An intersectional exploration of social mobility : the case of second-generation migrant women in the Netherlands

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‘our backs tell stories no books have the spine to carry’

(

Kaur 2015: 157)

An Intersectional Exploration of Social Mobility: the Case of

Second-Generation Migrant Women in the Netherlands

Amber Indigo Bartlett: 11937432 Submitted to: University of Amsterdam

For the Completion of MA Sociology: Migration and Ethnic Studies Supervisor: Debbie Gerritsen

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‘our backs tell stories no books have

the spin to carry’

women of colour – (Kaur 2015:157)

The poets author, Rupi Kaur, is an Indian- born Canadian poet, who writes of the experiences of being a migrant woman and the exclusion of their narrative in literature. She gained popularity through social media, and after being decline multiple times by publishers, self-published her first book Milk and Honey. This exemplars the invisibility of migrant womens’ experiences and their struggles to be heard. If we want to hear these stories, we can’t write

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To all my friends and all my participants, To all my friends that became participants, And to all my participants that became friends. Thank you for your time, thank you for your patience,

thank you for sharing,

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The Netherlands has a large and diverse population of second-generation migrants. Despite being born in the Netherlands and going through the Dutch education system, they are found to be less successful when compared to their native counterparts. Moreover, when measuring social mobility, second-generation migrant women in particular are still seen to be a stagnant and immobile group within Dutch society. This thesis expands the notion of social mobility and socioeconomic status to more effectively investigate the intersectional experience of second-generation migrant women. Four sub-questions were formulated based on Bourdieu's theory

of capitals (1989) and from these, nine semi-structured interviews were conducted. It was found that second-generation migrant women had upward social mobility when considering

economic, social and cultural capital. The key factors that impact the way in which second-generation migrant women experience social mobility are through intersectional expectations,

the role of discrimination, dual investment in culture, social networks, and the race-ethnic dimension. It was found that the current methods for measuring social mobility undermine

the complex and active role second-generation migrant women take in investing in capital and socially mobilising themselves. The implication for this suggests a move away from assimilation principles that are currently dominate in integration policy in the Netherlands.

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

Introduction

The population growth of the Netherlands in the post war period can be predominantly attributed to increased immigration. In the 1960’s, the economic prosperity in the Netherlands increased immigration and reduced emigration simultaneously, establishing itself as a relatively young receiving country (Zorlu and Hartog 2001). Despite this short time period, The Netherlands has a diverse migrant population. In 2018, of the 17,181,084 population of the Netherlands, 2, 079, 329 are first generation migrants, and 830, 869 have both parents born outside of the Netherlands (CBS 2018). This shows that migrants children are a large proportion of the Dutch population, however, their continuing categorisation as ‘second-generation migrants’ ensures their exclusion from the native Dutch population. A large proportion of first-generation migrants occupy the lower strata of the Dutch labour market, generally due to their low initial socio-economic status and lack of host country specific human capital (Huijnk 2011). While research shows the starkest inequalities are felt by migrants themselves, these inequalities persist intergenerationally, and their children too experience difficulties.

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The children of migrants enter the Dutch schooling system and obtain Dutch specific human capital and language skills yet are still over represented in the lower strata of the education systems (Crul 2013). Children of migrants also perform worse than native populations on the labour market (Kalmyn and Kraaykaap 2003). They experience disproportionate

unemployment, have more precarious jobs, and are overeducated when compared to natives (Nielsen et al 2003). Thus, the consensus in the literature is clear that when comparing second generation migrants with the native population living in The Netherlands, there are inequalities. However, when comparing second generation migrants to their parents, the findings are less clear. Intergenerational mobility is an important indicator of the degree of social equity and social inequality in a country (Marks 1999). Schneider et al (2014) find that migrant children far exceed the educational and occupational status of their parents. Current literature emphasises the recent improved position of migrant groups in education and the labour market and argue this improvement can be entirely attributed to children of migrants. van Ours and Veenman (2003) found stark differences in the mobility of different groups of migrants. In support, Pásztor (2010) found that while one in five Surinamese and Antillean non-natives are Higher Education graduates, less than one in ten Turkish or Moroccan Second-Generation migrants are; showing second generation migrants are not one homogenous group.

While research findings on social mobility is mixed, emerging throughout the literature is that second generation migrant women are significantly less mobile than their male counterparts. While qualitative research boasts this finding, very little is revealed as to why this is the case. The qualitative approach focuses on the economic component of social mobility (see: van den Berg 2011, Heath et al 2008) resulting in a somewhat one-dimensional picture of social mobility and the effect of the gendered component (Farris and de Jong 2014). More quantitative studies allude to the presence of social and cultural factors affecting the social mobility of second-generation migrants (Torche 2013), but few have specifically related this to gender. As a result, the multi-dimensional experiences of the second-generation migrant woman is invisible within the literature. Thus, this leads to the research question:

How do second generation migrant women in The Netherlands experience social mobility?

The objectives of this research are to look at the ways in which second generation migrant women mobilise themselves with Dutch society, focusing specifically on their experiences which are invisible within the current research methods being employed. Compared to existing literature, in many ways this asks the opposite question; while research typically focuses on what causes the disadvantage to such groups in society, this research focuses on the successes, asking how second-generation migrant women become socially mobile despite such disadvantage. This research uses qualitative research methods to explore the intersects of axes of power to understand how they impact second generation migrant

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women. The research focuses specifically on the case of the Netherlands as the integration society but looking across migrant groups to reflect the diverse origins of migrants in the Netherlands.

In the second chapter, a theoretical framework will be developed based on different measures of social mobility, socio economic status, and capital. Bourdieu’s (1986) theory of economic capital, cultural capital and social capital provides the foundations for this. Within this, existing theories will be reviewed. In the third chapter, an in-depth explanation of the methodology is given. First, the research design is outlined, along with the theoretical assumptions rooted in this method of knowledge production, and the limitations of such an approach. Key concepts are then operationalised, and how the specific sub questions are addressed by the interview guide is explained with an overview of the sample. Finally, a review of the ethical considerations made is provided. The fourth chapter will outline the key findings of the qualitative interviews. The findings are presented thematically, referring to the four sub questions. The themes within each sub section emerged from the data coding process. First, findings relating to economic capital are presented, then discrimination findings, cultural capital findings, and finally, social capital findings. Chapter Five provides a brief overview of the most important findings and the conclusions that can be drawn from them, followed by a discussion of the implications and application of such conclusions.

