facilities in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Palestinian National Authority, 2008).

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Diagram 2: Geographical locations, and their access difficulty, of overall health facilities in

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Diagram 3: Specific geographical locations of UNRWA health facilities (Health Inforum,2005)

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19 The Ministry of Health has taken on a larger share of overall service delivery in recent years since 2000, because of severe population impoverishment, extensions of insurance coverage, and pressure from UNRWA and the international community. Mataria (2009) emphasises that there is a need for better coordination between key players in the provision of healthcare. “Most ministry hospitals have to turn away many patients because they have no capacity however, non-governmental hospitals are underused” (Palestinian National Authority, 2008). With better management and coordination, UNRWA will be able to concentrate its efforts on Palestinian refugee children, and further relieve strain. As well as geographic boundaries to the access of healthcare provided by UNRWA for Palestinian refugee children, there are also financial limitations. For Palestinian refugee children, who are considered to be the most vulnerable and deprived sections of the population, financial accessibility is essential. Merton (1938), Cohen (1955), and Cloward and Ohlin (1960) focus on the General Strain Theory in accordance with relationships, in which others prevent the individual from achieving positively valued goals. This focus is aimed at goal blockage, where individuals from a certain class may find it difficult to reach a higher level of lifestyle because of certain access to resources and support. In this case, Palestinian Refugees may find It hard to reach a higher level of lifestyle, as a result of a lack of support and financial resources towards healthcare protection, one of the most basic and essential laws outlines by the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A recent survey, conducted by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, show that a third of a representative sample of the population could not access health services because of high costs, and people living in financial hardship or in poverty are twice as likely as rich people to be unsuccessful in accessing hospital care (PCBS, 2004). Ala’, a refugee child from Qalandia Camp in The West Bank says that “There is only one clinic in the camp that offers first aid services. When we are sick, we go to a private doctor” (Save The Children, 2008). Further, UNRWA does not offer financial loans for their healthcare services, however they do offer microfinance loans for business start-ups (UNRWA, 2016c).

The General Strain theory suggest that adolescents are less concerned with long term goals, but rather short-term goals such as good grades, social popularity, relationships with the opposite sex, and athletics (Agnew, 1992). With adolescents being less interested in seeking long term healthcare, and on top of that realizing that it is very hard to access, UNRWA therefore must implement a more family orientated approach. The Convention on The Rights of The Child defines a child as under the age of 18, and therefore, until that age they must be given as much possible support by their guardian, be in family or government. In late 2011, in

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20 response to changing health needs of the Palestinian Refugee, and as a result of a booming young population, UNRWA launched a health reform package named the Family Health Team (FHT) approach. “This model offers a comprehensive and holistic primary healthcare package for the entire family, emphasizing long-term provider-patient and provider-family relationships, and aiming to improve the quality, efficiency and effectiveness of health services, particularly for NCDs (Non-communicable diseases)” (UNRWA, 2015). Under the FHT model, once families register at their nearest health centre, they are immediately assigned to a team of health professionals. UNRWA strictly expresses that the team must include a doctor, nurse, and midwife. The team is fully responsible for the entire family’s health needs in all stages of the lifecycle. The FHT Health Reform was revolutionary as it introduced the electronic medical records system (e-health) which has proven to be very efficient for Palestinian refugee families and refugee children (UNRWA, 2015). By the end of 2015, the FHT programme was operational in 119 centres serving 90% of the Agency serving population. Only two out of 22 centres are still using the old vertical model because of construction limitations. During 2016, the FHT will have been totally expanded to all health centres, furthering the goal of UNRWA to provide protection against strains for Palestinian refugee children, by focusing on a more family orientated approach. Several assessments have been conducted at health centres in order to analyse the FHT programmes, including focus group discussion, client flow analyses, exercises and patient and staff satisfaction surveys. Overall, the assessments have indicated very positive responses to the FHT approach from both staff and patients. Diagram four below, shows the measured progression of the expansion of the FHT programme in all major regions of UNRWA’s work. Notice, that the West Bank ended up containing the highest number (Ibid.).

