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Graduate School of Communication

MSc Communication Science: Entertainment Communication Master Thesis

Exploring effective communication strategies and meanings of cinema-going among older adults: An approach to the mature market

by Valerie Burgahn

ID: 11811803 Supervisor: Marlies Klijn

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Dr. Marlies Klijn who was always eager to support this research and the interviewees for sharing their experiences and opinions. The incentive for this research was set in the seminar Developing Media Entertainment held by Dr. Jessica Taylor Piotrowski and Maren Scheffler in autumn 2017, in which a consultancy report regarding Dutch cinema-goers was carried out for the Dutch Research Foundation (Stichting Filmonderzoek).

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Abstract

In the consequence of an aging society, more than half of the population in Germany is now 50 years and older (Statistisches Bundesamt (SB), 2018). Therefore, elderly people emerge as an attractive target group for consumer products and leisure activities such as cinema-going. Recent statistics show an increase in cinema-going among German older adults but in relation to their population share, still very few go (FFA, 2018). On these grounds, the present study seeks to uncover meanings of cinema-going and detect effective communication strategies among German adults aged 55 to 74 by analyzing age-related characteristics, channel as well as content affinities. Five focus groups (N = 19) were qualitatively conducted and analyzed, using a grounded theory approach in the context of a socio-psychological lifespan

perspective. In light of socioemotional selectivity theory, generational concepts and social identity theory, the findings show that participants enjoy cinema-going and perceive it as a meaningful activity regarding various motivating factors and despite preventing reasons. Results further demonstrate a strong affinity to traditional media while the use of digital media is seen as a new privilege. Even though age-related preferences occurred, participants revealed a resistance towards promotions with age-related associations due to negative age connotations and stereotyped views on the elderly. In conclusion, it is suggested to tackle this by avoiding age-related associations and focusing on what was found to attract this age group: an enriching experience, social value, live and theme events, salient visuals, the movie theatre itself, movie actors and content of their interest.

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Table of Contents Introduction ... 5 Theoretical Framework ... 7 Age-related Characteristics ... 7 Media Affinity ... 9 Content Affinity ... 10 Methods... 12 Design ... 12 Sample ... 13

Data Collection and Procedure ... 14

Analysis ... 15

Results ... 17

Motivations and Barriers ... 18

Channels ... 20

Promotions ... 21

Discussion ... 24

Main Findings and Conclusion ... 24

Implications ... 28

Limitations ... 29

References ... 31

Appendix ... 40

Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer ... 40

Appendix B: Interview Guide [English Version] ... 41

Appendix C: Excerpt of Transcript ... 44

Appendix D: Questionnaire [English Version] ... 46

Appendix E: Excerpt of Memo ... 48

Appendix F: Excerpt of the Open Coding Process ... 51

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Exploring effective communication strategies and meanings of cinema-going among older adults: An approach to the mature market

Going to the movies remains a common leisure practice throughout Europe with its highest admission level in 2016 since 2004 (European Audiovisual Observatory, 2017). In spite of other uprising entertainment options, such as streaming services, this recreational activity stays unique and valuable (UNIC, 2018). Going to the movies in Germany is

particularly favored among teenagers and people in their thirties (FFA, 2018). By contrast, a considerably smaller percentage of people aged 55 and older visit the cinema (FFA, 2018), although older adults potentially have the time and financial means to go to the cinema (Buslei, Schulz & Steiner, 2007; Kochskämper & Niehues, 2017). However, over the past ten years there is a noticeable increase in cinema-going across German elderly people (FFA, 2018). Compared to middle-aged and younger people though, still very few elderly people visit the cinema. In 2017, German youngsters aged ten to 24 represented 15% of the population but bought 29% tickets of the total of 118.4 million tickets. In contrast, people aged 55 and older accounted for 42% of the population but merely purchased 19% of the cinema tickets (FFA, 2018). Thus, the market share in cinema admissions of German older adults still remains very low.

Populations in Western societies gradually age, resulting in a demographic transition (Moschis, 2003). In Germany already half of the population is 50 years and older (FFA, 2018; SB, 2018), living longer, healthier and more active lives with greater spending power than 30 years ago (Buslei et al., 2007; Kochskämper & Niehues, 2017). This signals the vast potential and attractiveness of targeting the today’s 55-74-year-olds since people at this age stage emerge to be an increasingly important target group in the market place. The entertainment industry is trying to act upon this issue for instance by offering special deals or creating movies with elderly actors (Cox, 2012).

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The older consumer segment also gains an increasing relevance in various fields of research, such as behavioral science and health (e.g., Fancourt & Tymoszuk, 2018) or sociology (e.g., Hoppe, Tischer, Philippsen & Hartmann-Tews, 2016). A substantial amount of research analyzed older adults’ portrayal in the media with regard to stereotypes and societal bias (e.g., Kessler, Schwender & Bowen, 2010; Williams, Wadleigh & Ylänne, 2010) as well as the importance of cultural activities regarding positive effects on older adults’ social and cognitive well-being (e.g., Mc Govern & Nazroo, 2005; Toepoel, 2013). However, little is known about how elderly people themselves feel seen and want to be addressed in the media (e.g., Balasz, 2004; Hoffmann, Liebermann & Schwarz, 2012; Moschis & Mathur, 2006). Particularly the relation between meanings of cinema-going and promotion preferences among this age group has not yet been explored. On these grounds, this study approaches older adults’ age-related characteristics, media attitudes as well as usage behavior from a psychological, sociological and lifespan perspective in consideration of recent empirical research (e.g., Hepp, Berg & Roitsch, 2017; Meisner, 2012; Weiss & Lang, 2012).

