The Democratic Republic of the Congo: Trapped within the Circle of Underdevelopment

(1)

THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE

CONGO

TRAPPED WITHIN THE CIRCLE OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT

Adriaan Borst Student number: 10647597 Supervisor: Michael Onyebuchi Eze

Second reader: Said Rezaeiejan Date: 23-06-2020 Master thesis Political Science:

Foreign Aid, Development and the Politics of Legitimation in Africa Wordcount: 21.032

(2)

Abstract

This study seeks to explore the interconnectedness between the biggest factors of influence on the economic underdevelopment of the DRC: their colonial history, the emergence of corruption and rebel groups and the influence of foreign powers. Whereas each factor has significant influence on the current economic underdevelopment of the DRC, in this thesis it is argued that the factors cannot be analyzed separately but are part of a vicious circle where they influence and strengthen one another. This ‘Circle of Underdevelopment’ illustrates how the DRC is trapped in its peripheral role within the world capitalist system, in which foreign center powers maintain the unequal relationship in order to extract the DRC from its mineral wealth. While the Belgians exploited the country to fulfill the worldwide demand for rubber and ivory during colonialism, the US and China seek to extract vast amounts of cobalt and coltan in recent years. The agents are different, the system is the same: foreign center powers exploiting the peripheral DRC. In this thesis it will be shown how this system persists due to weak institutions, patronage networks and the existence of booty futures, which are the core mechanisms that perpetuate the Circle of Underdevelopment.

Keywords: Colonialism, corruption, exploitation, foreign influence, rebel groups, world capitalist system

(3)

Acknowledgement

I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Michael Onyebuchi Eze for his guidance and inspiring views on African developmental politics. Despite the COVID-19 situation, we managed to discuss the progress of this thesis regularly, for which I am very grateful.

(4)

List of abbreviations

AIA International African Association AMF American Mineral Fields company CFS Congo Free State

DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo UN United Nations

US United States USD United States Dollar

(5)

Introduction

“The Democratic Republic of the Congo is potentially one of the richest countries on earth, but colonialism, slavery and corruption have turned it into one of the poorest.” (Snow, 2013). This quote by BBC journalist Dan Snow is illustrative for the current situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The DRC is one of the richest countries in the world regarding their natural resources (Foster, Butterfield, Chen & Pushak, 2009). Yet, the continued rupture of the state as a consequence of their colonial history has led to a place full of anarchy, where more than 120 rebel groups fight over the country’s mineral wealth (Clowes, 2018). The International Rescue Committee reported that between 1998 and 2004, more than 3.8 million Congolese inhabitants died as a consequence of the violence in the country (Renton, Seddon & Zeilig, 2007). Another report states that the DRC’s government is unable to provide the most basic rights for the 80 million Congolese residents (Minority Rights Group International, 2019). To say that the country is facing significant problems is an understatement. The ‘big culprit’ in the DRC’s tragedy is the interest of many actors in their soil, containing vast amounts of rubber, gold, copper, coltan and cobalt (Foster, Butterfield, Chen & Pushak, 2009).

During colonialism, Belgian interest in ivory and rubber has led to the exploitation of the Congolese people (Renton, Seddon & Zeilig, 2007). After independence, economic development remained an unreachable utopia. The emergence of corruption and rebel groups problematized the creation of a coherent post-colonial political realm. As of today, the influence of rebel groups and the involvement of corrupt governmental officials is ever-present in the DRC, as the most recent United Nations (UN) Security Council report on the DRC notes (Zounmenou, Alusala, Lewis, Mochy & Vanthomme, 2019, p.3):

The Group found that armed groups continued to finance their activities through the illegal mining of tin (cassiterite), tantalum (coltan) and tungsten (wolframite), thereby contaminating the supply chain. The Group also documented cases of smuggling of tin, tantalum and tungsten involving criminal networks using various tactics, as well as specific instances in which some Congolese government officials were involved in the diversion of minerals.

Besides corrupt governmental officials allowing for the emergence of rebel groups who seek the country’s natural resources, foreign powers as the United States (US) and China have been actively involved in the desertification of the DRC’s minerals as well (Foster et al., 2009). Multiple actors who are all interested in the same thing: the DRC’s minerals.

(7)

As the DRC’s state was in crisis even before independence, this thesis builds on the Two Publics theory of Peter Ekeh (1975) and will start with Belgian colonial rule. It will tend to illustrate how the creation of two public realms within the country has led to the continued rupture of the state after independence and is perpetuated by the world capitalist system. Besides the Two Publics theory, the Dependency theory will be used in this thesis as a base to explore the peripheral role of the DRC. During colonialism, it were the Belgians who sought to exploit the DRC’s minerals. Today those exploitational powers are the US and China. Building on the Dependency theory, it will be argued that foreign center powers such as Belgium, the US and China perpetuate the world capitalist system by exploiting the peripheral DRC, what leads to the persistence of the state’s rupture.

It may be argued that the state’s rupture is influenced by rebel groups. However, this influence could be enlarged when corruption and foreign influence are taken into account. The same goes for corruption and foreign influence as separate factors of influence. Each of them has significant influence on the state’s rupture and ultimately the economic underdevelopment of the DRC (Oloruntoba & Falola, 2018; Ross, 2005). Nonetheless, it remains unclear how all these factors are interconnected and what their combined influence is on the economic underdevelopment of the DRC today. Therefore, the research question of this thesis is:

How is the current economic underdevelopment of the DRC influenced by the interconnectedness between their colonial history, corruption, rebel groups and foreign involvement?

The interconnectedness of the most important actors and factors is explained in the model which I have named the ‘Circle of Underdevelopment’. Model I illustrates this vicious circle and the assumed interconnectedness of the most important actors and factors:

(8)

2. Continued Rupture of the State 3. Corruption 4. Rebel Groups 1. Colonial History The DRC’s Minerals 5. US & China 1.1 Two Publics

Model I – Circle of Underdevelopment

It is assumed that the colonial history of the DRC (1. Colonial History) has led to an incoherent state after independence due to the existence of the two publics within the country (1.1 Two Publics). This has put the vicious Circle of Underdevelopment into motion, where the continued rupture of the state (2. Continued Rupture of the State) is not only the aftermath of colonialism, but also persists due to the existence of corruption (3. Corruption), rebel groups (4. Rebel Groups) and foreign influence (5. US & China). Consequently, this fractures the state even more (2. Continued Rupture of the State) and allows for more corruption and rebel groups and so the circle starts all over again. Hence, a vicious circle. The main subject within this relationship is the DRC’s abundance of minerals (The DRC’s Minerals), which is in the interest of all actors involved.