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21

Diagram 4: Progression of the expansion of the FHT programme in all major regions of UNRWA’s work. Note: Disregard Lebanon, Jordan and Syria since this paper focuses solely on oPt.

Interestingly, for refugee children who are attending UNRWA schooling there exists a School Health Programme (SHP) consisting of health services provided in cooperation with the health department and education department. This cooperation is another tactic that can be used by UNRWA to address the issues of each individual child in the refugee community, which has become increasingly hard as a result of a growing child population. “The health services provided include: new school-entrants’ medical examination, immunizations, hearing and vision screening, dental screening, de-worming and vitamin A supplementation. Additionally, the SHP follows up children with special health needs and conducts school environment and canteen inspection. These health services are provided to UNRWA schools, via health centres and School Health Teams (SHTs) that include a medical officer and nurses. SHTs follow agreed on visit schedules to cover all schools in their areas during a scholastic year” (Ibid, p36). As a result of this programme, 6,913 children were referred to UNRWA health facilities, and a further 7,222 were referred to specialist treatment, 13, 631 students assisted on the cost of eyeglasses, and 160 on the cost of hearing aids (Ibid.). By UNRWA directly addressing health issues of the refugee child through efficient family orientated and

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22 school orientated programmes, the child then has an opportunity to experience a relief of strain, and therefore focus on positively valued goals and long-term goal achievement.

Also, in order to further explain how UNRWA’s health programmes are relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, there is a need for a focus on community based health initiatives within camps. The Healthy Camp Initiative (HCI) is a project based on the WHO initiatives, specifically the healthy city programme. A child refugee must feel safe and protected in a community in order to avoid strains such as negative emotions, and negative outcomes/stimuli, resulting from strain makes it easier to propose the crucial necessity of protection and relief (Agnew, 1992). The Healthy camps initiative (HCI) is being implemented in Shu’fat and Aida camps. Shu’fat refugee camp is located just north of Jerusalem, established in the year 1965, and has a registered camp population of 10,936 Palestinian refugees (OCHOA, 2005a). Aida refugee camp has a population of 4,787 and was established in 1950 (OCHOA, 2005b). These two camps can be used as experiments or case studies for the HCI’s aim to create opportunities for Palestinian refugees through improving their health and wellbeing with a participatory process where community members can come together to define community needs, solutions, and implement well planned actions. “The ultimate goal of the initiative is to improve the overall quality of life for all Palestine refugees living in the camps. Practically, the stakeholders contributing to the HCI, worked on mobilizing and engaging the communities, as well as building institutional and individual capacities” (UNRWA, 2015, p20). They worked on creating enabling condition, to relieve strain, to ensure sustainability of the health development process in the two camps. The participatory approach of the process, ensures sustainability and ownership of the process making it a very personalized and needs based tactic.

Personal health is an important factor in the achievement of positively valued goals and a stable, non-violent life of an individual and a community. The General Strain Theory explains that the strains most likely to increase conflict within a community are associated with low social control which is related to personal physical health of an individual, his family, and his friends (Agnew, 2010). As well as the GST, UNRWA also focus heavily on health programmes as a main source of relieving strain for Palestinian children and therefore this paper aimed to include health in the analysis of how UNRWA is relieving strain (outlined by the General Strain Theory) for Palestinian refugee children in the oPt. With a variation of health levels between region, and refugee populations, in the oPt, UNRWA strives to deliver comprehensive primary healthcare services, both curative and preventative, to Palestinian refugee, and be able to help

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23 them access secondary and tertiary healthcare services (UNRWA, 2016a). However, it is clear that there is a growing pressure on UNRWA services as a result of growing populations and major obstacles to access such as the Israeli Occupation itself. Nevertheless, with the aim of relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, cooperation between donors and organizations, and an increased focus on healthcare quality and access research healthcare services can prove to be evermore effective.