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CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 Introduction

The following section will review key concepts utilised in the analysis of the data in this thesis. The existing framework of social mobility is outlined, along with its measures, and a new framework is proposed informed by Bourdieu’s (1986) theory of capital. This framework is then employed as the foundations for this research.

2.1 Intersectionality

Central to my research is the application of the intersectional lens. The term intersectionality, first coined by Crenshaw (1989), describes how black woman are often invisible due to their location at the intersect of two axes of discrimination. Hull, Bell-Scott and Smith (1982) famously wrote on the black female experience ‘all the woman are white, all the blacks are men’; highlighting this specific groups lack of representation in both the race discussion and the feminist discussion. One of the most important aspects of intersectional discrimination is

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the understanding that ‘discrimination is not additional or multiplicative but expresses a specific interplay between different axes that cannot be reduced to the sum of its parts’ (Farris and de Jong 2014). Crenshaw argues that as a result of white dominance, black women are forced to identify predominantly with either race or gender, ignoring that they are located at an intersect (Crenshaw 1989). In employing intersectionality, it is intended to explore the experiences of migrant woman; understanding that they have unique

experiences being placed at the intersect of different axis of power. Their experience is not just the sum of the disadvantage of their gender and their migrant background, but these power dynamics shape their lives to create a multifaceted experience. To do this, first

economic capital is outlined, and it is demonstrated how this is often used as a finite measure of social mobility. It is then shown how this serves to overlook the specific experiences of second-generation migrant women. Following this, Bourdieu (1986) is employed to show how the concept of capital can be expanded into economic, social and cultural capital, and in doing so, how this can facilitate a better understanding of the experiences of

second-generation women and how they negotiate social mobility. 2.2 Meritocracy

Social mobility is intrinsically linked to the concept of meritocracy. As defined by Young (1958) meritocracy is the sum of remunerations an individual requires through their ability and effort, rather than family’s wealth or social class. It would follow that a meritocratic society has low social inequality, whereby merit is granted based on ability and effort alone. In this sense, this would mean intergenerational social mobility is very high, as there is no relevant of social origin. Education is seen as the focal point to install the meritocratic ideal. However, through the development in the literature on meritocracy, it is argued that unless wider issues regarding the distribution of wealth and opportunities are address, education and the concept of meritocracy will serve to reproduce those who are economically and politically privileged, rather than enable people from disadvantages positions to escape marginalisation (Themelis 2008). To apply this to the case of second-generation migrant women, it is important to understand how barriers based on their identity at the intersect of two forms of marginalisation prevent their efforts and abilities from being rewarded in a meritocratic way, and thus reducing their social mobility.

2. 3 Social Mobility

Social mobility is understood as ‘the association between parents’ and adult children’s socioeconomic standing, where higher association means less mobility’ (Torche 2013: 3). Socioeconomic standing is a measure of how much capital an individual possesses, but generally, this is considered to be variables that characterise the capacity to ‘create or consume goods valued by our society’ (Arrow et al 2018: 180). Since this conceptualisation is so abstract, it is usually measured by educational performance, occupational standing,

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earnings and income, and tangible possessions (Arrow et al 2018); all referring to the economic capital of an individual or family unit. Pierre Bourdieu (1986) was predominantly concerned in his writings with how dynamics of power are transferred and maintained across generations. Speaking mainly along the class axis of power, he expanded the concept of capital understood in a purely economic sense to include social capital and cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986: 241). This conceptualisation of capital provides the theoretical foundation of this thesis. It is argued that economic capital not the only resource second generation

migrant women can use to socially mobilise themselves, and therefore, it is important to expand the definition of socioeconomic status to include social and cultural capital. In the following section, the three different forms of capital are outlined, and specific theories from the literature on how such concepts of capital can aid understanding of the experiences of second-generation migrant women living in the Netherlands and how they socially mobilise themselves.

2.4 Economic Capital

Economic capital is the most commonly assumed form of capital when studying social mobility. The socioeconomic status of the parent is compared with that of the child, usually operationalised as education attainment (usually measuring years spent in education, dropout rates, attainment in standardised tests) and occupational status (stability of job, wages). This method of measuring socioeconomic status is one dimensional and means the differing experience of migrant women are underrepresented in the literature. Heath et al (2008) argues for the limited applicability of such operationalisation of economic capital for all migrants’ groups, arguing migrants, who may have had high status occupations in sending countries, take lower status jobs in receiving countries. Thus, when measuring

intergenerational mobility, these parents would be deemed as being of lower socioeconomic status, while still maintaining the higher cultural or social capital that they had in the

receiving country. Similarly, ‘years in education’ is not a reflective measure for migrants compared to natives, as migrants often take less conventional paths through the education system, arriving at similar destinations (Farris and de Jong 2014). However, it is also shown that such measures of economic capital are even less accurate for understanding the female migrant experience.

Barriers in the school to work transition period are shown to be most detrimental to the economic success of second-generation migrant women. Literature focusing on migrant socioeconomic status, as measured by economic capital, shows a clear trend that second generation migrants fare worse in both education and labour market when compared to their native counterparts (Oostindie 2012). However, most research into this relationship assumes a linear relationship between educational attainment and occupation status.

Indeed, Heath et al (2008) show how most literature assumes the ethnic inequalities present in the labour market are merely reflective of those in the education system. However,

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research has shown that while second generation migrant women’s educational attainment is much higher than their male counterparts, their labour market outcome is lower. This shows that there is a gender bias in the school to work transition for migrants. However, there is limited research on the gender dimension of this trend. Nielsen et al (2003), in their large-scale quantitative study, find that there are considerable gendered differences in the school to work transition of second-generation migrants, with women experiencing longer waiting times, lower average hourly wages, and shorter spell in first employment. They found that after leaving education, their success is more dependent on their parents’ integration into the labour market than for their male counterparts (Nielsen et al 2003), showing a higher importance of origin for females than males, therefore implying lower social mobility.

Since the literature shows that economic capital is experienced very differently for women with a migrant background, the first sub question for this thesis will be: How do second generation migrant women experience economic capital ? Thus, in understanding how second-generation migrant women acquire economic capital through education and the labour market, it will illuminate their experiences of social mobility.

2.4.1 Intersectional Discrimination

Literature suggests that one of the biggest barriers for second generation migrant women’s economic mobility in education and the labour market is discrimination. This suggests that to understand socially mobility for migrant women, it is essential to understand how

experiences of discrimination shape these. However, discrimination in itself is difficult to measure as it typically reliant on self-perceptions, and thus subjective. Additionally, there is a general lack of literature looking at the relationship between different types of oppression and the discrimination such groups face. Harnois (2014) proposes three frameworks of understanding the intersects of discrimination. She argues that literature focuses on the unidimensional framework, assuming that discrimination is rooted in one particular social status; in this case ethnic. She finds that those who strongly identify with their racial-ethnic group are more likely to perceive racial-racial-ethnic discrimination. This framework also understands the relevance of social context. Literature has found that there is an inverse relationship between percentage of blacks living in a neighbourhood, and levels of perceived racial discrimination (Weitzer and Tuch 1999, cited by Hanois 2014). While this framework does include multiple axis of power, one social status is always central to the investigation. This framework is unsatisfactory for the sake of this research, as it ignores the unique experiences of second-generation migrant women at the intersect of two forms of oppression.

Oppositional frameworks and intersectional frameworks both position multiple systems of inequality in relation to each other. Oppositional framework assumes that one is still centralized, and the more an individual perceives one form of discrimination, the less they perceive the other. The premise of this framework is that one form of inequality must

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be targeted at one time; as if one must remove the racial-ethnic lens in order to target gender inequalities and vice versa. By contrast, an intersectional framework sees the interactive and multiplying effects of discrimination. Intersectional theories assume that discrimination against multiple marginalised people take unique forms, which cannot be understood is isolation. Crenshaw (1991: 1244 cited by Hanois 2014) writes: ‘many of the experiences black women face are not subsumed within traditional boundaries of race or gender discrimination as these boundaries are currently understood’.

Farris and de Jong (2013) differential between three times of intersectional discrimination experienced by second generation migrant women in their transition from school to work; structural, institutional and discursive. Structural Intersectional Discrimination describes the situation where discrimination results from different structural systems of discrimination used to advantage the dominant group and disempower the disadvantaged groups (Farris and de Jong 2013: 1508). Institutional Intersectional Discrimination is the practices that produce discriminatory treatment based on different grounds within a determinate institutional setting (Farris and de Jong 2013: 1508). This is mainly concerned with policies, regulations and practices. Discursive intersectional discrimination is concerned with discursive formations which (re)produce images of inferiority for subjects and groups (Farris and de Jong 2013: 1508). This refers predominantly to stereotypes. In understanding how intersectional discrimination manifests for second generation migrant women in their transition from school to work, there will be a greater understanding of their barriers to increasing their economic capital, and thus limits to their social mobility.

In light of how impactful discrimination is in shaping the social mobility of second-generation women, the second sub-question for this research is How does discrimination impact second generation migrant women’s’ experiences of social mobility?

2.5 Cultural Capital

Bourdieu (1986: 241), when conceptualising capitals, argues ‘It is in fact impossible to account for the structure and functioning of the social world unless one reintroduces capital in all its forms and not solely in the one form recognized by economic theory’. Thus, he introduces the idea of cultural capital as the accumulation of cultural knowledge that indicated social status and power. This expansion of capital is useful in understanding the experiences of second-generation migrant women as, while migrant women experience restrictions in economic capital due to discrimination, it can be demonstrated how they invest in cultural capital as a means to become socially mobile. Bourdieu (1979) initially used the concept of cultural capital to explain the differences within class, but his work has been adopted in social mobility and migration literature.

It is assumed within migration literature that cultural capital for migrants has specific features (Botezat 2011). Cultural capital for migrants is typically viewed in relation to the

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cultural capital of the host society and thus the relationship between cultural capital and mobility for migrants is different than for natives (Botezat 2011). A prevalent feature for understanding migrant social capital adopted by the literature is the ‘rucksack approach’; migrants bring with them a package of cultural resources which may or may not be beneficial to the culture of the integration society. However, this has been critiqued for methodological nationalism, whereby cultural resources are assessed through the lens of the interests of the nation state. It also assumed this assessment is neutral, whereas Eril (2010) argues the role of policy constriction and national interest plays a role. Nowicka (2013) argues that the

‘rucksack approach’ is insufficient, and that migrants capitalise on various economic, social and cultural resources in both the country of origin and of integration, of which are complex and contradicting. As a result, researching migrants’ cultural capital is challenging as it cannot be assumed beforehand what refers to resources (Barglowski 2018). Moreover, little

attention is paid to the way in which migrants undergo a transformation process of their resources to aid them in the integration society (Barglowski 2018). Comparing migrants cultural capital to that of the integration society inadvertently supports assimilation theory of integration. Classical integration theories see assimilation as essential for upward social mobility (Alba and Nee 1997). However, more recently, literature has found that particularly for the second generation, assimilation may not be the most beneficial, and in some cases has been found to produce negative effects for migrants (Greenman and Xie 2008).

Literature suggests that cultural resources are experiences differently for migrant women than they are for their male counterparts. Feminist theory critiques Bourdieu (1986) for having a tendency to view women as simply transmitting culture, rather than producing and using it (Lovell 2000). Farris and De Jong (2014) describe the ‘bridging role’ of second-generation migrant women, showing how frequently it is seen by their family, and indeed the state, to become the cultural bridge between the culture of the country of origin, and the destination society. They suggests there is a responsibility on migrant woman to be ‘mediators between two worlds’ (Einoder 2013), which is particularly interesting when applied to Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital. While existing literature has shown that often female second-generation migrants are not necessarily encouraged by the family unit to invest in economic capital (Hagan 1998), it could be viewed how these women invest in cultural capital and indeed utilise this to advance their families social position. De Jong (2015) takes this idea of cultural integration one stage further and suggests that a migrant’s

women’s integration into host society is strongly associated with her constructed

‘womanhood’. She describes a hierarchy of integration, which is employed to understand the way second generation migrant women navigate their cultural capital as a tool. De Jong shows how integration is depicted in three phases, depicting a ‘cultural process’, arguing this constructs a ‘“evolutionary stages of womanhood”: First, the migrant woman is unintegrated, and at that point depicted as a target for integration policy. Then, she is the hybrid

neighbour, and finally, at the most advanced stage, the [native]’ (de Jong 2015:117). This middle stage is of most interest as second-generation migrant woman shoulder this burden

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the hardest. This transitional stage shows how, most frequently, the migrant woman is seen as the ‘cultural broker’; it is their responsibility to bridge the gap between the culture of the migrant community and the host community. This hierarchy is also reflected in second generation migrant women’s integration into the labour market, as de Jong (2015: 117) writes ‘the three steps are either: no job and full-time mother, then mothers with a subsidised part time job based on their gendered or ethnised skills, and finally, high skilled employment in feminised professions’. This shows how cultural capital is deeply entwined with economic capital, and cultural integration is a tool for migrant women to become socially mobile.

Many theories show how women with a migrant background engage with culture very differently to native populations and have different experiences of culture compared to their male counterparts. Also, contemporary literature suggests they take a more active role in engaging with cultural resources more that classical theory suggests. In light of this, the third sub-question for this research is: How do second generation migrant women experience and utilise cultural capital?

2.6 Social capital

Bourdieu (1986: 249) defined social capital as ‘the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less

institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition’. Putnam (2007) does further research on social capital, relating it specifically to ethnic diversity and community cohesion. He extends Bourdieu’s (1986) definition to include social networks and the associated norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness (Putnam 2007) and emphasises the centrality of social networks within social capital. Literature in the field of social capital generally assumes that social capital is in decline due to social change; of that, migration being a large contributing factor (Zontini 2006). However, migration literature tends to argue that migrants merely exhibit and utilise social capital in different ways to the native

population (Zontini 2006). For example, Modood (2004: 94) argues for the concept of ‘ethnicity as [emphasis added] social capital’ for second generation migrants, arguing that where families have little economic capital, they transmit ideas and norms in terms of identity, aspirations and motivations that can contribute to the social mobility of their children. This can be used to explain the extreme success stories of certain migrant groups. However, Modood (2004) argues because of this, in this case the distinction between cultural capital and social capital is not clear, as both capitals are acquired in some ways through families. Additionally, Walseth (2008) argues that the theory of social capital ignores structural barriers for migrant women along the axis of gender and class.

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2.6.1 Bonding and Bridging

Putnam (2007) makes the distinction between bonding and bridging social capital; the former being a tightening of social contacts within the group, and the latter the social contacts made across groups. Putnam (2007) argues the purpose of bonding ties is to generate social

support, bridging ties facilitate the formation of broader identities and is more beneficial for reaching information and assets in the host society. Lancee (2016) shows how while the bonding has no effect on economic outcomes, bridging is positively associated with employment and income. This shows social capital facilitating economic capital and thus, social mobility. This distinction is important for the study of gender differences. Literature shows that migrant women make stronger bonding networks within their migrant groups; those of which are apparently not beneficial for labour market outcomes, and thus do not transfer to economic capital (Van der Berg 2009). Employing the importance of bridging social bonds is particularly interesting, as to use the boundaries framework, the emphasis is on crossing the ‘us’ and ‘them’ (Zontini 2006); therefore, integrating migrants and natives into social networks becomes an issue for society as a whole, with the responsibility on everyone not just the migrants themselves.

2.6.2 Gender and Bonding Social Networks

Literature shows that the responsibility for maintaining bonding social ties fall on the women of the family unit. Zontini (2006) argues that women are involved in ‘kin work’ (Di Leonardo 1992 cited in Zontini 2006), that is, maintaining relationships with the kin, which is important for maintaining social capital in migrant communities. However, Zontini (2006) find that maintaining these structures requires considerable time, effort and energy. This shows that female migrants invest significantly more on social capital than male migrants. In her research, the women describe their social networks as being both sources of resources and benefits but also tension and fury (Zontini 2006) with women feeling simultaneously

constrained and empowered by them. Additionally, Zontini (2006) reports the women cite kin social networks as the sources of broken expectations, with their families projecting

unrealistic expectations that the women cannot fulfil. This shows how Modood ’s (2004) idea of ethnicity as social capital impacts women differently. Men can use family aspirations and expectations as motivation to fulfil their education and labour market outcomes and

therefore improve their social mobility. By contrast, family aspirations and expectations for women manifest as kin expectations; which findings suggest many women experience as sources of failure or disappointment. However, close knit ethnic groups have been found to give women support and cooperation, although these benefits tend to be felt more strongly by the first generation (Zontini 2006, Evergeti 2006).

van der Berg (2009) also reports on the dual effect of bonding social networks for migrant women, however her research refers specifically to the non-kin communities. She found that Moroccan women in Rotterdam tend to have female only migrant social

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speaks of gossip as a form of cementing these social networks within the migrant community, strengthening bonding ties. However, paradoxically gossip also plays a role in isolating

individuals, through fear of gossip they ensure they do not speak openly to many members of the community. Indeed, some opt out of such social networks, intentionally distancing

themselves from such communities. However, this in turn creates space for bridging social networks, which according to Putnam (2007) has more opportunity for social mobility.

2.6.3 Gender and Bridging Social Networks

Ostberg’s (2003) writes extensively on the case of Swedish adolescent second generation migrant women, finding that cultural differences such as understanding of gender norms and attitudes towards marriage play a significant role in bridging social networks. Therefore, those who are culturally more integrated can more easily make bridging bonds, and therefore utilise their social networks more. This shows how cultural capital is, too, connected with social capital and thus, economic capital.

Morosanu (2012) questions the distinction between bonding and bridging social ties by his research on cross-ethnic bonds. She argues that migration researchers make the general distinction of bonding and bridging ties as being between ethnic and family versus ties to bonds to the mainstream population (Morosanu 2012). However, Morosanu (2012) writes of a non-native shared experience that female migrants develop social bonds over, and

frequently these bonds are dismissed as not being important. Thus, more research needs to be done on how these cross ethnic bonds can impact social mobility.

Literature shows a clear gendered dimension in how individuals experience social networks and how they utilise the social resources that come from such. This is therefore essential to understanding how women with a migrant background engage with this to become mobile. Thus, the final research question for this paper is: How do second generation migrant women experience and utilise social capital?

2.7 Conclusion

Reviewing the previous literature, it is clear that while quantitative research studies allow for the inclusion of social and cultural capital, these are considered independent variables that affect economic capital as the outcome variable. For example, individuals with high host country specific cultural capital and social networks with the natives can then increase their economic capital, leading to social mobility. This makes the experiences of second-generation migrant women invisible, not acknowledging the agency they exhibit in investing in cultural and social capital which then reinforces the perception of them as a relatively inactive group within society. To understand mobility from an intersectional perspective, casting light on these invisible experiences, this thesis frames social mobility as a combination of economic, social and cultural capital. Therefore, this research will be concerned with the ways in which

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second generation migrant women utilise not just their economic but social and cultural capital in order to become social mobile. Thus, while this thesis adheres to the definition outlined by Torche (2013), unlike present research, socioeconomic standing is

operationalised to include social capital and cultural capital as equally weighted compared to economic capital.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to set out the methodological approach to this investigation. First, the aim of the research and research sub questions will be presented. Then, it will describe the research design and assumptions of this approach, and why this is the most appropriate method for this line of enquiry. The sampling method and a brief description of research participants is presented. Descriptions of data collection and processing are provided, and finally, a discussion on the ethical considerations and limitations of the research is made.

3.1 Aim

The purpose of this study is to investigate how second-generation women experience social mobility. The research sub questions, informed by the Bourdieu’s theory of social cultural and economic capital, are

§ How do second generation migrant women experience economic

capital?

§ How does discrimination impact second generation migrant women’s experiences of social mobility?

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§ How do second generation migrant women experience and utilise social capital?

§ How do second generation migrant women experience and utilise cultural capital?

3.2 Qualitative Approach

A qualitative approach was chosen as the research method of this investigation. Qualitative research typically employs the social constructivist assumption that there is no absolute truth to be discovered, in contrast to the more positivist quantitative research method. Qualitative research tends to build its premise on inductive, rather than deductive reasoning (Williams 2007). Phenomenological Study is identified by Creswell (2003) as one of the five main methods within qualitative research, with its purpose to “to understand an experience from the participants‟ point of view” (Leedy and Ormrod 2001:157). This means, typically, lengthy interviews are undertaken with a focus on the participants perception of an event, or the meaning they attached to an event, rather than the event itself (Creswell 1998), with findings then analysed to find clusters of meaning.

The choice to use qualitative research methods in this research project is essential. It has been shown in the literature that quantitative research is problematic due to the heavy focus on operationalising capital to include only economic capital. However, due to my choice to expand the notion to include cultural and social capital, it is necessary to use qualitative methods to subsidise the lacking in the pre-existing literature. Additionally, if cultural and social capital would be operationalised in the methods necessary for quantitative research, the nuance of the experience may be lost. Based on the intersectional approach, qualitative research is the most effective way to centralise migrant women within the construction of the data, as well as illuminating the experiences that are frequently lost in quantitative research. Within this study, the narrative feminist approach is employed, as outlined by Fraser and MacDougall (2017), combining such an approach with intersectionality.

The implementation of the intersectional lens is the basis of this research, and in doing so, it will adhere to Crenshaw’s (1989) mentality of the importance of placing women of colour at the centre of the research. It has been shown by previous research that the experiences of people at the intersects of axis of power can be lost very easily, thus the emphasis of my research will be focusing on those stories (Crenshaw 1989, Fraser 2010). In this way, the narrative feminist approach will also be implemented; the purpose of this research will not be looking for universally generalisable themes. While there is a large amount of research on the overall trends in economic outcomes for second generation migrants, this research will emphasis ‘glimpses into others worlds and a way of seeing the world’ (Fraser and MacDougall 2017:249). From this, patterns may emerge that are relevant to each other, however, these will still not be universally applicable (Fraser and MacDougall 2017).

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3.3 Interviews

In this research, semi structured interviews were conducted. The interview guide was based on the theoretical framework outlined in Chapter Two (see: Appendix 1), leaving the

participant space to elaborate on areas they find more important, and bring their own interpretation to the analysis. This is informed by Fraser and MacDougall (2017) who argue the richest data comes from the most open interview styles, while using the guide means there is the foundation for comparability between interviews. Additionally, the interview guide was reviewed before every new interview, giving opportunity for it to be informed by previous participants experiences. In this way, it was continually ensured that the participants experiences are central to the research, as is essential for an intersectionality approach (Crenshaw 1989). Themes that may be pertinent to some participants may not to others, and this was reflected on during the evolution of the interview guide. In this way, the research is inductive, as the data was used to construct the theory. However, it is not taking an entirely grounded theory approach because Bourdieu’s (1986) theoretical framework was used to shape the research sub questions, and original interview guide.

Fraser and MacDougall (2017) advise the role of the researcher is to listen to the stories and co-construct the narratives; thus, it was important not to label the participants experiences during the interview but reflective on these experiences in the consolidation period. However, they caution reflexivity in this process (Fraser and MacDougall 2017). They argue ‘narrative feminist interviewing and focus group facilitation require researchers to be aware of their role in the co-construction of the narratives that unfold’ (Fraser and

MacDougall 2017: 244). In line with Creswell’s (1998) understanding of phenomenological study, my interview questions focus less on concrete indicators of social mobility, but rather how the research participants attach meaning to certain characteristics of their life, and how they view their own mobility, irrespective of how it may be observed by measurable means. 3.4 Sampling and Selection

The main sampling method used in this research was snowball sampling. Initially, four of the research participants were personal contacts of the researcher, and all further research participants were found through those initial participants. The initial four contacts all had different parental country of origin, which was essential in providing a sample of diverse origin, enriching the data. All participants were female identifying, as outlined in the inclusion criteria. Other inclusion criteria included being born or moving before the age of four to the Netherlands. This age was chosen due to the age of entering education, ensuring that all research participants went through the education system in their country of residence. However, there were exceptions. For example, one participant, while born in the

Netherlands, underwent a significant amount of her high school education in the United Kingdom. The age range of the participants were between 20-28, by nature of snowball sampling, but also somewhat reflective of the migration patterns in the Netherlands. This led

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to some limitations in the research, as when participants were asked to reflect on their occupations and career trajectory, some had just left school, and at most some were 5 years into their career. Thus, in terms of social mobility, the participants were not at their end point. Regardless, the data still shows crucial experiences in terms of mobility during educational years.

With regards to ‘second generation migrant’, literature varies on whether people with one native and one migrant parent are included. For the purposes of this research, both are included, but special attention is paid to the gender of such parents. For example, Participant 2 had a native father and migrant mother, however, had no contact with her father, and therefore raised entirely by her migrant mother, having a similar experience to participants with both migrant parents. By contrast, Participant 5 had a migrant father and native mother, the varying impact of this being discussed at length in the discussion. Furthermore, even this level of categorisation proved problematic, as, for example, Participant 3 had two non-native biological parents, but was raised since the age of two by a non-native ‘mother’ and a native ‘father’ and so her experiences has some commonalities with a native parent experience, and some with a two migrant parent experience. The different experiences of those with one migrant or two migrant parents is consistently reflected on during interviews and throughout the report.

Participant No. Mothers Country of Origin Fathers Country of Origin Age

1 Serbia Bosnia 21

2 Curacao Netherlands 26

3 Rwanda Rwanda 28

4 Ghana Ghana 21

5 Netherlands Sri Lanka 21

6 Suriname Netherlands 20

7 Turkey Turkey 26

8 Turkey Turkey 28

9 Sri Lanka Netherlands 20

Participant Characteristics.

It is necessary to reflect in more detail about the participants education background. Not, as it might be assumed, because this is a reflection of their social mobility. However, three of the participants were educated to a post-graduate level in social sciences. Moreover, of those three, they all specialised within their own research on the nature of the gender or migrant experience within the Netherlands. As a result, these participants may be more self-reflective and thus this reflected in their interviews. They may be more able to identify and expresses personal experiences in relation to wider power dynamics. They also spoke to

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sociological theories in their interview, and although it was not discussed at length, they had a general knowledge of the theories being employed in this research. Therefore, it is likely that they had a greater ability to verbalise their intersectional experience. The other participants had completed the HBO, but none were within the social sciences. 3.5 Data collection and Analysis

The interviews were conducted during April and May 2019 in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and Maastricht. Interviews were conducted in a place of the participants choice, which was generally quiet cafes, but sometimes in the participants workplace. This was done to ensure they felt as comfortable as possible. With the participants permission, all

interviews were recorded and later transcribed in full. At the beginning of the interview, the participants were made aware of the research aims, often described in more simplistic terms for those without an understanding of sociological terminology.After transcription, the data was coded into relevant themes. Initially, the codes took the form of themes relevant in the literature and specific to research sub-questions. After this, themes were subcategories, with codes being drawn from the data.

3.6 Interview Guide and Operationalisation

The basic interview guide was adapted for each interview based on parents country of origin. Here, it was insured a brief amount of research had been done on the country of origin, including but not limited to languages spoken, and recent refugee producing events. The intention of this was to foster a considerate environment where it was not necessary to ask uninformed questions, and participants were aware that thought and time had been put into the interview guide. The questions based around discrimination were not asked overtly during every interview. Since it is a sensitive subject, the researcher gauged the openness of the participant about such subjects during the interview, and if it felt appropriate, permission was asked to discuss issues of discrimination, giving the participant opportunity to decline. Additionally, labels of race or ethnicity were not given to the participant by the researcher. If the participant used a particular label, the researcher would use that label. Questions such as ‘do you think people can tell your parents are from [country of origin] when they meet you’ and a more general question, giving participants opportunity to identify themselves as racially othered or not, and therefore informing whether the research continued down this path of investigation. These measures were taken to ensure the comfort of the research participant.

The interview was structured around the main three concepts of capital as outlined by Bourdieu (1986) (see appendix one for full interview guide).

• Cultural Capital : These questions began more generally, asking participants about their parents ‘cultural practices’, allowing them to label such practices themselves.

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They were asked about connectedness to Dutch culture and their culture of origin, and the experience of balancing those cultures. Questions then asked about religion, gender norms, holidays, and languages spoken.

• Social Capital : This was understood predominantly as social networks and the none monetary resources that came from such. Participants were asking about their friendship groups, their colleagues and the people they spent time with on a day-to-day basis.

• Economic Capital : Participants were asked about their parents education and current jobs and their own. They were asked about their parents involvement in their

education and how this affected them.

3.7 Ethical Considerations and Limitations

‘Ethics is the discipline of dealing with what is right and wrong within a moral framework that is built on obligation and duty.’ (Nation 1997).

While research ethics has multiple meanings and definitions, the idea of obligation is

particularly important to address within this research, as the participants were known by the researcher prior to the research, and during the sampling process they were asked to find further participants. Thus, it was essential to convey at this point that participant

engagement was entirely voluntary. The researcher also explained this to the participants at the beginning of the interview and expressed they were free to withdraw any data at any point in the research process. They were also explained the aims of the research and how the data would be used. Before the interview was conducted, the participants were offered a topic list, and told to confirm whether they were comfortable with this, or if there was something they would prefer not to discuss. The interview guide was then adjusted

accordingly. Participants were also told they could say ‘I’d rather not discuss this’ at any point in the interview, and this would not be reflected on in the findings.

When researching vulnerable groups at power axes intersects, it is essential to any researcher to acknowledge their position on such axes. The researchers identity as a white cis woman, undoubtable affected the way the participants responded to her, and this is

something that must be reflected upon. Best (2003) writes that a white researcher working across race often puts an unfair onus on the participants to engage in social bridging, ensuring the researcher is truly understanding and accurately reporting their experience, arguing this is due to the participants concern that their experiences might be misunderstood otherwise. This is particularly interesting as it is reflective of what is found in literature itself, regarding the expectation of migrant women to be the cultural mediator. Thus, it was the responsibility of the researcher to inform them self adequately before the interviews. Also, as the researcher is highly educated, special care was taken to flatter the power dynamics; one example of this will be to conduct the interviews outside of the university environment.

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Additionally, the research and its aims were described in the most accessible language possible to as not to alienate the participants. The interviews were conducted in English, being the native language of the researcher. This has limitations to the scope of the research, as many second-generation migrants still embedded in their migrant communities have a more limited proficiency in English. Indeed, those more confident in English tended to be more highly educated. It was found to be a response during the sampling process; a few participants reported that their friends were not confident enough in English to be a participant.

Due to the nature of the research, sensitive subject matter arise, and therefore the data constructed needs to be handled ethically and with upmost care. The most obvious anticipated difficulty is with the theoretical concept is ‘discrimination’; defined as practices that reproduce discriminatory treatments, disadvantaging less empowered groups and advantaging, at the same time, the dominant group. This is a sensitive issue and embedded in notions of victimhood. Taking the advice of Fraser and Macdougall (2017), taking great care not to become constructors of the participants narrative, is it essential the researcher does not project what they assume to be discrimination onto the experiences of the participants. What is more important to the research, despite the operationalisation of the notion, is how the participants themselves feel about the experiences, as, according to intersectional feminist narrative researchers, ‘emotions are important sources of embodied knowledge’ (Fraser and MacDougall 2017: 245). It is important to allow participants to frame their own narratives and give them ownership of such (Fraser and MacDougall 2017); particularly situations the researcher has no experience of. This one example demonstrates the researchers attempts to ensure second generation migrant women are centred in the construction of the data, and how essential reflexivity is in this research.

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CHAPTER FOUR:

FINDINGS

4.0 Introduction

This chapter will review the main themes and present the findings of the 9 quantitative interviews. The interview was semi-structed by theme, and the findings will be presented thematically by research sub-question. Within the research sub-question, the sub-themes that emerged were from the subsequent data analysis. The four themes are: experience of economic capital, discrimination and its effect on mobility, experiences of cultural capital and experiences of social capital, and are presented respectively.

4.1 Findings: How do second generation migrant women experience economic capital?

4.1.1 Introduction

The following section summaries the key findings with regards to the first sub-question. Economic capital is understood as experiences with education and the labour market. Parental involvement with their children education was high, and this tended to be rooted in their mothers' experience of economic capital. It was found that, particularly within

education, participants’ parents’ aspirations for their education were the most relevant for their own educational outcome. However, this manifested in different ways and what parents deemed successful outcomes for their children’s education was heavily impacted by their own experiences of economic capital. In many circumstances, participants were found

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to be privy to contradicting expectations, which is a potential barrier to accessing economic capital.

4.1.2 Parental Aspirations for Education

Parents’ educational aspirations are key predictors of higher educational attainment

(Langenkamp 2019). Parents were found to be heavily involved in their children's education, having high aspirations for their children's educational and occupational outcomes. Some participants described their parents having a large impact on their educational decisions, high levels of communication with their teachers, and engagement with their homework. These participants attributed their educational success to these factors. Other participants describe how their parents' involvement was limited by the fact that they did not understand the Dutch education system. In these cases, their involvement manifested in different ways. Some participants described their parents' high levels of discipline. One participant said: ‘Let's say if my parents were Dutch, and I skip the class, there would be like ‘Oh, I think that's what I think, that it's not really that bad’. But my parents didn't that go to school, and they don’t understand. So for them, it's like, ‘You're playing with your school’

-Participant Four, Age 21

Other participants describe a more positive experience despite her mother not understanding:

‘In primary school, [my mother] was really involved, always helping me with

studying…. [but when I got to high school] my mum was like “okay, I don't understand your subjects” so she just says “I believe in you”, “you can do it”….’

-Participant Nine, Age 20

Despite this, all participants described, albeit in varying ways, their parents' high involvement in their children's education. Participants referred to notions of fulfilling their parents'

aspirations when talking about their own experiences of education. Parental aspirations seemed to be embedded in their own struggles, and this was found to be a gendered issue. Participants rarely referred to their father's experiences of economic capital, but often cited their mothers as a source of their aspirations. It was reported by all participants that their mothers had a nonconventional root through education and the labour market. One Participant describes:

‘My mum’s never finished a university degree. First, she had to move around so much when she was little, and her own mum didn’t encourage her, and just wanted her to earn money. And then when she’d just arrived in The Netherlands, she got pregnant with us. I think she was doing a degree in the time, but then she had to be a mother. At some point, I think she started studying on the side again, but then she was alone, she didn’t have anyone supporting her financially, and she had to look after us…it was just too much. So no, she’s not had conventional root, but she’s always interested in education, so I guess that’s where I got it from.’

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This highlight multiple barriers in place for first-generation migrant women and many of these barriers were reported by other participants. They describe the process of migration, having children and childcare and the pressure to earn money immediately as reasons their mother didn’t complete education. The impact of having to migrant on her mothers’ economic outcomes was described by one participant:

‘[my mother] wanted me to have a good education…Because she didn't finish her University in Serbia, she has a job that's like, below her education. If she has finished her University, her diploma could have been translated. So she will have the same job as she would have had in Serbia. But now she has a job that’s kind of a shitty job and she cannot get a better job because she doesn't have a diploma.’

-Participant One, Age 21

The theme of childbearing and expectations of childcare was repeated in most of the interviews. One participant explained that shortly after her mother’s migration, she became pregnant and was therefore unable to complete education. She explained how she had always been motivated to pursue education but with the burden of childcare and not having a partner to financially or emotionally support her, she needed to enter the labour market as quickly as possible to financially support the children. Not only did many participants report the process of migrating as preventing their mothers from continuing to further education or excelling in their careers, but the unequal distribution of kin work was also cited as a barrier. Participant Two and Three specifically referred to childcare roles as preventing their mothers from completing education. In further support of this, Participant Five described how her father, after arriving in the Netherlands at the age of 18, excelled in his education, gain host country qualifications and went on to become financially successful in his occupation. However, this was made possible by him forming a relationship with a native woman, who took on the childbearing roles for him. While he took on the extra labour expected of migration, she took on the labour of childcare. With her focusing on the household, he was able to invest more heavily in economic capital. Therefore, it is shown that

second-generation migrant women’s educational attainment is motivated by their mother's lack of economic capital and their resulting involvement in their children's education. Due to a lack of understanding of the Dutch education system, this involvement manifested in differing ways.

4.1.3 Aspirations for Occupation

All participants reported that their parents wanted them to have a high level of educational attainment in order to achieve a more specific occupational goal. Therefore, educational success was not seen as a destination in itself, but as a vehicle. More interestingly, such occupational goals varied dependant on their mother's experience, which in turn, affected the aspirations of the children's occupation. The three main aspirations that parents had for their children’s successful completion of education were occupational security, financial independence, and educational and occupational freedom.

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4.1.3.1 Education as a means to obtain occupational security

When asked why they thought their parents put such a heavy emphasis on education, some participants said their parents wanted them to ‘have a good job’, rather than having a well-paying job. One participant said:

‘They want me not to have a job at the bottom. Like, a cleaner. They don't want me to be to have a job that they could do, that someone who didn't have a diploma could do.’

-Participant Four, Age 21

Most of the participants who reported this said that they made their educational choices due to their parents’ wishes for them to have occupational security. As a result, they did not pursue creative paths like art or theatre and instead were encouraged to choose science-based subjects because they were perceived to lead to a specific occupation. Sometimes, this was reported in a negative light. However, other participants described how they were pleased about the influence their parents had on their occupational choices, and how this has positively affected their position in the labour market. They cited attributes like being more employable and having more job security due to the choices their parents had encouraged them to make. Occupational security was found to be specific to migrant parents; those with one native and one migrant parent specified that occupational security was much more important to their migrant parent, whereas high income was more

important to the native parent.

4.1.3.2 Education as a means to obtain financial independence

Some participants said their parents wanted them to have independence which mainly stemmed from their mothers co-dependency on their father. Education was emphasised because this was seen as the route to independence. One participant described that her mother lacking a diploma made her completely co-dependent on her father, and when he left, ‘everything went to shit’, which fuelled her encouragement of her daughters education. Other participants described their motivations for continuing in education to secure financial independence being rooted in their mother's lack of independence, which was typically due to their lack of education. One participant describes her mother’s motivations for her:

‘Security in a monetary way. So financial security, Social Security. So I wouldn't be depending on anyone, husband or wife doesn't even matter. But just me being independent, financially, saving up money to buy a house or whatever….the kids should be not dependent on anything.’

-Participant Eight, Age 28

Alternatively, some participants reported that their mother’s independence was the

motivation for their own independence. They describe experiences of their mother migrating on her own, without a male partner or father figure to support them, and becoming

financially independent, although this was rarely through education. However, the participants still viewed education as a means to achieve this, and as a result, invested in education. Aspirations for financial independence was found to be specifically from the

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mother’s perspective, which makes it a uniquely gendered experience. The intersect of second-generation migrant women having both the aspirations of them as women and of migrants means investing in education and being financially independent was very important to them. However, this was motivated by their own mother’s lack of or gain of financial independence themselves. Financial independence and autonomy, in this case, should be considered a form of economic capital.

4.1.3.3 Educational and Occupational Freedom

Some participants note their parent’s emphasis on them studying something they enjoy. In these cases, their parents’ aspirations for them to do so was embedded in their parent’s lack of choice. Typically, their parents had to make educational or occupational choices under constraint contexts caused by the migration process; typically due to them having to make money as soon as they arrived in the Netherlands. As a result, their children had been encouraged to study something they enjoy. In these cases, they were more creative subjects and therefore less financially rewarded. One participant, when asked if her mother wanted her to be finically successful, said:

‘My mother doesn’t care about money. That’s the last thing she cares about. She always tells me “you’ve got to enjoy what you do”. I know that she would want me to take a job that pays less if it’s something I enjoyed doing more.’

-Participant Six, Age 20

Here, parents are actively encouraging their children to make choices that result in lower income, but moves towards a different occupational goal. This should not be considered downward mobility.

4.1.4 Dual Expectations

Participants describe the expectation that they will succeed in education and the labour market, depending on how their parents view economic success. Participant Eight said: ‘My God. It's a classic story. You would hear it every time’. As children of migrants, the

participants felt an expectation to excel in their education in a way their parents never did. However, a lot of participants still experience the expectation to participate in childcare. Almost all participants assumed that they would at some point have a partner and children. However, there seems to be a discontinuity between those two expectations. When asked about how they saw both roles manifesting, no participants had a clear idea. They merely knew both were expected of them, and both had to be achieved, with no tangible plan to be able to balance the two somewhat incompatible roles. One participant describes:

‘I don’t actually know what [my mother] thinks will happen. Because, yeah, you’re right, by the time you get a job, you need to quit your job to have kids. She never sent those kinds of things to me though, so I don't know how she thinks about it. But I know that she expects both from me.’