(9)

The aim of this thesis is to shine light on the Circle of Underdevelopment. Beginning with a theoretical chapter, the theoretical framework will be explained. Followed by the literature review chapter, in which previous research on the economic underdevelopment of the DRC will be illustrated. Afterwards, the methodological chapter will elaborate on the methods being used. Subsequently, in the analysis chapter all the relevant findings of this thesis regarding the economic underdevelopment of the DRC will be illustrated, divided into three sections: Colonial History, Corruption & Rebel Groups and Foreign Influence. In the end, a thorough conclusion will be written in order to provide a comprehensive answer to the research question.

(10)

Theory Chapter

The problem of the economic underdevelopment of the DRC lies in the idea of the vicious Circle of Underdevelopment (*Model I) as explained in the introduction. Ultimately, the victims of this circle are the Congolese people. They are being exploited without the possibility to change their situation, because of the world capitalist system in which the peripheral DRC is exploited by center foreign powers. One of the leading theories that explains the world capitalist system and therefore serves as a base for this thesis is the Dependency theory.

The Dependency theory

One of the leading scholars in the field of political economy and who contributed greatly to the study of worldwide inequality is Samir Amin. The Egyptian-born scholar, who was influenced by Marxist thinkers such as Marx, Lenin and Engels, viewed himself as a global historical materialist (Kvangraven, 2017). In reaction to a discourse in which economists label so called ‘BRIC’ countries as emerging markets, Amin describes the idea that these countries are more than just an economy, they are societies and should not be analyzed as homogenous countries (Kvangraven, 2017). From a historical materialist perspective, Amin (1972) criticized the world capitalist system that created and maintained worldwide inequality. In the case of the DRC, it is the result of this capitalist system that perpetuates the economic underdevelopment of the Congolese people. During colonialism, the Belgian bourgeoise accumulated wealth at the expense of the peripheral DRC, which has led to the situation in which they became dependent on, and with the sole purpose to serve, Western economic interests.

The Dependency theory explains how this system prevails. According to this theory, the world capitalist system is composed of a group of rich center countries, the bourgeoise, and a group of poor peripheral countries (Robinson, 2011). Amin (1972) argues that the principles of the ‘center’ and the ‘periphery’ are the effects of the capitalist mode of production, which enhances a small elite to accumulate most of the wealth, while the vast majority of the people, often referred to as ‘the proletariat’, are kept poor. The word capitalist system ensures on a systematic basis that the rich countries constantly enrich themselves at the cost of the poor countries (Amin, 1974). The latter can hardly surpass the peripheral stage, since they are dependent on the extraction of raw materials, which in time hardly go up in price (Robinson, 2011). In the meantime, the manufactured goods from the center countries become more valuable over time and accumulate wealth for these countries. Thus, the system of peripheral countries’ dependency on center countries persists (Amin, 1974).

(11)

Another point the Dependency theory states is that the economic growth in peripheral countries does not necessarily lead to economic development in these countries (Robinson, 2011). Most of the revenues flow to center countries, instead of being invested in the local economy (Robinson, 2011). As research has shown, most of the revenues being made on natural resources in the DRC flow out of the country (Ross, 2004). Hence, I would argue that foreign exploitation in the DRC leads to economic underdevelopment and perpetuates the world capitalist system according to the Dependency theory.

Within the world capitalist system and in line with the Dependency theory, Amin (1976) used the term ‘unequal development’ to elaborate on the unequal relationship between the center and the periphery. Amin (1976) argues that center countries create an international division of labor which they use as a tool to exploit peripheral countries and reproduce inequalities. By means of monopolies, center countries have continuous profits above the normal price level that would have existed in a competitive market, leading to the accumulation of wealth for center countries (Amin, 1976). Within this capitalist system, the differences in productivity of employees from a center country and employees from a peripheral country tend to be smaller than the differences in hourly wages (Robinson, 2011). Consequently, multinationals from center countries will outsource low-skilled labor to peripheral countries, perpetuating the division of low-skilled and high-skilled labor in respectively peripheral and center countries (Robinson, 2011). Peripheral countries are therefore ‘trapped’ in this international division of labor and are constrained by the capitalist world system to produce raw materials. It is argued that globalization can be a way out for poor countries by means of foreign investments to stimulate their local economies (Collins, 2015). However, from a historical materialistic perspective, it is the opposite effect that occurs. Globalization only enhances unequal exchange and therefore perpetuates the unequal world capitalist system (Amin, 1972).

In relation to the situation in which peripheral countries are stuck in the ‘periphery trap’, center countries extract cheap natural resources, so they can add value to it in order to further enrich themselves (Scheele, de Haan & Kiezebrink, 2016). Within the DRC, this is illustrated by China’s extraction of cobalt. China is the biggest consumer of cobalt in the world and imports the majority of raw cobalt from the DRC (Scheele et al., 2016). However, attention needs to be paid to the fact that China imports raw cobalt. The process of refining cobalt is what makes the mineral so valuable (Foster, Butterfield, Chen & Pushak, 2009). According to Scheele et al. (2016), China produced more than 42% of the world’s refined cobalt. So, the international

(12)

division of labor allowed center countries as China to execute high-skilled labor that adds value to the imported minerals, which are extracted by means of low-skilled mining in the DRC. After China, countries as Finland and Belgium are the world’s biggest producers of refined cobalt, while they do not have significant raw cobalt production in their own country at all and export most of the raw cobalt from the DRC as well (Scheele et al., 2016). Although the Congolese government tried to forbid the export of raw cobalt and to refine cobalt in its own country in order to add value to the product, these regulations have been postponed several times (Scheele et al., 2016). The system of unequal exchange therefore persists.

Furthermore, the Dependency theory can be elaborated when looking at Chinese investments in the DRC in recent years. Where peripheral countries had some economic activities during the colonial period, namely the extraction of raw materials, even these processes are now taken over by center countries as China (Sumata & Dzaka-Kikouta, 2013). In return for ‘soft loans’, which are loans for a relatively low interest rate, Chinese businesses acquired large infrastructural and mining projects with a total worth of 8.5 billion US dollar (USD), in which most of the construction work was done by Chinese people rather than local Congolese inhabitants (Sumata & Dzaka-Kikouta, 2013). So, even the only means of economic activity for the DRC fades away over time. Therefore, due to the unequal division of international labor, it seems the last stage of the Dependency theory would be the extinction of economic activity for peripheral countries and a total take-over by center countries.

The Circle of Underdevelopment persists due to the world capitalist system as described by Amin (1972) and the Dependency theory: the continued rupture of the DRC’s state and the emergence of rebel groups exist due to the impossibility for the country to develop past its peripheral stage. Foreign demand from center countries for natural resources as coltan and cobalt only upholds the vicious circle in which the DRC is trapped. Ultimately, center countries do not want radical changes in this exploitative structure, since they want to accumulate wealth and perpetuate their elitist position (Amin, 1974).

The Two Publics theory

Besides the Dependency theory, another theory that is going to be of importance for this thesis is the Two Publics theory of Peter Ekeh (1975). Ekeh (1975) contends that there is a public- and a private realm in post-colonial Africa, where they have a different morality rather than a common moral foundation as is the case in Western societies. According to Ekeh (1975), the

(13)

absence of a common moral foundation is due to the existence of two realms within the public realm with different moral linkages to the private realm: the ‘primordial public’ and the ‘civic public’. The first one is characterized by primordial groupings and sentiments that influence the behavior of an individual in the public, based on moral beliefs and has the same moral imperatives as the private realm (Ekeh, 1975). The second one is characterized by civil structures, such as police and armed forces, implemented by the colonial administrators and has no moral imperatives in line with the private realm (Ekeh, 1975).

Whereas the moral duties of an individual and his primordial public cannot be stressed in material terms, the amoral civic public stresses the importance of the expression in material terms (Ekeh, 1975). Due to this difference in morality, the relationship between the two publics is tensional:

While many Africans bend over backwards to benefit and sustain their primordial publics, they seek to gain from the civic public. Moreover, the individual's relationship with the civic public is measured in material terms, but with a bias. While the individual seeks to gain from the civic public, there is no moral urge on him to give back to the civic public in return for his benefits. Duties, that is, are de-emphasized while rights are squeezed out of the civic public with the amorality of an artful dodger (Ekeh, 1975, p.107).

Due to the moral aspect of the primordial public, the hours spent on behalf of this realm are much higher than the hours spent in the civic public and are not emphasized, since that would be amoral to do (Ekeh, 1975). Besides, Ekeh (1975, p.111) contends that Africans do not feel guilty when wasting time in the civic public and states: “It is not unknown that some individuals treat their duties in the civic public as an opportunity for rest in preparation for their tougher assignments in the primordial realm.”

Although Ekeh (1975) used the case of Nigeria in his analysis on the Two Publics theory, I contend the two public realms can also be found in the DRC. In Nigeria, ideologies and myths have created various ethnic groups that were invented by the bourgeoise and have led to the creation of the two publics (Ekeh, 1975). This is exactly what happened in the DRC as well, where the idea of ‘white superiority’ and colonial education have led to the division of people based on ethnicities, as the analysis chapter on colonialism will show. This has led to the situation during the 1950’s in which emergent Congolese nationalist movements who strived for independence were divided in opposing parties based on their ethnicity (Freund, 1998).

(14)

Consequently, the issues around African citizenship were based on the various ethnicities in the DRC. Ekeh (1975, p.106) notes: “In effect citizenship has acquired a variety of meanings, which depend on whether it is conceived in terms of the primordial public or the civic public.” Whereas the primordial public in the Belgium Congo based its legitimacy on group sentiments, the civic public was strong due to its monopoly of violence to bring ethnicities together, as the analysis chapter on colonialism with King Leopold’s Force Publique will elaborate.

The existence of the two publics and their dialectical relationship illustrates the challenges that arise when forming a stable political realm, in which the expression of this relationship can be found in ‘tribalism’. According to Ekeh (1975), this refers to the confrontation between members of different ethnic groups that emerged from the colonial oppression and arises when there is conflict within the African bourgeoise about the share of the civic public’s resources and what amount should go to the different primordial publics. After all, each leader within the primordial realm wants to allocate the biggest amount of resources from the civic realm towards individuals who are in the same primordial public as they are (Ekeh, 1975). There are, however, two particular groups that have influenced colonial Africa in the past and continue to influence African politics today: the ‘cadre of colonial administrators’ and the ‘African bourgeois class’ (Ekeh, 1975). The members of the first group originated from the European bourgeoise, in this case the Belgium bourgeoise, and the members of the second group were people “born out of the colonial experience itself” (Ekeh, 1975, p.93). The successful implementation of Western ideology, as will be explained in the analysis chapter on colonialism, found its origins in the formulation of ideologies of these two bourgeoise groups (Ekeh, 1975). When the African bourgeoise strived for independence and clashed with the colonial administrators, it did not become a matter of differences of ideals, since these were both based on the same ideologies, but rather a matter of which bourgeoise class should rule (Ekeh, 1975).

The findings of this thesis are going to illustrate how the existence of the primordial and the civic public are the aftermath of Belgian colonial rule and have led to the continued rupture of the state after independence. Ultimately, this enhances the peripheral role the DRC has in the world capitalist system according to the Dependency theory.

(15)

Literature review Chapter

When studying research on the economic underdevelopment of the DRC, multiple themes frequently arise. This literature review seeks to establish relevant findings of previous research and how these are interconnected with the Circle of Underdevelopment. What did previous research find and more importantly, what is still unknown about this vicious circle? Why is the DRC unable to stop the continued rupture of the state and establish a coherent political realm? In order to find possible answers for this complex question, the next paragraphs will highlight the most important findings of previous research with regard to the Circle of Underdevelopment, followed by the missing links of the themes that arise.

Colonial legacy

Many scholars have done research on the economic underdevelopment in Africa (Amin, 1972, 1976; Ekeh, 1975; Eze, 2010; Gylfason, 2004; Leite & Weidmann, 1999; Marshall, 2001; Matti, 2010; Rodney, 1972; Ross, 2003, 2004, 2005). The post-colonial legacy is frequently used as one of the most important reasons why many African countries are struggling to establish a stable political realm (Amin, 1972, 1976; Ekeh, 1975; Eze, 2010; Rodney, 1972). According to Amin (1972, 1976), colonialism eliminated African rural societies and transformed them into dependent peripheral communities with polarized countries as a result. In line with this argument, Rodney (1972) states that political structures have been crushed by the colonial suppressor and that African countries were obliged to have a political realm according to Western ideology. Consequently, Africans merely developed during colonial times (Rodney, 1972). Eze (2010) draws on this idea and states that colonial policies were only focused on short-term extraction and not on long-term sustainable development for the African countries. Ultimately, independence became nothing more than an illusion (Eze, 2010). One of the prevailing ideas that was at hand and allowed the colonizers to legitimate the subordination of the African people was ‘white superiority’, which entails the idea that white Europeans were superior to black Africans (Ekeh, 1975). Furthermore, colonial education ensured that colonial powers could still influence African countries after independence due to the African bourgeoisie who came to power and who believed in a certain dependency on European countries (Ekeh, 1975).

As previous research has shown, the colonial legacy still influences the political incoherency in African countries as the DRC. Implemented Western ideology is frequently used as the biggest reason for the prevailing influence of old colonial powers in African countries.