2.2. Education

Worldwide, education is valued for the opportunities it offers, especially for under-privileged populations or individuals who can use it as a means achieving positively valued goals, and developing their life to a higher standard. State parties, NGO’s and the CRC are “charged with promoting and encouraging international cooperation in matters relating to education, in particular with a view to contributing to the elimination of ignorance and illiteracy throughout the world and facilitating access to scientific and technical knowledge and modern teaching methods” (UN General Assembly, 1989, p2). The CRC clearly expresses that “States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child (UN General Assembly, 1989). Further, it outlines that “primary education should be compulsory and available for free to all. The right to education also involves the provision of quality education on the basis of equal opportunity to all children, including non-formal education (e.g. sports and recreational, cultural and artistic activities)” (Badil, 2007, p20).

If individuals are being limited from taking part in education for financial reasons then it is fundamental that there is an adaptation to certain financial rules. According to UNESCO and the UN laws on the Rights of the Child, “Basic education, covering ten years of schooling, is compulsory and free. As stipulated in Article 37 of the Child Law of 2005, every child shall have the right to free education and learning in public school until the completion of the secondary stage of schooling; education is compulsory until completion of the stage of higher basic schooling as a minimum” (UNESCO, 2010, p2). Basic education covering ten years of schooling is free in The Palestinian Territories, however one must take into account other financial factors that may affect families from fully participating in education. For example, families that live further away from schools may have to pay for transportation fees, also in order to complete educational work and activities it is necessary to buy basic utensils and study materials. If a family is poor then these factors will affect education and participation. Sixty percent of the population of the West Bank and Gaza live under a poverty line of US$2 per day

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24 since the outbreak of the second Intifada. The population of poor Palestinians (under the poverty line) has tripled from 637,000 in September 2000 to nearly 2 million today (World Bank, 2003). With high rates of poverty many families will struggle to meet their basic needs let alone pay for educational factors. Therefore, government intervention is necessary in order to improve livelihoods of families and especially provide an option of education for a thriving young population. The World Bank calculates that the minimum financial amount of assistance needed to raise poor families to the poverty line is 3.6 percent of GDP, a figure that is manageable and realistic but also rapidly increasing because of a boom in the young population (World Bank, 2001).

In the Occupied Palestinian Territories (oPt), a recent study confirmed the central role of education in the lives of Palestinian children, including refugees. This study affirmed that education is not only an educational forum but also a space to socialize with other children in your community. This is especially important in areas such as Gaza and the West Bank where mobility is extremely limited, and conflict hinders the child’s opportunity to play and interact as a normal child would (Arafat, 2003). The report also found that in general, Palestinian child refugees in the West Bank and Gaza were pessimistic about the future, concluding that:

“children remain optimistic about their own personal growth and development, … in terms of maintaining ambitions to undertake professional careers… and believe that school provides them with the opportunity to work concretely towards improving themselves and ensuring a better future” (Ibid, 2003, p5).

Free primary education is provided by UNRWA, and most Palestinian refugees have access to this, however access to secondary and higher education is more restricted. Crucially, in terms of worldwide education for refugees, Palestinian refugees actually fair rather well. Worldwide, no more than 30% receive education (UNHCR, 1994, p109). Enrolment, attainment and literacy rates are all high, and in some cases higher than the non-refugee child population. Nevertheless, problems vary depending on the geographical location. Areas with more strain, such as overpopulation in schools in Gaza and heavily occupied and segregated areas such as Hebron, do experience more educational issues (Badil, 2007). Alternatively, parents still insisted that UNRWA should provide better education and teachers insisted that schools ought to have more sports activities, field trips, spacious and better equipped playgrounds, and equipment of practical exercises should be made available (Ibid.). Agnew (2010) stresses that schools and their education, should act a safety zone from strain for

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25 children, and low social control in a child’s life can be associated with peer abuse in the school environment. UNRWA prohibits corporal punishment at its schools, however overwhelming reports from students in UNRWA schools expressed concern and complaints about brutal and violent behaviour in school, from both male and female teachers, in turn damaging UNRWA’s reputation for their quality of education (Al-Zaroo, 2005).

“There are two or three teachers who are not good. They are bad with students, they are always hitting and yelling, no one can talk with them, they are always yelling, and they immediately hit… (it upsets me) that teachers beat us without understanding the cause, for example, we would be talking about something and the teachers immediately hit without knowing what’s happening, or they solve everything with yelling and insults” (Serhan & Tabari, 2005, p43).