Given the widely neglected research area and the attractiveness of this age group, there is a high demand for a better understanding of senior adult consumers. In light of these issues, the present study addresses the following research question: How do German elderly people between 55 and 74 experience cinema-going and which communication strategies are

appealing towards this age group? This is aimed to be answered by qualitatively approaching older adults’ meanings of cinema in light of age-related characteristics and theories of aging; their media usage behavior and preferences in terms of generational aspects and current media reports; and their content affinities in the context of social identity theory and empirical research about elderly portrayals as follows:

Sub-question 1: What are older adults’ motivations and barriers of cinema-going? Sub-question 2: Which channel(s) is/are the best to reach this audience?

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Sub-question 3: Which tone should be used to address and persuade them? Theoretical Framework

Aging is a multifaceted term referring to associations as being a senior, old or an old adult (e.g., Balazs, 2004; Wagner, Hassanein & Head, 2010). Definitions merely based on chronological years can be insufficient given the increasing heterogeneity between individuals at this age stage (Guido, Amatulli & Pelsuo, 2014; Naab & Schwarzenegger, 2017). Striking life circumstances and events can suddenly change someone’s life which may result in a divergence between one’s chronological age and psychological age (Guido et al., 2014). Thus, the concept of aging must be described as a more comprehensive term which entails

chronological, biological and psychological changes over time (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004; Moschis, 2003). The present study focuses on people aged 55 years and older since this is often considered as the starting point of being an older adult (e.g., Lee, Carpenter & Meyers, 2007; Toepoel, 2013). Furthermore, empirical research has shown that age-related changes are noticeable at this age stage (e.g., Singh-Manoux et al., 2012).

Age-related Characteristics

Growing older means going through many changes (Moschis, 2003). Existing theories of aging reflect distinct perceptions amongst maturing adults and their surroundings (Gunter, 1998). The disengagement theory originated by Cumming and Henry (1961) describes the process of aging as a gradual withdrawal from the world on a physical, psychological and social level revealing in lower energy levels, less interest in the world and fewer interactions with others (Cumming & Henry, 1961; Gunter, 1998). In accordance with this theory, researchers detected physical changes that accompany aging, more precisely declines in physical and cognitive abilities such as changes in memory, processing speed or literacy skills (e.g., Nielsen & Mather, 2011; Singh-Manoux et al., 2012).

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one’s interests, hobbies and amount of social interaction to ensure a successful aging. Current research reveals that particularly cultural activities as visiting the cinema may help elderly people to maintain cognitive functions and moreover, improve mature adults’ well-being and self-rated health (e.g., Fancourt & Tymoszuk, 2018; Kobayashi, Wardle, & von Wagner, 2014; McGovern & Nazroo, 2015). Relatedly, the study by Toepoel (2013) concluded that leisure activities such as cinema-going can be a successful way to combat social isolation as older adults often feel lonely due to fewer social contacts which affect their well-being (Pettigrew, Donovan, Boldy, & Newton, 2014).

Next to social and physical changes, the socioemotional selectivity theory (SST) by Carstensen (1992, 1995) focuses on psychological processes, particularly on age-related changes in social preferences and behavior over the lifespan. Since the elderly perceive the future as increasingly limited, they strive for emotional satisfaction and have the tendency to remain in familiar surroundings, whereas the desire for acquiring new information decreases (Carstensen, 1995). In line with current research, older adults’ flexibility and the motivation to pursue new social contacts decreases (Carstensen, 1992, 1995; Marcum, 2013; Nielsen & Mather, 2011). As they have already satisfied their needs for material possessions,

experiences rather than things become their primary goal (Balazs, 2004; Carstensen, 1995). These age-related characteristics in light of SST were found to be strong predictors for mature adults’ viewing affinities (e.g., Mares, Bartsch, & Bonus, 2016; van der Goot, van

Reijmersdal, & Kleemans, 2016; Williams & Drolet, 2005). People at their later stages of life feel attracted to meaningful content since it not only fulfills their eudemonic needs but also evokes positive emotions (e.g., Mares et al., 2016). Consequently, the striving for hedonic or frightening content decreases, whereas for youngsters it appears to be the other way around (Mares et al., 2016). These findings are consistent with the study by Hoffmann and

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both women and men prefer meaningful and heartwarming content next to cultural and historic films. Meanwhile, frightening content and hedonic needs such as fun media content become less attractive with increasing age unless it is meaningful.

Media Affinity

Among the mature audience, age-related differences occur not only in content preferences but also in media preferences. While newspaper, television or the radio are the most commonly used and trusted media by the mature audience, internet usage shows an upward trend across all age stages (e.g., BVDW, 2018; Koch & Frees, 2017; Wagner et al., 2010). Despite this uprising tendency, elderly people still use new media significantly less with increasing perceived barriers of using computer-based technologies when growing older (Lee, Chen, & Hewitt, 2011). In the course of this study, a focus is set on German older adults. Television and the internet are the most used media channels among Germans aged 55 and older while social media is still rarely utilized by this audience (BVDW, 2018).

This usage behavior appears in various Western countries, emphasized by a cross-national study that highlights generational differences regarding advertisement attitudes and media usage behavior (van der Goot, Rozendaal, Opree, Ketelaar, & Smit, 2018). This study distinguishes between three media generations: the newspaper- (54-81-year-olds), TV- (35-53-year-olds) and internet generation (17-34-year-olds), whereas the first two were found to overlap. Merely among the 54-81-year-olds, a negative attitude towards new media and advertisement was found (van der Goot et al., 2018). Further studies with a cross-national focus outline various motivations and barriers for new media usage among elderly people such as information and health seeking or connectedness with friends as a motive and data protection worries, lack of knowledge, benefit or interest as a constraint (e.g., Dogruel, Dogruel, Joeckel, & Bowman, 2015; Leist, 2013).