(16)

Nevertheless, why does this influence still occurs? One can imagine that the implemented ideology will last for one or two generations. However, it has been almost three generations ago that the DRC became independent and the Belgian suppressors were forced out of the country. Although I do not want to undermine the importance of the colonial legacy, far from it, but I contend the argument should fade away over time, where new generations of Congolese citizens leave the colonial past of earlier generations behind and move the country towards economic development. Botswana is an example of a country that successfully did and is seen as example for other African nations to leave their colonial history as it is and develop (Serikbayeva, 2017). Is such a future possible for the DRC? I contend this question can only be answered if the underlying mechanisms that perpetuate the Circle of Underdevelopment come to light, so these can be tackled and move the country towards economic development. In order to research these mechanisms, the influence of the country’s colonial history should be researched together with the next themes, which are present in the DRC today.

Corruption & Rebel groups

Another factor that is often used by scholars as a reason for the political incoherence of the DRC is the presence of rebel groups (Fearon, 2004; Ross, 2004, 2005). In areas with sufficient natural resources, rebel groups enrich themselves by exploiting the minerals and sell them to the highest bidder (Ross, 2004). Consequently, Ross (2004) and Fearon (2004) argue that as long as the economic advantage of fighting over the minerals exceeds the economic advantage of peace, conflict over the minerals persists. In other research, Ross (2005) found that the mechanism which enables the influence of rebel groups in the DRC is due to what he calls ‘booty futures’. Booty futures are the promises for revenues once minerals are extracted from mining sites which are owned by the government the rebel groups want to overthrow (Ross, 2005). This enables rebel groups to emerge even if they do not have money, they just need to promise future revenues. Ultimately, Fearon (2004) and Ross (2004, 2005) argue that the richness of natural resources in the DRC has led to many rebel groups, who perpetuate their influence by means of booty futures.

Besides the influence of rebel groups, another important factor is a relatively high corruption rate in the DRC when compared to other countries in the world, where the ruling elite maintains their positions via patronage networks (Matti, 2010). According to Leite and Weidmann (1999), countries with an abundance of mineral wealth are prone to corruption. This is due to the fact that establishing a well-functioning mining site takes time and millions of dollars and most of

(17)

the construction is therefore financed by loans (Marshall, 2001). This makes exploiting natural resources a high rent seeking activity, where the interests over the loans grow from the first moment of construction of a mining site until the time that it is in full production and the revenues being made are enough to pay off the loans (Marshall, 2001). So, for mine developers, time is essential, and the presence of underpaid bureaucrats allows them to speed the approval of construction processes by means of bribes (Marshall, 2001). On the other hand, Marshall (2001) argues that lenders of loans profit from a delay of the construction processes, since this will increase the interest rates they receive and are therefore eager to bribe governmental officials. Ultimately, as Gylfason (2004) agrees with Leite and Weidmann (1999) and Marshall (2001), it is only logical to expect that resource-rich countries are prone for bribes of rebel groups, which results in the high corruption rate in the DRC.

In conclusion, the mineral richness of the DRC has proven to be a curse when looking at the presence of rebel groups who seek to exploit it and, if necessary, by force (Ross, 2005). Scholars have also found that resource-rich countries as the DRC are prone to corruption (Gylfason, 2004; Marshall, 2001; Leite & Weidmann, 1999). However, it remains unclear how corruption and rebel groups influence and strengthen one another. How are these themes interconnected and why can they not be tackled? The continued rupture of the state is the aftermath of the colonial experience, but also persists due to its interconnectedness with corruption and rebel groups. In this thesis, this relationship is going to be researched, together with the mechanisms the actors use to maintain the Circle of Underdevelopment.

Foreign influence

Lastly, another factor that contributed greatly to the exploitation and therefore the economic underdevelopment of African countries is foreign influence (Ekeh, 1975; Foster et al., 2009; Matti, 2010; Rodney, 1972; Sumata & Dzaka-Kikouta, 2013). In line with the previous theme on corruption, Matti (2010) states that Chinese investments in the DRC in recent years leave little room for corruption. She argues this is due to the fact that China invests directly in infrastructural projects which are managed by Chinese enterprises, without the intervention of Congolese bureaucrats. However, although corruption may be reduced by this way of investments, another problem arises. Namely, foreign influence which could be seen as a way of modern imperialism. Not from the West, but from ‘the East’. Did the DRC not learn from their colonial past? European colonizers also said to do Africans a ‘great favor’ by bringing ‘Enlightenment’ to Africa, only to leave them with an exploited and devastated country after

(18)

independence (Ekeh, 1975). So, what do scholars say on the influence of foreign powers in the DRC?

Whereas the US was actively involved in the creation of the post-colonial state in the DRC, they did not hesitate to dispose the prominent political figure Patrice Lumumba in order to help Mobutu to power as he was expected to be compassionate towards the US, as the analysis chapter on corruption and rebel groups will show (Renton et al., 2007). Furthermore, other research has shown that many exclusive mining contracts were sold to American companies, leading to a growing influence of the US in the DRC (Ross, 2004). While this occurred shortly after the country’s independence, it is the influence of China on the African continent that has been growing for decades now, in which Chinese companies acquired the rights to exploit natural resources in return for infrastructural investments (Foster et al., 2009; Sumata & Dzaka-Kikouta, 2013). Consequently, this enhances the idea of unequal exchange, as explained in the Dependency theory paragraph. Rodney (1972) argues that the trade relationship between African countries and the rest of the world exists of unequal exchange and exploitation by the latter. Peripheral African countries as the DRC are forced to trade their natural resources to center countries, only to be left with little revenue. In countries with an unstable political realm, exploitation by foreign powers persists (Rodney, 1972).

So, where it used to be American companies, Chinese exploitative tendencies in recent years profit from the ruptured state of the DRC. How is it possible the Chinese take-over proceeds while the risk for the DRC of losing not only their natural resources, but also their legitimacy is so evident? Research so far did not find a comprehensive answer. One of the aims of this thesis is to answer this question and show how foreign influence is interconnected with corruption, rebel groups and the continued rupture of the state.

In conclusion, although each separate theme has been researched and has major influence on the economic underdevelopment of the DRC, I contend they cannot be researched separately. They are interconnected and the economic underdevelopment of the DRC should therefore be researched in such a fashion that models this interconnectedness. In this thesis, the factors are going to be analyzed as interconnected themes within the Circle of Underdevelopment. The goal is to fill the knowledge-gap about the vicious circle in which the DRC is trapped within the world capitalist system of today.

(19)

Methodology Chapter

This section will describe the methodology that is going to be used, the strengths and weaknesses of this choice, the methods of data collection, the case selection and the factors of analyses. A methodology is “a broad approach to scientific inquiry that contains a system or set of practices, methods, rules, and principles within a given field or discipline” (Onwuegbuzie & Frels, 2016, p.51). This system is going to give guidance within the framework of this thesis in order to answer the research question “How is the current economic underdevelopment of the DRC influenced by the interconnectedness between their colonial history, corruption, rebel groups and foreign involvement?” There are many factors involved when seeking an answer to this question which are interconnected and strengthen one another within the framework of the vicious Circle of Underdevelopment. Building on numerical measurements and in-depth research, a mixed method research design based on existing literature will be used in this thesis in order to find a comprehensive answer to the research question.

I argue that the use of quantitative research, which will provide solid arguments based on numerical facts, combined with qualitative arguments, that will provide in-depth findings, compose of more explanatory power than just one of the methods. Furthermore, the Two Publics theory and the Dependency theory will give guidance in this thesis. Ultimately, this will lead to an in-depth understanding of the influence of the three themes Colonial History, Corruption & Rebel Groups and Foreign Influence and ultimately on the current economic underdevelopment of the DRC.

When one only uses quantitative- or qualitative previous research, the literature review might lack added value to the scientific debate (Onwuegbuzie & Frels, 2016). Therefore, combining quantitative- as well as qualitative research by means of a mixed method research design will grasp the complexity of the situation in the DRC (Bryman, 2012). Quantitative data will serve to illustrate the figures on coltan and cobalt exploitation, foreign investments and corruption rates. The qualitative data will link these numbers to the Circle of Underdevelopment and help understand underlying motives and influences of the factors involved. As Becker, Bryman and Ferguson (2012) argue, a qualitative research method seeks to make meaning of the ‘black box’ of social constructs. In this case, the black box consists of the unknown influences of the mentioned themes on the Circle of Underdevelopment. Previous qualitative research will give meaning to the unknown influences, strengthened and illustrated by previous quantitative research. Although both ways of conducting research will be used, the qualitative method will

(20)

precede the quantitative one due to its in-depth explanatory power that is crucial in understanding the complexity of the Circle of Underdevelopment. This choice is what Bryman (2012) calls ‘the sequence decision’. In conclusion, a mixed method research design is going to be used instead of another design, so a comprehensive account of the Circle of Underdevelopment can be made. This will lead to the so called ‘completeness’ goal of conducting scientific research (Bryman, 2012).

Strengths

Mentioned in the previous section, Bryman (2012) sets out several advantages of a mixed method research design such as the completeness goal. In the case of this thesis, quantitative figures alone illustrate foreign extraction of natural resources and the amount of money that disappears in corrupt regimes (Marshall, 2001; Scheele, de Haan & Kiezebrink, 2016). However, it does not explain why there is foreign extraction and corruption. Therefore, in order to get a more complete answer to this question it is necessary to include previous qualitative research in order to fill this knowledge gap (Bryman, 2012). In line with the completeness goal, Bryman (2012) sets out other advantages of a mixed method research design such as ‘triangulation’ or ‘credibility’. By triangulation he refers to the idea that the findings of quantitative- and qualitative research may confirm one another and strengthen the validity of the research. Besides the validity of scientific research, another important part is the credibility. Ihle, Winney, Krystalli and Croucher (2017) argue that credible research needs to be systematic and objective, which can be achieved by solid ‘reliability’, ‘reproducibility’ and ‘replicability’. The mixed method of conducting research has the advantage that the use of two methods increases the integrity of the results (Bryman, 2012). Therefore, increasing the credibility of the research.

Another advantage of a mixed method research design is the abundance of literature that is at ones disposal (Wisdom & Creswell, 2013). It is only logical to assume there is more research to be analyzed when using quantitative as well as qualitative research, instead of only one of them. I should therefore be able to have enough literature at my disposal to give a compelling answer to the research question.

Lastly, another major strength of mixed methods is ‘offset’. With this term Bryman (2012) refers to offsetting the weaknesses of quantitative- and qualitative ways of conducting research and build on the strengths of both. Thus, the combination of the advantages of qualitative

(21)

research, such as providing in-depth data to get a detailed understanding of the topic, and the advantages of quantitative research, such as reliable and valid results which can be generalized easily to a large population, makes the mixed method research design a good way of conducting research (Bryman, 2012).

Weaknesses

While there are valid arguments to choose for the use of mixed methods, there are also some weaknesses. First, the previously mentioned abundance of literature is as much of a strength as it is a weakness. Wisdom and Creswell (2013) argue that it requires more work and therefore more time to analyze all the relevant research. When in shortage of time, a researcher can leave previous research behind, which could have been of importance in answering the research question. If the researcher would get a deadline extension to include all the important research, more money is needed which is not desirable (Wisdom & Creswell, 2013).

Another argument against the use of mixed methods as a research strategy is the assumption that scholars label quantitative- and qualitative research as two different paradigms (Guba, 1985; Morgan 1998). Guba (1985) argues that the epistemology of the two paradigms with regard to the methods are conflicting and therefore makes it impossible to combine them within a mixed method research design. Nevertheless, this argument can easily be countered. As Bryman (2012) asserts, this argument assumes that the method of conducting research and the epistemology of the paradigm are connected. However, this assumption cannot be proven and therefore remains an assumption (Bryman, 2012). Within scientific research one cannot build on assumptions. Thus, this argument against the use of a mixed method research design is worth paying attention to but should not be decisive in the choice of dismissing the methodology. Neither is the first argument about the shortage of time. Sure, it could be that previous research is left behind or that more money is needed. Nonetheless, shortage of time is a common occurrence in all scientific methods (Bryman, 2012). On that account it should not be leading to a dismissal of the mixed method research design.

Methods of data collection

In this thesis, previous quantitative as well as qualitative scientific research, reports and news articles will be used. The last type of source will serve to get an idea of the actors and factors involved and to generate a general picture of the economic underdevelopment of the DRC. The focus of this thesis is going to be on previous scientific research, where all relevant articles will

(22)

be examined to investigate the factors involved in the Circle of Underdevelopment. Finally, reports will be used to strengthen or contradict conclusions that will be drawn from the research of the scientific articles.

With regard to the scope of this thesis, the extraction of the natural resources coltan and cobalt will be look into and not into other minerals as gold or copper. Coltan and cobalt are some of the most desired minerals on earth and of bigger everyday value to most people in the world than gold or copper due to its use in mobile phones and batteries (Scheele, de Haan & Kiezebrink, 2016). The difference between coltan and cobalt lies in chemical elements of the two. Since both minerals are extracted in the DRC, both are needed for mobile phones and batteries and both are of interest for rebel groups and foreign powers, the distinction between the exact chemical composition of the minerals is of little value for this thesis and therefore both minerals are going to be analyzed together.

Case selection: the DRC

The continued rupture of the state, the emergence of corruption and rebel groups and foreign extraction of natural resources has turned the DRC into one of the most unsafe places for civilians on earth, with an estimate of 4 million deceased Congolese during the period 1998 and 2003 due to conflicts over the county’s minerals (Jackson, 2006). Several United Nations (UN), interventions have tried to stop the bloodshed, but with little success (Soi, 2009). Within 5 years from 2003, when the biggest amount of violence was expected to vanish, another million people died (The Conversation, 2019). Although these figures illustrate the situation of more than 15 years ago, the DRC’s state rupture is far from over today. As a recent report from the UN Security Council states: “numerous local and foreign armed groups continued to pose serious security threats in the Democratic Republic of the Congo” (Zounmenou et al., 2019, p.2). Sexual violence, the recruitment of child soldiers and corruption within the Congolese government are just some of the findings Zounmenou et al. (2019) found when conducting an extensive research on the current situation in the DRC. By means of the illegal mining of natural resources as coltan and cobalt, rebel groups finance their activities, bribe governmental officials and perpetuate the states rupture (Zounmenou et al., 2019).

The interconnectedness of the continued rupture of the state, corruption, the presence of rebel groups, foreign powers and the interest in natural resources make the DRC an interesting case to research. In this thesis, the influences of these factors on the Circle of Underdevelopment are

(23)

going to be researched, how strong these influences are and how they can be diminished. In order to do so, it is important to set out which factors and actors are going to be studied. (F)actors of analysis

Four main factors and their influence on the Circle of Underdevelopment are going to be researched in this thesis. The first one is the influence of the colonial legacy of the DRC, since the colonial history of African countries is frequently used as an important reason for state rupture in these countries today (Amin, 1972, 1976; Ekeh, 1975; Eze, 2010; Rodney, 1972). Second, as a recent report of the UN Security Council illustrated, rebel groups have massive influence on the rupture of the DRC’s state (Zounmenou et al., 2019). That is why this actor and their influence is going to be analyzed extensively. Together with the influence of rebel groups, the influence of corruption is going to be included in this thesis as well. Research has shown that corruption prevails in political instable regimes and allow rebel groups to emerge (Gylfason, 2004; Marshall, 2001; Matti, 2010; Leite & Weidmann, 1999). Thus, one of the aims of this thesis is to research the influence of rebel groups together with the influence of corruption in the DRC on the Circle of Underdevelopment.

The last factor of analysis is going to be the influence of foreign powers on the continued rupture of the state. The interest in natural resources and the exploitative character of foreign powers to fulfill this interest have led to an enhancement of political instability in the exploited country (Ekeh, 1975; Foster et al., 2009; Matti, 2010; Moyo, 2009; Rodney, 1972; Sumata & Dzaka-Kikouta, 2013). There are many figures on foreign exploitation of natural resources in the DRC (Foster, Butterfield, Chen & Pushak, 2009; Scheele, de Haan & Kiezebrink, 2016; Sumata & Dzaka-Kikouta, 2013). Yet, with the worldwide demand for coltan and cobalt, the exploitation in the DRC prevails. Why does it seem that the international community does not care? It seems they want equal rights for everybody, as long as their consumption does not suffer from it. This makes the influence of foreign powers in the DRC relevant to research.

(24)

Analysis Chapters

Chapter I: Colonialism

Looking at the current economic underdevelopment of the DRC, one of the most important factors involved is the colonial history of the country. The colonial era illustrated the relationship between the core and the periphery in line with the Dependency theory. Rodney (1972) asserts that social structures within African societies consisted of men providing food for their family, while women took care of the household. This division of tasks is not unfamiliar to European countries, but in some sense these African societies were more progressive than the European ones, since both men and women had political rights (Rodney, 1972). Something that emerged in the ‘progressive’ Netherlands not before 1974 (Holland Alumni Network, n.d.). These progressive standpoints of the societal formations of African communities were diminished by the colonial suppressor and changed to economic structures in which forced migration and economic exploitation in favor of the center countries became the norm (Rodney, 1972). The indigenous African people were sold as slaves (Amin, 1972). Salient detail is that Great-Britain had already abolished slavery during that time (Reuters, 2007). Still, their focus was on slaves. How is this possible that a country forbids something, but excels in trading this prohibited ‘good’ at the same time? Amin (1972) contends that the slaves were not sold as slaves, but as ‘contract laborers’. This is a typical example of the relationship between center and peripheral countries, in which the people from the peripheral countries are seemed to be threatened equal, since they are contract laborers, which implies they chose this work, whereas the center countries actually exploit them and use the disguised term for slaves to legitimate their actions. Sustainable development for African states never occurred and independence became a utopia that could never be reached (Eze, 2010). In this thesis it is going to be analyzed to what extent the colonial era ruptured the political realm in the DRC after independence. The accompanying sub-question is: What is the influence of the colonial era on the continued rupture of the DRC’s state after independence? The accompanying hypothesis reads:

H1: The colonial era ruptured the creation of a coherent political realm in the DRC after independence, which has led to a peripheral country that will always be exploited by foreign center powers within the world capitalist system.

(25)

The tyranny of King Leopold II

I would argue there is not a better example of the exploitative, de-humanizing and cruel tendencies of European colonizers than the case of the DRC, previously known as the Congo and the Congo Free State (CFS) when Belgium colonized it. The Belgium colonial rule lasted from 1908 until 1964, starting with the terror of King Leopold II (Renton, Seddon & Zeilig, 2007). The Belgian king had a plan on its own to enrich himself with the enormous wealth in minerals, but in order to execute this plan he needed to be granted the legitimacy from other nations to claim the Congo as Belgians (Renton et al., 2007). This is illustrative for the way center countries have power over peripheral countries: other nations deciding whether, yet another nation is legitimated to rule over your country. As the Scramble for Africa has shown, at the time it was ‘normal’ for European powers to legitimate themselves to rule and decide over other countries without the contention of these countries themselves (Andersen, 2015). To gain the support from the international community, King Leopold II founded the International African Association (AIA), which was supposed to “open up to civilizations which have not be civilized and bring them education and trade” (Renton et al., 2007, p.21). As the neo-liberal agenda of the most important countries at that time got seduced by the idea of free trade, there were many leading humanitarians, geographers and even the Britain’s Anti-Slavery Society that got involved in the AIA (Renton et al., 2007). From that point, King Leopold II had a free path to go to the Congo and ‘civilize the Congolese’. Only to end up misleading the actors involved about his intentions, blurring the lines of his projects and using the legitimacy of the AIA to pursue his actions of seeking personal wealth at the expense of the Congolese people (Renton et al., 2007).