The lack of access to quality education is one of Agnew’s (1992) core strains that are most likely to increase conflict within a community, therefore it must be addressed as a key factor in how UNRWA are relieving strain with Palestinian children.

Further, adequate funding for new UNRWA schools and organization of new curriculums has not been able to keep up with the rapid growth of UNRWA’s student population, resulting in the rise of a system of double-shifting. Double-shifting occurs when there is not enough space and resources for both classes of students, therefore, shifts in the mornings handle one group of students, and shifts in the afternoon, another. This creates problems for students who will have less contact hours, and for parents who cannot adjust to such random schedules (Badil, 2007). Students need to feel safe and productive in the classroom in order to escape from the strains of life outside of the school. UNRWA schools can provide this level of relief for Palestinian children’s strains, however funding and population issues could put the quality education distribution at risk. The average student to teacher ratios in 2007/2008 were 25:1 for government schools, 29:8 in UNRWA schools, and 17:3 in private schools, proving that UNRWA is maintaining a rather good ratio (UNICEF, 2010). Further, in the oPt as a whole, the average number of students per classroom in the scholastic year 2007/2008 was 35 at basic stage and 31 at secondary stage. In basic schools, classroom density was higher in Gaza than in the West Bank (42 students per classroom in Gaza Strip and 31 students per classroom in the West Bank). At the secondary stage, class density was 40 in Gaza and 27 in the West Bank. In the UNRWA schools that have a classroom density of 42, the situation is considerably worse, and improvement is highly necessary (Ibid.).

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26 There had been an in increase in enrolment purely as a result of the booming child population. However, despite the growth in the preschool population, enrolment rates and percentages have sharply declined from an estimated 34 per cent of 5-10 year olds in 1996/97 to 25 per cent in 2006/07. “The data trends point to reversals particularly coinciding with the second intifada that began in September 2000. Other contributing factors are costs and capacity – poor pupil-teacher ratios, insufficiently trained staff and low rates of entry to basic education of pre-school attendees” (Ibid, p16).

UNRWA’s expenditure per pupil varies considerably, and generally compares favourably with local government expenditures, though they are low in worldwide comparison. The UNESCO 2008 cross-national study of primary schooling from 11 different countries ranged from $458 in the Philippines to $2120 in Chile in 2003 and 2005 respectively (UNESCO, 2008). It is clear that UNRWA are below the international norm, and at risk of breaching the CRC’s article 12 (b): “Encourage the development of different forms of secondary education, including general and vocational education, make them available and accessible to every child, and take appropriate measures such as the introduction of free education and offering financial assistance in case of need” (UN General Assembly, 1989). Diagram 5 below outlines the expenditure per pupil in relation to UNRWA and the local host government expenditure which is important to highlight the differences in UNRWA expenditure per pupil in relation to other local surrounding countries.

Diagram 5: Expenditure per pupil in relation to UNRWA and local host government expenditure (Universalia, 2010).

In terms of learning achievements in UNRWA’s curriculum system, the results of international exams for evaluation of the learning skills of pupils showed that Palestinian schools ranked amongst the lowest in comparison to other countries. In 2007, The Trends in

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Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) showed that 133 Palestinian 8th graders in Science

scored 133 below the global average, and 96 Mathematics pupils. In 2003, the results were 38 and 76 below, respectively, showing a relative improvement in pupil scores, however this could also have reduced because of a decrease in attendance rates. The national matriculation exam, The Tawjihi, which can be compared to the international baccalaureate standards, revealed downward trends in both sciences and literature. In the West Bank, results in literature dropped by 13 percent, and in Gaza Tawjihi results in science dropped by 10 percent between the years 2008 and 2009 (MoEHE, 2010). “In 2007- 2008, only one in five of 16,000 Gazan sixth graders passed standardized tests in math, science, English and Arabic, as did about half of their peers in Nablus and Jenin” (UNICEF, 2010, p16). Hours of instruction, class size, school facilities, and prevalence of double shifts can be described as UNRWA inputs which analyse how UNRWA is providing relief against strain in relation to education quality. Interestingly, the only available data on hours of instruction is that of the European Commission review. The review found, that per annum, students spend between 800 and 1200 hours of contact time, averaging about 1000 hours. However, schools on double shifts had about 20% less contact time than single shift schools. Further, it is important to mention that this data does not take into account school closures as a result of conflict, which is a large factor in reducing education quality and contact time in Gaza and the West Bank (Universalia, 2010).