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Mannheim (1952). The theory of generations was firstly mentioned by Mannheim in the year 1923 which understands a generation to be a specific cohort of a population. Mannheim defines them as groups of people who grow up at the same time, share the same experiences and thus, naturally form a collective consciousness. This generational formation most strongly occurs during late adolescence (Mannheim, 1952). Consequently, every generation has

different attitudes, preferences and usage behavior towards media compared to another generation, depending on the circumstances and its influences a cohort grows up with (Hepp et al., 2017; Wagner et al., 2010). This issue has been examined by present research, revealing that today’s people aged 55 and older, the so-called baby boomer generation, rather slowly picks up new media and tends to be more critical or develop resistance towards new media and advertisement (Hepp et al., 2017; van der Goot et al., 2018; Xie, Watkins, Golbeck, & Huang, 2012).

Content Affinity

Research has concluded that senior adults are often under- and misrepresented in the media in proportion to their respective percentage of the population not only in Germany but in various Western countries (e.g., Hoppe et al., 2016; Kessler et al., 2010; Williams et al., 2010). Different reasons exist for this disproportion: For one thing, addressing seniors and their needs in advertisements is very complex as this age group, in specific the current generation, is diverse with different preferences and stages of media usage depending on life circumstances as well as social, cultural and other factors (e.g., Naab & Schwarzenegger, 2017). For advertisers, it might appear easier to promote younger age groups and seem more profitable to remain a youth-oriented market (Carrigan & Szmigin, 2000). This, however, ignores the big market potential of the present senior generation (e.g., Moschis, 2003).

Next to limited visibility, another issue becomes apparent. Mass media and its

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certain depictions of elderly people which are adopted and internalized not only by individuals but solidified by society in the long-run (e.g., Hoppe et al., 2016; Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012; Williams et al., 2010). Such stereotypes can be described as beliefs, cognitions and expectancies about concepts, behaviors or characteristics of certain members in social groups, located in the long-term memory (Cuddy & Fiske, 2002; Williams et al., 2010). Stereotypes of the elderly appear in positive (e.g., trust, warmth, expertise) or negative (e.g., incompetence) ways (Meisner, 2012). The latter is often referred to the term ageism which can be defined as negative attitudes towards individuals of a certain age, introduced by Butler (2005) in 1968. Findings from prior research reveal that age stereotypes are predictors for not only framing societal beliefs but also older adults’ well-being either triggering positive or negative self-perceptions, whereas negative stereotypes were found to have a stronger influence than positive ones (Levy, Slade, Kunkel, & Kasl, 2002; Meisner, 2012).

If elderly people appear in ads, often negative stereotypes are persistent, for example by emphasizing needs for special treatment, physical and mental weaknesses, underscoring age or physically unattractive depictions (e.g., Balazs, 2004; Weiss & Lang, 2012). In case of positive portrayals, depictions are often extremely staged creating an ideal of being old (e.g., Brooks, Bichard, & Craig, 2016; Hoppe et al., 2016). Such stereotypes might frame older adults’ self-identity, explained with the social identity theory (SIT) by Tajfel and Turner (Turner, 1975; Turner, Brown, & Tajfel, 1979). SIT states that an individual’s self-concept comprises two parts: personal identity and social identity. Personal identity is one’s self-image and social identity that derives from the perceived membership of a social group (i.e., ingroup and outgroup) is associated with positive or negative value connotation (Hoffmann et al., 2012; Turner, 1975). In general, individuals strive for a positive social identity. In the context of aging, unfavorable depictions can lead to either acceptance or avoidance of such social identities (Turner, 1975; Weiss & Lang, 2012). Older adults might internalize negative

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social identities endorsing negative age stereotypes about themselves and consequently their own age group. To foster their self-image, they employ various strategies to protect

themselves from negative depictions (Hoffmann et al., 2012; Weiss & Lang, 2012). As a possible coping strategy they might distance themselves from these views by shifting their self-definition to an alternative identity such as evaluating themselves younger than they are or focusing on their generation (Weiss & Lang, 2012).

So far, very little research exists on how to create promotional content targeting mature adults effectively. The theory of self-verification by Swann (1983) postulates people’s desire for recognition from others and motivation of maintaining one’s self-verification. The theory sheds light on the findings of the study by Hoffmann et al. (2012) revealing that perceived similarity between oneself and the advertisement depiction of an older adult elicits positive effects. Hence, ads that reflect the elderly in a realistic manner are most effective, resulting in positive attitudes towards the ads (Hoffmann et al., 2012). Other studies reveal the opposite, stating older people are likely to see themselves younger than they are (e.g., Guido et al., 2014; Weiss & Lang, 2012) from which results that addressing them by their

chronological age is rather ineffective (Moschis & Mathur, 2006).

While the theoretical frame provides a basis for understanding this target group, it remains unclear how this age group itself wants to be addressed and more precisely, which kind of promotional content regarding cinema would be appealing to them. This sets an incentive to identify elderly peoples’ meanings of cinema-going and to investigate effective promotion strategies.

Methods Design

With regard to the research aim, it is beneficial to apply an explanatory qualitative research approach not only regarding the limited amount of prior research but also due to the

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effectiveness of revealing insights about someone’s view, thought process and experiences (Flick, 2014; Krueger & Casey, 2015). Focus groups are particularly suitable as the method on the one hand provides participants time to think but also encourages communication which consequently stimulates discourse (Krueger & Casey, 2015). Further, potential group

dynamics might uncover patterns in perceptions of cinema-going and promotion affinities. Sample

German adults aged 55 to 74 were considered for the focus groups. The sample

consisted of 19 participants divided by the age stages 55 to 64 (58%) and 65 to 74 (42%) from which nine participants are retired and ten still work (Table 1). The sample contains a gender ratio of 63% females and 37% males. Purposeful sampling was applied as it allows to select participants matching the criteria of the phenomenon under study (Palinkas, Horwitz, Green, Wisdom, Duan, & Hoagwood, 2015). The sample was based on the criteria age, gender, origin and cinema attendance level. All participants were expected to speak German. The last sample requirement was to search for people who visit the cinema on a more or less frequent basis. Such variety enhances the transferability and credibility of the findings (Koerber & McMichael, 2008). A total of five focus groups were conducted with 3 to a maximum of 6 participants per session as bigger group sizes might be too overstraining for the considered age group (Table 1).

Table 1

Sample Characteristics

Date Group Name Gender Age Occupation Frequency Karlsruhe

10/27/18 I Hazel Female 64 Retired Every couple of months 10/27/18 I Gustav Male 61 Full-time Once a month

10/27/18 I Rudi Male 58 Full-time Every couple of months 10/27/18 I Isa Female 67 Retired Every couple of months 10/28/18 II Ulrich Male 59 Full-time Every couple of months 10/28/18 II Hans Male 68 Retired Every couple of months 10/28/18 II Andi Male 56 Full-time Once a month

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10/28/18 II Lisa Female 59 Full-time Less than once a year 10/28/18 II Ingrid Female 59 Part-time Once a month

Munich

11/21/18 III Agnes Female 72 Retired Less than once a year 11/21/18 III Monique Female 71 Retired Every couple of months 11/21/18 III Teresa Female 60 Retired Every couple of months 11/23/18 IV Heidi Female 70 Retired Every couple of months 11/23/18 IV Charlotte Female 70 Retired Every couple of months 11/23/18 IV Kathrin Female 60 Retired Once a month

11/23/18 V Tessa Female 65 Retired Less than once a year 11/23/18 V Kevin Male 65 Full-time Every couple of months 11/23/18 V Tom Male 62 Full-time Once a month

Note. The anonymity of the participants is guaranteed by having used pseudonym names. Online and offline recruitment strategies such as snowball sampling and personal networks have been applied in order to find individuals consistent with the sampling

characteristics for the two focus groups in Karlsruhe. For the remaining three focus groups in Munich, people were recruited through senior centers, churches, and choirs as well as direct approaches on the street. A flyer containing all relevant information was sent or handed out to incentivize people to participate (Appendix A).

Data Collection and Procedure

The three sub-research questions set a basis for the interview guide structure, including an icebreaker and a transition question, three open-ended key questions and a rounding up question (Appendix B; Krueger & Casey, 2015). The questions about their cinema experiences and media usage behavior were applied as a mean to inspire participants to reveal their promotional affinities and aversions. Stimulus material, such as promotional flyers or a poster showing advertisement slogans (Appendix B), was created to support the participants in recalling a specific situation (Flick, 2014). One prior probing was performed in which expected answers were taken into account to test the clarity, completeness, and length of the guide. Besides, extensive engagement with older adults took place via prior phone calls to test potential biases. These two techniques foster the validity of this research (Flick, 2014).

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The focus groups were conducted within one month between October 27th and

November 23rd, 2018 and were guided by a moderator, experienced in conducting interviews and group discussions. The focus groups took place in a public institution or in the home of the researcher and lasted from one to one and a half hours. Participants were asked to fill in a short questionnaire regarding their demographics and media use (Appendix D). The sessions were held in German, audio-recorded and transcribed (Appendix C). All quotations used for the results section were translated from German to English. The participants’ anonymity is guaranteed by having used pseudonym names and by deleting all identifiable quotes. The raw data may be viewed in the CD supplement.

Analysis

As older adults’ meanings of cinema and effective target strategies cannot be adequately explained by existing theories and research, the posed research question was analyzed with the data-driven grounded theory approach via ATLAS.ti. The roots of the grounded theory by Glaser and Strauss (1967) lay in an open circular process in which theory emerges from the data of the research.

Crucial for a proper analysis is the immediate transcription and memo-writing (Flick, 2014). Both have been applied in the present study. The immediate written transcripts and memos that were constantly written during the research process avoid biases and assure transparency (Appendix C, E). This enhances the trustworthiness and credibility of the

findings (Flick, 2014). Next to the participants’ revealed content, the manner how respondents expressed their opinion was observed by focusing on their facial expression, gestures, and accentuation. This enabled a thick description of the sample which enhances transferability and credibility of the findings as readers can follow the research process. After each session, summaries were prepared to immediately ask respondents for feedback via e-mail in case something was misinterpreted or missed. Worthwhile comments have been received, for

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instance one participant helped to understand the aspect of knowledge enhancement as a motivator for cinema-going (Appendix E). This member checking technique assures accuracy of the findings. Besides, peer debriefing has been applied to foster the validity of the research, for example in helping to realize participants’ perceived importance of identifying with their generation rather than age.

In the first stage of this inductive theory-generated approach, the transcripts were reviewed and broken down into small units (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Then, codes were assigned to the respective units via line by line open coding and potential categories were formed that could describe the dimensions and properties of the respondents’ experiences with cinema-going and feelings towards promotion strategies (Appendix F).

During the second stage, in the process of axial coding, relationships among or between categories were refined by conducting further samples as well as testing and redefining categories from open coding (Koerber & McMichael, 2008). As an example, the dimension media channels was redefined to channels since social contact was found to be a crucial channel for hearing about a certain movie. Constant comparison was undertaken until the meanings of the categories were assured. In doing so, important theoretical insights emerged. Saturation was reached after the last two focus groups since already examined patterns and themes reoccurred and content remained similar regarding older adults’ experiences with cinema-going and their promotion affinities or deviations.

In the third stage of this process, the initial codes and categories were brought into a broader context via selective coding. After the comparison of the respective focus groups, themes were developed, categories redefined and reduced as well as codes were merged, resulting in a code list (Appendix G). For instance, entertainment seeking was merged with event experience as it has been realized that all quotes coded with entertainment seeking imply event experience. During this iterative process, a theoretical concept slowly emerged

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describing the central phenomenon of the study which helped to explore how the prior developed sensitizing concepts fit the results and if there is need to adjust or expand the concepts. This in-depth method section enhances the trustworthiness of this research as another person can retrace every step (Flick, 2014).

Results

Three major dimensions were identified, each revealing variation and building up to the following concept-indicator model, explaining effective communication strategies and meanings of cinema-going among German elderly people.

Figure 1: Concept-indicator model.

The upper section of Figure 1 indicates the motivations and barriers of cinema-going amongst German older adults aged 55 and 74 as it was explored that there exist many motives beyond the movie itself that may incentivize or prevent participants from going to the movies. The lower section outlines which channels and promotions are appealing towards this target group and which are not, drawing a direct link towards the practical application. It is crucial to firstly find out what motivates this age group (not) to go to the cinema, how and through

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which channel(s) this age group wants to be addressed in order to secondly be able to develop effective promotion strategies. The findings below are structured by the dimensions of the concept-indicator model and their respective indicators which in turn reflect the chronological order of the sub-questions of the main research question.

Motivations and Barriers

Motivations. As participants might feel uncomfortable in the beginning, the

discussion started with associations and frequency of cinema-going as well as reasons for and against going to the movie theatre. With regard to all five focus groups, participants did not hesitate to express their opinion and seemed to enjoy revealing their personal experiences. It was discovered that interviewees aged 55 to 74 visit the cinema for different reasons. These incentives may appear interlinked and may change depending on mood and current life condition such as retirement or loss. However, two major aspects turned out to be highly appealing amongst all respondents: For one thing, cinema-going is valued as a mean to connect and socialize with family and friends, as Anni (62) pointed out: “For me it’s less about the movie but rather to spend time with a friend and having a nice evening” on which Ingrid (59) agreed: “When I go with someone […] then it is not only about the movie but moreover about being together with friends, the complete package.” Besides seeing cinema-going as a social activity, it emerged that participants primarily feel motivated to go to the film theatre to be entertained and enjoy something different from their daily life, encompassed by the indicator event experience. This experience is often associated with technical aspects and a complete entertainment package that fully immerses the audience, e.g. Isa (67)

explained: “I like the big screen, the whole thing, Popcorn needs to be there too and just doing something different than at home” or Andi (56) stated: “Especially due to the big screen and the unique sound it is a very different experience compared to watching a movie at home.” Deriving from the analysis of the group discussions further incentives were detected. For

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instance, the fact that going to the cinema can also be motivated by the film itself, denoted by film of interest as Heidi (70) pointed out: “I only go see a movie if I am interested in the content.” In turn, others go to the movie theatre to enjoy time for themselves within a community, mentioned by participants using the term relaxation as follows: “Either I am alone and really enjoy being there within a community […]” (Ingrid, 59) or “Relaxing is important to me. I go to the movies when I need two hours for myself and where I can lay back and enjoy” (Gustav, 61). This aspect particularly emerged amongst the participants who are not retired yet. Another motive to go see a movie revealed by the interviewees is

knowledge enhancement, as for instance Charlotte (70) described: “I specifically like it when I still think about a movie days later and I even do research about certain insights of the movie” or Hazel (64) emphasized: “I like to see movies about history, nature or other specific topics.” Barriers. Even though all participants revealed their overall pleasure in cinema-going, they also stated reasons that prevent them from going. The indicator social barrier became apparent as the investigated main motive for not going to the movies. It turned out that

particularly the retired respondents miss a cinema-friend out of different reasons as Tessa (65) stated: “I do not like going alone […] and with the ones I like to go to the movie it is often a time problem because most of my friends are still working” or Agnes (72) revealed: “I do not have someone to go with and would not enjoy going by myself.” In general, however, the majority of this sample highly enjoys cinema experiences and some of the infrequent-goers questioned themselves why they do not go that often. They justify this amongst others with laziness, as Kevin (65) pointed out: “I definitely go to the cinema too seldom caused by my laziness and no motivation. It is so different if you have arranged a meeting and therewith having a fixed date.” Further, inconvenient movie times were found to potentially hinder some of the still working interviewees to go see a movie as Ulrich (59) stressed: “I consciously select movies I want to see but it is difficult because during the week they mostly run in the

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afternoon” or Gustav (61) mentioned: “I cannot go to the cinema in the afternoon at 3 pm. At least not yet.” This reveals that such perceived inconvenience was merely experienced by the working participants. For some participants old habits appeared to be another moving cause for not going to the cinema, stressed for instance by Hazel (64) in agreement with the other participants: “The ones who have always enjoyed going to the movies continue going to the movies even if he or she is 65 now and the ones who did not go earlier also do not go today.” At last, physical barrier was detected as a potential reason for not going to the cinema which is for instance apparent in Gustav’s (61) claim: “I now need to wear varifocals. Before, I loved to see 3D-movies in the cinema. Such glasses and a 3D-film are not working together though. The industry needs to think of elderlies too!”

Channels

When focusing on participants’ media preferences and usage behavior in order to uncover through which channels this age group most likely finds out about a movie

promotion, the following was discovered: A clear consensus of the most widely used channels was found across both age stages from 55 to 64 and 65 to 74, indicated by sticking to the old. With regard to the interviewees, social contacts, the newspaper, TV ads, newsletters, and subscriptions were mostly used and trusted compared to other channels, such as social media, on-site promotions, outdoor media or the radio. In this respect, Kevin (65) said: “In my case, it mainly goes via word-of-mouth recommendation” or as Monique (71) made clear: “If they would not have done so much advertisement for this movie on TV, I would not have known about it.” Less used and trusted media channels varied widely from radio, outdoor promotion to pre-trailers in the movie theatres. Depending on the respondent, they were perceived more or less important. Further, social media turned out to be a rarely used and untrustworthy source across all participants as Isa (67) stressed: “When I see a promotion on social media I double-check because many offers are not realistic or even fake. It is different for me

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compared to receiving information via social contacts, the newspaper or the TV, which I can trust more.” However, it has been found that even though new media was regarded quite skeptical among the participants due to data protection issues and distrust, it was seen as a new privilege at the same time, categorized as new media as a privilege. This can be illustrated with the words of a man who emphasized: “For me, it is a privilege to be able to search on the internet. This is a huge progress for me” (Hans, 68). The analysis of the five focus groups further revealed that the age group of mature adults from 55 to 74 would not want to see a movie they did not consciously choose themselves beforehand. Respondents postulate a conscious film selection, which can be described as a three-step-process from finding out about a movie via a specific channel, self-informing and double checking in the internet to lastly deciding to (not) go to the cinema as the following participants outlined: “I choose a movie very deliberately and look forward to go” (Ingrid, 59) or as Hazel (64)

described: “If I see something, for instance a flyer in the newspaper or if I hear about a movie through social contacts, the first step is always the internet.” Andi (56) even described this conscious search process as “the first step toward the adventure.”

Promotions

While participants got more and more comfortable with the situation, questions were shifted to more in-depth ones. The issue of how to effectively address this age stage was faced. In doing so, three main discoveries have been made. First, while showing the

participants promotion flyers, it turned out that explicit promotions with discounts and special deals rather affect this age group in an adverse way. This derives from the fact that

participants feel overstimulated by ads in general, emphasized e.g. by Gustav (61): “This kind of promotion has no effect on me at all because it is a complete overstimulation for me. Promotion in the newspaper is the first thing I throw away” (Appendix B, flyer 1) or as Andi (56) stated: “Such a flyer gets lost in the flood of flyers.” Further, Rudi (58) stressed: “All the

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promotions with cake, coffee or wine do not interest me at all […]. Such advertisements rather affect me negatively” (Appendix B, flyer 1, 2). Another aspect being linked with participants’ negative associations were mentioned by the respondents as follows: “I also do not care if the movie costs €6 or €11, if I want to see a specific movie I do not mind how much it costs” (Gustav, 61) (Appendix B, flyer 4) or “I think now we are all in an age stage where we can buy our coffee and cake ourselves” (Anni, 62) (Appendix B, flyer 1). Hence, Interviewees stressed that they do not need this kind of promotion, unfolded by the indicator direct ads no-go.

Secondly, it was discovered that especially age-related terms turned out to be a sensitive topic amongst the participants. A tense atmosphere was noticed exclusively during discussing this matter. Across all respondents, there was found a clear consensus that they do not want to be addressed by their age or age-related terms, indicated by age associations no-go. It turned out that being promoted as a senior or advertised with age-related terms makes this age group feel negatively stereotyped and excluded by the media and from society, e.g. Gustav (61) complained: “Are there advertisements for 20-year-olds? No right?” or Ingrid (59) opened up: “Being addressed this way makes me feel like an outsider group. I have something against being put in a box. It is not about the fact of aging but rather about being associated with nothing else but a senior.” Hence, participants claim a heterogeneous society as follows by Ulrich (59): “The mixture makes it appealing. It is not attractive to me to only be with same-aged people”, congruent with Charlotte (70): “I do not want to be categorized like this. I want young and old mixed, I want a society which is mixed.” Further, the group discussions clearly showcased that not only the media and society, but elderly people

themselves associate aging or being a senior with negative traits, e.g. the following participant claims: “I do not feel like a senior. I would not understand why being addressed as a senior or why not being interested in recent topics […]. I would definitely get mad seeing such

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promotions” (Charlotte, 70). In turn, being addressed as a senior or as someone with special needs rather makes this age group feel offended as they feel younger than they are, stated for instance by Hazel (64):

That’s the contradiction in society. You are supposed to work till you are 67 and be very productive […] and then you go home and all the sudden you are a 50+-year-old grandma who can go to the cinema with coffee and cake […]. It is not possible to degrade us down to old people in our free time.

Furthermore, Isa (67) outlined: “Times also have changed a bit. We do not say ‘the young agers’ without a reason!” on which Gustav (61) agreed: “Yes, ‘best ager’” or Hans (68) emphasized: “Maybe this is the problem that commerce wants to promote us all in the same specific way. And very likely such a fit and diverse senior generation never existed before.” Thus, the senior term is afflicted with a meaning different from how this age group feels.

Third and last, it was explored which promotions are actually appealing to this target group. An answer to this became apparent during discussing the promotion flyers and advertisement slogans with the participants (Appendix B). After having analyzed as well as compared the participants’ statements, it emerged that participants mainly feel attracted to the content and its visuals of a promotion, indicated by content and visuals go. Participants highly appreciate plain and true content without much extra like special deals and discounts as Ingrid (59) outlined: “Ads with content about the movie I like much better as they promote the movie and not the people who are supposed to go to the movie.” Besides, participants feel attracted to live entertainment formats, such as opera or open-air cinema. This is for instance expressed by Isa (67): “Once a month they broadcast the Metropolitan opera with food and drinks. This live screening was very impressive” or by Anni (62): “Open-air is a very nice atmosphere.” Further, specific theme events, such as a film series of one director or a screening of old classics, received positive encouragement, indicated e.g. by Andi (56): “I

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would definitely enjoy watching a good old movie in the cinema. This would be a very nice program extension” (Appendix B, flyer 4) in consent with Agnes (72): “Then you especially think about your own youth. Such nice old classics.” Next to the content, the visuals do not seem less important among the participants, as stated by the following interviewees: “If a flyer is peppy then I think about going” (Tom, 62) or “The after work flyer I like the best as it is vivid and colorful” (Kathrin, 60) (Appendix B, flyer 2). It can also be worthwhile to

advertise the movie theatre itself since some of the respondents feel a high appreciation of certain types of cinemas, e.g. described by Ingrid (59): “I like old cinema theatres [the best] maybe also because certain memories are linked to these theatres” or Tom (62) stated: “Especially the new cinemas are really nice and I like their seats with enough legroom.”

Discussion Main Findings and Conclusion

This study aimed to yield insight into the meanings of cinema-going and to uncover effective communication strategies across German older adults between 55 and 74. With regard to the posed research question, findings show that the elaborated dimensions motivations and barriers, promotions, and channels match the sub-research questions and their theoretical concepts which, taken together, enable to draw a conclusion to the main research question. The following can be concluded according to the participants of this age group: (a) cinema-going is a meaningful activity regarding various motivating factors and despite preventing reasons; (b) traditional (media) channels are the most used and trusted ones while using digital media is seen as a new privilege; and (c) this age group does not want to be addressed by age or age-related associations but rather by appealing content and visuals.

Among the participants, cinema-going is more than just cinema. A greater meaning exists behind this leisure activity either in terms of enjoying time for oneself, knowledge enhancing content or striving for a memorable social event. This is in line with the

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socioemotional selectivity theory by Carstensen (1995) and research based on SST,

postulating the search for meaningful content and experiences with increasing age as time is perceived as limited (e.g., Mares et al., 2016). However, the postulated decrease in seeking information with increasing age by Carstensen (1995) does not fully match the present findings as the participants strive for knowledge-enhancing film content. Armed with this knowledge, the activity theory and referring research provide further explanation, outlining the importance to maintain old hobbies and social interactions when getting older, such as staying connected with friends and the family (Havighurst, 1961; Toepoel, 2013). Except for inconvenient movie times, the elaborated barriers clearly reveal that not the cinema itself prevents elderly people from going but other external reasons, such as missing someone to go with, laziness or old habits. These barriers may partly find their roots in the disengagement theory (Cumming & Henry, 1961), stating less flexibility with increasing age and potential withdrawal from people over time. Besides, revealed physical barriers by individual participants, such as visual impairment, derive from the developmental status of this age stage, concluded by research about the decline in physical and cognitive abilities (e.g., Nielsen & Mather, 2011). Interestingly, a more active group and a more passive group was detected throughout all focus groups which reasons why these concepts merely apply to some of the participants, more precisely to the more passive group. However, the fact that

respondents overall stated their enjoyment of cinema-going rather points to the positive effects of cinema on someone’s cognitive and social well-being (e.g., Mc Govern & Nazroo, 2005; Toepoel, 2013).

Insights about participants’ media use and awareness clearly revealed their affinity to the old and reluctance towards new media due to perceived overstimulation and skepticism congruent to current research (e.g., van der Goot, 2018). Social contacts, the newspaper, TV ads, newsletters, and subscriptions were found to be the most used and trusted channels

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among this age group. Meanwhile, the internet is perceived positively and increasingly used by this age group, in accordance with the upward trend of internet usage among elderly (e.g., BVDW, 2018, Dogruel et al., 2015). To a certain extent, these findings relate to the

generation concept by Mannheim (1952) about the potential rejection of, in this case new media trends, as the baby boomer generation did not grow up with new media. However, the fact that participants themselves experience advantages of internet usage demonstrates that beliefs are not merely formed during one fixed stage of life (France & Roberts, 2014).

Regarding the question of how to address and persuade this age group, a paradox occurred. Findings from this sample conclude that participants do not want to be seen and addressed differently than other age stages even though age-related affinities and

characteristics appeared, such as striving for meaningful content or sticking to old media. As diverse, vivid, and young this age group feels, equally diverse they want to be promoted. In respect of the participants’ claim for more heterogeneity, it is assumed that it leads back to their feelings of being an outsider group when reaching the older age. Not in cinema, neither in the media nor in society they want to feel excluded or patronized by a special tone or treatment. Truly, this age group is a generation which is younger and fitter more than ever (Buslei et al., 2007; SB, 2018) but their affinities still differ from other age stages as

concluded previously. With regard to empirical evidence for both positive (e.g., Hoppe et al., 2016) and negative (e.g., Weiss & Lang, 2012) portrayals of the elderly in the media,

participants from the present study perceived cinema advertisements in the form of discounts, age-related associations or depictions of elderlies as overall negative. This stresses the

dilemma of finding the right tone to address this age group which might be due to the following reason: Promotions evoking age-related associations are highly unwanted as this age group itself associates negative aspects with age-related connotations that may be

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Weiss and Lang, 2012). Being addressed by age makes this age group feel negatively stereotyped and misrepresented with subliminal associations of being incapable or

uninterested in current world affairs (e.g., Weiss and Lang, 2012). Such age-related terms therefore might weaken their self-esteem concerning their age which result in internalizing negative social identities. Thus, promoting cinema-going based on age or additional discounts might trigger older adults with negative stereotypes which in turn let them feel as not valued members of society. This clarifies why the senior term is weighed down with such negative connotations not only by seniors themselves but also shaped by society and the media in general. In order to protect themselves from negative stereotypes they rather identify

themselves with alternative attributes such as ‘their generation’. This emerged phenomenon can be described as a coping strategy in accordance with the study by Weiss and Lang (2012). The participants’ coping mechanism is apparent regarding their tendency to feel younger than they are and their identification with their generation rather than their age. The fact of

dissociating from their own age also explains why the effectiveness of reflecting a realistic representation of elderly in ads, with regard to the theory of self-verification by Swann (1983) (Hoffmann et al., 2012), did not become apparent among this sample.

In sum, the present study found that participants aged 55-74 are not only reluctant towards age-related associations, but towards explicit promotions in general. An alerting promotion tone containing special deals and discounts rather trigger an adverse effect,

pressing the high need for changing current communication strategies. As results demonstrate, ads promoting mature adults indirectly with their interests and preferences without actually naming their age are rather appealing to mature adults. Hence, this age group can be

effectively promoted with an enriching cinema experience, social value, live and theme events, the movie theatre itself, movie actors and content of their interest. The visuals of such promotions should be with little text in a salient and colorful way and spread with the

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channels used and trusted by mature adults. Implications

Practical Implications. The present study aimed to fill a research gap on how to effectively address and reach potential cinema-goers between 55 and 74 years by uncovering meanings of cinema as well as channel and promotion affinities of this age group. As found, participants from this sample actually highly enjoy cinema-going and question themselves why they are not going on a more frequent basis. Marketers need to find a promotional way to inspire them to go and therewith, successfully target this mature market. In their efforts, they must be sensitive towards any associations regarding age while being alert to their affinities and changes that accompany aging. In light of these findings, marketers are now able to frame cinema in a way this age group sees it: as a meaningful experience. Advertisers have

remarkable power to change stereotyped views of elderly people in society. By rethinking current promotions and developing appealing ones, they would not only contribute to

diminishing those stereotypes but also provoke a higher percentage of the elderly population to go to the cinema. The findings of this study let assume that taking on this responsibility is interlinked with increased profits.

Theoretical Implications. Various aspects were detected that need attentiveness. Firstly, this qualitative study did not unveil patterns in the meanings of cinema-going and effective communication strategies according to age, gender, and attendance level. In fact, this sample revealed that reaching the retirement age comes along with positives changes

concerning time and negative transitions regarding social contacts. These insights on potential differences due to retirement do not constitute an answer to the research question but present a central research issue for future investigations. In respect of the first dimension, the

concepts about physical, cognitive and social decline did not fully apply to all participants which could be explained by the existence of rather active or passive participants aged 55 and

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older. Thus, it is assumed that these declines start to grow around this age stage, for some faster than for others. The observation of a more passive and a more active group poses an interesting future research avenue in this subject area. The third dimension about this age groups’ promotion affinities, particularly the strong resistance to age-related associations, finds its roots in the social identity theory by Tajfel and Tuner (1979). SIT has been adopted by several studies, however, extension is highly needed: First, by applying and further developing social psychological theories about older adults’ thought processes and feelings towards their own identity and group identity. Besides, more research about mature adults’ responses toward their age groups’ representation in the media is warranted, as it turned out that their perceptions are discrepant to what marketers might think. Lastly, another interesting future research investigation is to explore if and how life circumstances such as loss of the partner, moving out of the children or serious illnesses may impact one’s cinema-going and media behavior as well as attitudes toward media and advertisement in general.

Limitations

The present study needs to be considered with its consequent limitations. To begin with, this qualitative research design prohibits to draw inferences about the elderly population due to the purposive sample and its small size. Therefore, the findings are not generalizable to a larger population of senior citizens. The present study further does not ensure that all socio-economic strata are covered. It is also crucial to emphasize that the drawn conclusions derive from the angle of one researcher. But by having applied seven quality criteria techniques, the credibility, trustworthiness, and transferability to other contexts of this research are assured. Since reproducibility is in general a difficulty in qualitative research, mixed studies should be considered for even more fruitful outcomes. A second issue is that the theoretical framework does not exclusively build on German studies due to the rarity of research about this issue. However, merely Western high-income countries were taken into account which enables

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comparability. Relatedly, the aim of this study is the identification of well carved out insights among German older adults’ meanings of cinema, promotion and channel affinities. For future research it would be worthwhile to also explore other Western and non-Western cultures to see if differences in perceptions of cinema-going and promotions occur, e.g. with regard to vast differences in social media usage between Germany and the U.S. (Leist, 2013). This might help advertisers to decide between developing an international advertising

campaign or rather a national or a country-specific ad. Another potential limitation is that an age division of the ranges 55 to 64 and 65 to 74 did not fully apply. In each focus groups there was one participant aged up to four years older or younger than 64. This was due to

recruitment difficulties given the following: (a) participants were quite skeptic about participation in general; and (b) asking a potential participant’s age turned out to be a

sensitive topic. However, as it emerged that elderly do not feel their chronological but rather their psychological age, a strict age division would not have changed the group dynamics of the respective focus groups.

In spite of these limitations, this study provides in-depth insights for better understanding this growing older consumer segment regarding their meanings of cinema-going and effective communication strategies. Therefore, this study can be considered as a valuable contribution initiating future large-scale quantitative and further qualitative research.

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