King Leopold II knew that only the legitimation of European powers was not enough to establish his personal kingdom in the Congo. Therefore, he sought contact with local Congolese chiefs and pretended to have good intentions by offering them contracts where equal trading relations and Belgian investments would profit the Congolese inhabitants (Renton et al., 2007). Of course, ‘equal trading relations’ is a relative term and actually meant that the AIA were granted the rights to rule over the Chiefs’ territories and that the indigenous people were to work on these territories for the Belgian ruler in return for a lump of cloth each month (Renton et al., 2007). Almost none of the Chiefs had knowledge about the written word but were asked to mark their signature on these documents, nonetheless. Consequently, the documents were legal, since they were signed by the chiefs (Renton et al., 2007). By no means is this an equal trading relation and by all means is this a misleading action of the center country in order to

(26)

begin their exploitation of the peripheral country. This misleading way of diplomacy allowed Belgium to legitimate their influence in the Congo. After all, the documents have been signed. Once King Leopold II ruled over the vast majority of the Congolese soil, his tyranny began. This period is known under the name of ‘Red Rubber’, referring to the amount of Congolese blood being spoiled in favor of the Belgian exploitation of rubber (Renton et al., 2007). The Belgian king forced the indigenous people to extract rubber for his kingdom, which not only greatly enriched the king, it also blocked any possibility for development in the country which was now called the ‘CFS’ (Andersen, 2015). Even though many European countries were colonizing other parts of the world at that time and occasionally used force in doing so, I contend the Belgium use of force has been one of the worst acts of colonial violence in history. For example, if the Congolese people failed to fulfill the quotas for the collection of rubber, death was a frequently occurring punishment (Renton et al., 2007). As a mechanism to control if these Congolese were actually killed by the Force Publique, a Congolese military unit, proof had to be shown to the Colonial administrators in the form of chopped-off hands (Hochschild, 2020). Consequently, Congolese rubber collectors started cutting of their own hands if they could not meet the quotas, so it looked like they were killed as punishment (Renton et al., 2007). After all, would not everyone choose to cut off your hand if the alternative is death? However, since chopped-off hands could serve as a pass to escape death, they became a sort of currency, in which Force Publique officer’s bonusses were based on the amounts of hands they collected (Hochschild, 1998). Renton et al., (2007) even found that indigenous villages attacked one another to gather as much hands as possible. As a result, the measures King Leopold II introduced to fulfill his desire for natural resources and the subordination of the Congolese people have led to anarchy within the indigenous population, where the collection of hands served as a survival mechanism to escape certain death.

Ultimately, whether it was due to murder as a consequence of disobedience, malnutrition and vulnerability for diseases due to the fact most women were captured and not able to work the lands or because the systematic separation of men and women led to an enormous drop in birth rate, estimations are that between 1880 and 1920 the population of the CFS have halved from 20 million Congolese to 10 million after Leopold’s ‘civilizing’ expedition in the CFS (Hochschild, 2020). An enormous price to pay. Although, for the Congolese. In line with the Dependency theory, center Belgium only enriched themselves greatly by the extraction of the

(27)

vast minerals and did not lose many Belgians in doing so. The world capitalist system allowed for King Leopold’s horrific rule.

White superiority

In order to successfully implement European favored economic policies, the colonizers used a system based on ethnicities to divide African people and subordinate them (Rodney, 1972). Eze and Van der Wal (2020) contend that European colonizers used the idea of ‘tribes’ to organize and divide the Africans in ethnic groups. Consequently, the Europeans assumed the politicized ethnic groups of Africans belonged to a specific tribe, while in fact Africans did not belong to a single tribe and could easily move in and out of multiple identities (Eze & Van de Wal, 2020). Nonetheless, the division of Congolese people according to Belgian principles could happen due to the self-proclaimed legitimation of the Belgians to rule over the Congolese inhabitants by means of this ‘subjective acquisition’, which entails the idea that the division of people based on certain principles is subjective. Ekeh (1975) refers to the statements of European colonizers where they claimed that they were doing the African continent ‘a great favor’ by colonizing them, so Africans could be thought Enlighted ideologies that will lead to progress and prosperity. Fall (1961, p. 266) contends that while England spoke of the ‘White Man’s Burden’ and France of a ‘Civilizing Mission’, the Belgians were more paternalistic in that sense: “The African was to be regarded as a child until such time as, by Belgian help, he achieved adulthood. Belgian civilization was initially superior, but it was the task of the Belgian colonizer to share this civilization with the Africans.” In that sense, the Belgium colonizers legitimated their actions of subordination due to the idea that they were ‘helping’ the Congolese. Such beliefs gained support from people across the world due to the discourse of ‘white superiority’, which entails the idea that white people are superior to black people as described in the theory chapter (Ekeh, 1975). Although it may be argued that this discourse is less widely represented in today’s society, recent anti-racism protests on a global scale show discrimination based on skin color is still an urgent matter (Liubchenkova, 2020).

Looking back at the colonization of Africa, it was this belief of white superiority that allowed for the legitimation of the colonizers to settle in African countries, subordinate the indigenous people and extract the natural resources (Eze, 2013). As a result, the world economic system as portrayed by the Dependency theory persists. The colonized countries were forced to produce raw materials and export them at relatively low prices, while the colonizers exported capital intensive goods to the African countries at relatively high prices, so the system of unequal

(28)

exchange and the power of the center European countries over the African peripheral countries endures (Ahiakpor, 1985). The European colonizers organized the African countries in such a way that they best fitted the demands from the center countries, what ultimately led to economic interest of African states to be shaped completely by the interests of the colonial suppressor (Ahiakpor, 1985). In order to get quick and easy access to the natural resources of the African countries, the colonizers diminished the rural societies and blocked any possibility that these African communities could modernize (Amin, 1972). The only function of the African rural communities became to supply cheap labor and minerals to the European colonizers, just as the Dependency theory implies: the center countries enrich themselves at the expense of peripheral countries (Ahiakpor, 1985). In the end, this system and the way European powers exploited African countries have led to the diminishing of traditional African societies and created dependent peripheral societies instead (Amin, 1972).

Furthermore, the myth of white superiority, and I stress the word ‘myth’, since the principles of this idea are based on discriminative discourse rather than on facts or scientific research, was not the only prevailing idea during colonialism that legitimated Europeans to subordinate Africans by means of subjective acquisition. Europeans supposedly came to the African continent to modernize it (Rodney, 1972). By investing in infrastructural projects, the colonizers claimed to help the Africans. Indeed, there were many investments in infrastructure, but as Rodney (1972) contends, the infrastructure was built in such a way that the natural resources of the country could easily be extracted and exported out of the country. Therefore, the idea that the African continent got modernized by the infrastructural projects is a myth and only enforces the exploitation of peripheral countries by center countries. Although this history should be a lesson for African countries as the DRC, recent Chinese investments have shown otherwise. Promises to invest in infrastructure have led to an enormous rise of Chinese influence in the DRC in recent years as the third analysis chapter will show (Foster et al., 2009; Scheele et.al, 2016). It seems Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel was right about the repetition of history as he states: “what we learn from history, is that we do not learn anything” (Goodreads, n.d.).

Colonial education

Belgian legislatives must have thought that the implementation of white superiority would not occur within the minds of the Congolese people by simply stating it, they had to get to the minds of the Congolese inhabitants through education. That is why the CFS under Belgian colonial rule had one of the highest governmental expenditures on primary education compared to other

(29)

colonial African states (Fall, 1961). Furthermore, besides the more than 19,000 boys attending technical school and 17,500 attending teacher training schools in 1959, Fall (1961) stresses that girls enjoyed education as well, where this percentage rose from 5% of all Congolese girls in 1948 to more than 20% in 1958. However, as high as the numbers of Congolese inhabitants enjoying primary education were, as low were the amount of Congolese people who finished a university degree during that time. According to Shannon (2017) only seventeen Congolese graduated from the university in 1960. As Fall (1961, p.268) quotes professor George Kimble:

The Belgians felt that it is better to have 90 per cent of the population capable of understanding what the government is trying to do for them... than to have 10 per cent of the population so full of learning that it spends its time telling the government what to do.

In other words: the Belgian colonizers wanted educated Congolese, so they would fit in the Western oriented society the Belgians wanted to implement but deemed a high number of Congolese graduates as unwelcome, as “it could only lead to trouble in the colony” (Shannon, 2017, p.15). Yet, while Shannon (2017) stresses the low number of Congolese graduates, Fall (1961) contends this is based on a misunderstanding of the definition of a graduate. He stresses there were 17 ‘post’-graduates and more than 4,000 Congolese graduate students. So, even while this number is relatively low when looking at the number of Congolese inhabitants who finished primary school, Fall (1961, p.273) argues the reasons for the “present chaos in the country must be found elsewhere than merely in the absence of a sufficiently large number of college graduates.”

As Fall (1961) is referring to another reason for the chaos in the country, I contend it is related to the Belgian educational system, nonetheless. Ekeh (1975) stresses that European languages, traditions and religion replaced African ones in the educational system. As the Belgians were successful in providing primary education to many Congolese kids, they were implemented with western ideology from the start. In addition, Rodney (1972) argues that the colonial education demolished existing social structures where solidarity with one another was of the utmost importance, and replaced them with capitalist individualism, where people should always seek for individual gains. Over the years, these Western ideologies gained more significance with the Congolese. The first signs of the successful implementation of Western principles and the myth of white superiority became apparent when the discourse arose of Europeans to be blessed with the gift to work little, yet have the most power and wealth (Ekeh, 1975). Thus, Fall’s (1961) dismissal of the educational argument for the political instability in

(30)

the country is false, as he does not pay attention to the kind of education and only looks at quantitative numbers of graduates. While it is not the issue weather a low or high number of Congolese people finished university, but weather they were implemented with Western ideology. In the end, it was believed that education was the way for Africans to become like Europeans (Ekeh, 1975). In line with Peter Ekeh, Gustav Jahoda (1961) states: “To send one’s son to school was to hope that he would escape the boredom of hard work.”

What is further troublesome is that only few Africans could enjoy higher education after primary school, namely the Africans from the bourgeoisie class (Ekeh, 1975). This led to a problematic situation when the Congolese bourgeoise came to power after they clashed with the colonial administrators. Their ideals were based on the same ideologies, due to the colonial education they enjoyed, making the Congolese bourgeoise hesitant to become different from their Belgian suppressors, since their legitimacy was based on them:

Although native to Africa, the African bourgeoise class depends on colonialism for its legitimacy. It accepts the principles implicit in colonialism, but it rejects the foreign personnel that ruled Africa. It claims to be competent enough to rule, but it has no traditional legitimacy (Ekeh, 1975, p.96).

The Belgians introduced an educational system, an administrational system and other structures the Congolese people were uncertain to discard. The legitimacy of the Congolese bourgeoisie was based on the Belgian colonial rule. After all, they were raised and formed in the colonial system. Ekeh (1975) argues that the African bourgeoise was afraid to be unqualified as replacers of the colonizers and eager to hold on to the old colonial structures, therefore undermining their own legitimacy.

The irony in all of this is that education normally leads to independent minds and educated people who are able to criticize and contest prevailing policies or ideologies, while the only thing the colonial education did was transforming Africans into European minded agents to serve the colonial suppressor (Ekeh, 1975). Providing cheap labor and minerals to the European center countries, so the world capitalist system persists. Ergo, while Fall (1961, p.275) states that the Belgian educational system provided “a solid foundation of primary schools which give the country a vast mass of literate citizens”, I would rather say the Belgian educational system provided “a vast mass of European minded citizens.” Ultimately, the colonial education has successfully been used as a tool to impose Western ideology within the minds of the Congolese

(31)

inhabitants in order to subordinate them and allowed for the exploitation of the peripheral CFS by center Belgium.

Two Publics

It is too simplistic to state that the Congo had a coherent state before colonialism and that the Belgian colonizers were the only reason for the incoherent state after independence. As the Encyclopeaedia Britannica (n.d.) states on the Congo during the 17th_{century: “Competition for}

the kingship between the Kongo Kingdom and the Luba-Lunda states often led to civil strife, however, and, with the rise of the slave trade, new sources of instability influenced regional politics”. Nonetheless, to look beyond the colonial influence and research the pre-colonial political situation of the Congo would be too broad for this thesis. Therefore, the focus of this thesis is on the influence of colonialism on the rupture of the Congolese state, since this is of major influence. In doing so and building on the myth of white superiority and the influence of the colonial education, I argue that the rupture of the DRC’s state after independence is in great part due to the existence of two public realms in the country as result of Belgian colonial rule. The Belgian rule was characterized by two ways of governance that prevailed during colonialism: direct and indirect rule. A system of direct rule meant that the colonized country should follow a European model that allowed for European laws, bureaucracies and economic policies to replace the local ones (Lawrence, 2016). A system of indirect rule was aimed to work with the indigenous people and to maintain their traditions instead of replacing them with European ones (Lawrence, 2016). Although direct rule seems to be more disruptive than indirect rule, Mamdani (1996, p.862) argues that indirect rule was just as disruptive, or perhaps even more than direct rule, since it was aimed at “changing the preferences of the mass of the colonized, not just a narrow elite”. Furthermore, he stresses that “indirect rule, did not maintain local authority as it had existed before colonial conquest, but altered it by empowering local leaders in specific ways; it made their authority like a clenched fist” (Mamdani, 1996, p.874). Thus, none of these ways of governance was benevolent for the CFS. What made it even harder for the Congolese, however, was that Belgium used both ways of governing:

In theory the rulers of Belgian Congo preferred indirect rule, but in practice they found nearly all the larger kingdoms in Congo in Ruins, or they destroyed them during their conquest, so that they actually recognized only chiefs over small chiefdoms whom they named and deposed at will. Hence, their indirect rule often came very close to direct rule (Vansina, 2010, p.178).

The Democratic Republic of the Congo: Trapped within the Circle of Underdevelopment