It is important that teachers are not overlooked when it comes to analysing how UNRWA provides relief to the Palestinian Child refugee’s strain. Often research conducted on the quality of UNRWA education focuses on analysing the children, the curriculum and local government policies. The actions of teachers are sometimes addressed, however on a very critical level (Al-Zaroo, 2005). It is important to point out that the strain on teachers is also very high in relation to student to teacher ratio and higher levels of risk, especially in Gaza. UNRWA teachers are well-educated overall, however, many new teachers are lacking in pre-service training. There is an “Emergency training” model used to qualify these teachers, however, there report provided by Universalia (2010) argues that the quality of this training is overlooked in order to rush teachers into the classroom. Educators in the UNRWA system are better educated, selected and trained, and in general, better paid that host government teachers. However, as detailed in the report on teacher education “new teachers are still entering UNRWA classrooms without sufficient relevant teacher training. They are comparatively well educated in the subjects they teach, but lack practical training and do not get it before they have adopted survival strategies that do not support student cantered active learning” (Ibid, p26).

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28 Further, some UNRWA schools accept male teachers with lower qualifications than female teachers as a result of a shortage of male applicants. Alternatively, Gaza is the only area that has stopped this practice and is accepting female teachers for boy’s classes; and example of UNRWA willingness to adapt to such problems (Universalia, 2010). “UNRWA is praised for its efficiency of staff utilization. Classes tend to be considerably larger, and there are relatively fewer outside class administrators. The dedication and commitment of UNRWA staff has enabled UNRWA to do more with fewer numbers, a testament to the advantages of quality rather than quantity” (Ibid. p26).

There is an abundance of strain on Palestinian child refugees, and UNRWA comes under a lot of scrutiny, pressure and blame relating to how it is relieving this strain in accordance with international laws, and its own mandates. However, one must acknowledge that the hindrance of regional conflict is one factor that is outstanding in terms of the negative effects on UNRWA’s provision of education. All relevant international treaties, including the CRC, are in agreement that education must be available for all without discrimination and without disturbance to access, and within safe physical distance (EAPPI, 2013). In recent years, the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI) has guaranteed protection to Palestinian children who must pass through military checkpoints, or experience the risks of harassments and/or violence from Israeli settlers and soldiers. The unexpected level of danger, and irregularity of safety increases strain on children. According to Agnew (2010) strains can refer to conditions or events that are disliked or unwanted by individuals, in this case blockages from accessing education such as fighting violence, road blocks, soldier harassment, settler harassment and more. Negative or aversive treatment by others (e.g. receiving something bad), and the EAPPI has played a crucial role in protecting children to deal with and expectantly conquer fear; a fear that would prevent them from enjoying the fundamental right to education.

Protecting education for Palestinian refugee children is a critical humanitarian concern throughout the Palestinian territories, especially because there has been an alarming increase in attacks on schools (EAPPI, 2013). The UN Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (MRM) noted that in 2010, 24 attacks were recorded on schools in oPt, directly affecting 7,071 students. In 2011, 46 attacks on schools. In 2012, between January and August, there were 17 documented attacks on schools causing damages to facilities and disruption of schooling affecting 9,357 students (MRM, 2015). The most serious type of attacks for all types of schools, including UNRWA schools, is the demolition of educational facilities. In 2010 the main school

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29 in Khirbet Tana, near Nablus was demolished twice and In 2011, part of a school in a village called Dkaika, in south Hebron was also demolished. “Currently at least 38 schools serving approximately 3,000 children in Area C of the West Bank and in East Jerusalem have been issued either verbal and/or written stop work or demolition orders by the ICA, meaning they are under a constant threat of demolition” (EAPPI, 2013, p6). Also, staff and children in many school’s experience repeated intimidation visits from the Israeli military and many experience violence and harassment from nearby settlers (Ibid.). Not only do Palestinian children, and refugee children, face regular threats and insecurity on a regular basis within schools, however they also lack protected access to education and face unnecessary obstacles on their way to and from school. They must travel long distances and experience long delays as well as being confronted with harassment during military searches at checkpoints, specifically along the Israeli barrier, within the West Bank and East Jerusalem. For example, Shu’fat camp, located on the eastern outskirts of Jerusalem, contains three UNRWA schools with 1,500 students in total, and Aida refugee camp, located just south of Eastern Jerusalem, only has one UNRWA school with 1,600. Both of the camp’s refugee student populations struggle with access and maintenance of UNRWA education as a result of the Israeli occupation (UNRWA, 2014a), (UNRWA, 2014b). According to the EAPPI (2013) in 2011, 39 incidents of denial of access to education were documented in oPt, directly affecting more than 30,000 students, and in 2012 there were 24 incidents, directly affecting more than 4,000. As a result of these violations of the rights of the child, and strain conditions or events that are disliked or unwanted by individuals (Agnew, 2010), there is an increase of general strain on Palestinian children to achieve positively valued goals, safety and stability through UNRWA provided education.

The accounts of volunteers working for the EAPPI rather puts into perspective the everyday struggle of Palestinian children in accessing education, and outlines the kind of struggles that UNRWA is faced with in assuring the safety and protection of these children. One volunteer expresses that:

“As we listen to teachers and parents, they provide insight into the unseen impact of the military presence on the children. The boys’ school counsellor explains that children are stressed and afraid when the army is outside the school, which affects their concentration. They keep looking out the window to see if the soldiers are there. Their grades drop and some leave the school early” (EAPPI, 2013, p6).

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30 “It is very difficult to be a teacher here. They (soldiers) throw tear gas into the classrooms. We have to be always ready with onions [which mitigates the harmful effect of tear gas]. Last year they did this and the Principal went out to the entrance of the school to talk to them but they did not care. Two years ago, a colleague was pregnant and had to be rushed to hospital after inhaling tear gas. We put the children inside the classrooms, but we can’t protect them from the soldiers” (Ibid, p10).

Lastly, as a result of the Israeli occupation, curriculums and opportunities for further education in higher institutions and academia are limited for Palestinian refugee youth, in turn effecting their hope and motivations for the future (World Bank, 2001). In order to tackle curriculum marginalization and student marginalization in the academic system integration, information sharing, and inclusion are key to relieving strain. Abdulrahman Nairat, a Palestinian student in Nablus, argued that a fair debate is essential for a peaceful and productive future for the Palestinian conflict and the Palestinian youth, therefore it is imperative for Israeli and Palestinian education to be relatively balanced, free and unbiased. One way to abolish educational bias, and make it more free and productive, is to integrate. Integration by improving Israeli and Palestinian access would greatly benefit the region while opening up the local systems to youth effected by conflict or poverty elsewhere. The Inter Agency Task Force on Israeli-Arab Issues (IATF), a coalition of North American organizations raising awareness about Israel’s Arab citizens, works on social cohesion, inclusion and integration. “Arab citizens make up nearly 21% of Israel’s population. While diverse in its own right, this sizable minority is a significant component of Israel’s diversity. The particular historic, social and economic realities of Israel’s Arab citizens pose challenges to the country’s economic development and raise issues related to inclusion, equality and social cohesion, but also offer important opportunity for growth and social development” (Hai, 2014, p3). The IATF has outlined major system-wide initiatives put in place, called The Shared Society for Integration of Arabs Into Israeli Education. There are three main initiatives:

I. ‘The Other is Me’ Multi-Year Theme events: focused on human dignity, equality, tolerance, democracy, identity and belonging, acceptance of the other, democratic discourse.

II. 500 Arab Teachers in Jewish Schools: This school year implementation began on an initiative to integrate 500 excelling Arab teachers into Jewish schools.

Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation