Towards Humane Development: Ubuntu as a Catalyst for Corporate Social Responsibility

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Abstract

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is increasingly recognized as a key ingredient that can foster sustainable development and can bring multiple benefits to developing countries, such as improved working conditions and access to new skills and technology. Despite being embraced and promoted globally, the understanding of the concept is strongly tied to its context. To this end, CSR remains largely understudied in the African context. This research aims to demonstrate that the African philosophy of ‘Ubuntu’, which constitutes the socio-cultural manifestation in African communities, can serve as a relevant factor that can inform and guide CSR efforts by Western firms on the African continent. By conducting a single case-study covering the agricultural sector of Zimbabwe and conducting interviews with policy officers, NGOs, Zimbabwean entrepreneurs and experts on Ubuntu, this research suggests that the Ubuntu understanding of CSR is grounded on the same premises as the Western understanding, but expresses itself in vastly different ways and takes a communal approach instead of a Western individualistic approach. Hence, focusing on high levels of production and maximizing profits while paying fair wages must make way for good relationships, giving back to the community and caring for the community. Since Ubuntu suggests that the collective well-being of a community is what drives development, a community-based CSR approach will therefore drive communal development, encourage inclusivity, offer a support system and act as a way to overcome differences. However, such a conclusion does not imply that Western understanding of CSR should be ignored; instead it provides a sound basis for CSR practice. The two contexts can complement each other and due to Ubuntu’s unique qualities, it can act as a catalyst for a hybrid approach in which Western and Zimbabwean knowledge combine to produce effective CSR guidelines and drive sustainable development in the region.

Keywords: Corporate Social Responsibility, Ubuntu, development, agriculture, local context, businesses, indigenous knowledge.

Acknowledgements: First, I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Dr. Michael Onyebuchi Eze for his invaluable feedback, support and patience during the process of completing this thesis. I would also like to thank all those who have been willing to share their invaluable knowledge on this topic and help me gain new insights. I am particularly grateful to Dorine van Norren, who guided me through the search for the focus of my research. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends for their critical feedback and support, especially given the circumstances surrounding the Covid-19 crisis.

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Abbreviations:

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)

Gross National Product (GNP)

Millennium Development Goals (MDG)

Non-Governmental Organization (NGO)

Sustainable Development Goals (SDG)

United Nations (UN)

Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU)

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I. Introduction

From 2009 to 2019 Heineken received millions of euros in grants for African agricultural projects aimed at helping reduce poverty and develop Africa’s agricultural sector, a flagship project of the Dutch company’s Corporate Social Responsibility mandate. Heineken’s agricultural program has become an important pillar of the Dutch policy of ‘Aid and Trade’, which links aid to private sector subsidies. What is missing from this narrative is that the program that was supposed to lead to the use of more local materials has failed. Ten years later, 37 percent of its supply comes from local production, an 11 percent drop from eight years ago and well below the 60 percent target. Heineken, which reported a profit of almost $2.5 billion in 2018, also acknowledged that it could have funded the projects without the support of the Dutch Government. Additionally, the possible effects of agricultural activities on food scarcity or child labor remain ambiguous. Critics question whether Heineken’s additional demand for local crops would not compete with local food supplies, how many children are employed in the company’s production chain, and what the consequences are of using fertilizer on the mostly virgin African fields; “we don’t know” stated its management (van Beemen, 2019, p.1).

In recent years, responsible capitalism and social responsibility have received more attention than ever before. Between 2017 and 2020, the job market has been characterized by a bonanza in jobs that seek to promote sustainability and, like Heineken, businesses have increasingly focused on engaging with a wide range of stakeholders, such as the local community (Schwab, 2008; Nauman et al., 2020). ‘Doing Good’ has become the latest trend in our economy; globally 68% of consumers report being willing to pay extra for sustainable goods1; and companies committed to sustainability are experiencing sales growth up to

four times higher than their competitors (International Trade Centre, 2019; Dewolf, 2020). The disparate actions that fit this trend are commonly referred to by the catch-all term ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’, which encompasses a wide range of beliefs and activities such as caring for the environment, investing in the community, and philanthropy (Kapstein, 2001).

The potential of CSR in the developing world has gained momentum over the past decade due to the unique role firms can play in ensuring sustainability and building towards a more resilient socio-economic environment (Harwood et al., 2011; Bergenas, 2014). This trend is no surprise given that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) that goes into developing countries has outpaced public development aid by fivefold, and more than 90 percent of all jobs worldwide are in the private sector. CSR is considered to be an important element to foster this sustainable economic growth and is therefore promoted globally by governments and businesses themselves. This can bring a range of benefits to developing countries, such as improved working conditions and access to new skills and technology.

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Despite being embraced and promoted globally, the understanding of the concept is strongly tied to its context. To this end, CSR remains largely understudied in the African context, which is vital to making development by businesses succeed (Bergenas, 2014; Ozuem et al., 2014). In order to study the African context, this research will explore how CSR can be contextualized by the African philosophy of Ubuntu, which is recognized as a prominent and overarching socio-cultural manifestation, forming the basis of local contexts (Ndletyna, 2003; Karsten and Illa, 2005; Nafukho, 2006; Mickson Kayuni and Tambulasi, 2012; Khomba and Kangaude-Ulaya, 2013). Ubuntu emphasizes humaneness, caring for the other and collectivism, and contrasts with the Western sense of individualism.

I argue that the philosophy of Ubuntu - a Bantu term referring to ‘humanity’ - can contribute to more focused CSR practices and a better understanding of how to treat stakeholders, resulting in development efforts by Western companies to be more effective. To illustrate this point, a case study will be conducted covering Dutch policy and efforts in the agricultural sector of Zimbabwe. This case study is chosen since Ubuntu finds its roots in Zimbabwe and still exerts a powerful influence over its rural context. Once the ‘bread basket of Africa’, Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector knows a high potential due to the country’s fertile but underutilized land, underutilized water resources and its highly educated workforce. If carefully managed, its agricultural potential could offer a path toward rebuilding Zimbabwe’s economy (Kasiyano, 2018; Welborn, 2019). Dutch practices are explicitly targeted because the country has one of the highest levels of CSR, has adopted a development policy focused on the Aid and Trade relationship, and its agricultural sector is one of the most advanced in the world (Luetkenhorst, 2004; Spiertz and Kropff, 2011).

This research therefore aims to integrate Ubuntu into CSR practices, explore how this differs from the Western way of doing business and how it can give more direction to development. This will be based on interviews with policy officers at the Dutch ministry of foreign affairs, NGOs, Zimbabwean entrepreneurs and experts on Ubuntu. The research question this thesis therefore poses to answer is:

To what extent can Corporate Social Responsibility efforts undertaken by the Western private sector in the agricultural sector of Zimbabwe be informed by the African philosophy of Ubuntu and subsequently contribute to development?

The following supporting sub-questions will be explored to answer the main research question:

(1) To what extent can stakeholder treatment in the agricultural sector of Zimbabwe be informed by Ubuntu?

(2) To what extent is the discrepancy between the Western understanding and the African understanding of CSR reflected in public policy?

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(3) To what extent may better-informed CSR practices by Western corporations contribute to sustainable development in Zimbabwe?

This research aims to contribute to the academic literature by attempting to provide a better understanding of how the African philosophy of Ubuntu can inform and contextualize CSR practices. This is becoming more relevant, because academic literature on CSR is predominantly Western-oriented. This could be troublesome since CSR is bound to its context and the lack of information could make CSR application to the African context challenging for Western firms (Ozuem et al., 2014). The study of African philosophy could also be relevant because Western philosophers tend to dominate contemporary academic literature, going as far back as Hegel to argue that Western philosophy is the only ‘real’ philosophy (Boogaart, 2019; Kimmerle, 2016). Overlooking other types of knowledge could not only result in indigenous knowledge and oral traditions to be disregarded, but might also institute epistemic injustice (Gyekye, 1987). Overall, this research aims to fill a literature gap, attempting to make CSR more inclusive. This is done by exploring how Ubuntu might be able to serve a role in contextualizing CSR and consequently aiming to provide a better understanding of the stakeholders involved. Socially, this research aims to create more awareness about Ubuntu among Western companies and the general public. This could be of importance considering the vital role of firms in building towards a more resilient socio-economic environment. Additionally, in our current global economy, companies are increasingly internationalizing, making it vital that they are informed about local practices to ensure that CSR is upheld. This research aims to enhance Ubuntu and to stress its significance in Africa. This could possibly guide other firms in how to effectively do business in a context guided by Ubuntu.

This thesis is structured as follows: Section II will review the relevant literature on the role of Western firms and CSR in Africa in relation to Ubuntu and development. This will locate and examine previous research on the topic and provide theoretical grounding for the study. Section III lays out the theoretical framework and implications of this research and explores how Ubuntu can contextualize CSR, improve stakeholder understanding, and contribute to development. This will be followed by section IV, which will elaborate on the research design and method, with a particular focus on how this research engages with critical realism. Subsequently, to gain a more detailed understanding a case study is conducted in part V, which focuses on the role of Ubuntu in the agricultural sector of Zimbabwe. The outcomes of this research will be analyzed in Section VI, resulting in the creation of an overarching model. Finally, Section VII will compare the results to the literature and conclude that Ubuntu does offer important guidance for CSR and development, particularly in the agricultural sector in Zimbabwe and closes with the limitations of the research and final suggestions for further research.

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II. Literature review

CSR has been widely disputed in the business, developmental and social sciences literature. This debate revolves around establishing a clear definition of the concept and identifying why and how one should be socially responsible. The interest in CSR can be considered a response to new objectives brought forward by development agendas, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the focus on Aid for Trade, which hold businesses responsible for supporting sustainable economic growth in developing countries. This section will review the relevant literature on the role of Western firms and CSR in Africa in relation to Ubuntu and development. This will facilitate the identification of issues and limitations in the research area.

2.1 The Role of Western Firms and Corporate Social Responsibility in Africa

Ewijk et al. (2017) point out that CSR is an important element that helps foster inclusive economic growth, foster civil society and promote sustainable development. The authors assert that CSR can bring multiple benefits to developing countries, such as better working conditions and access to new skills and technology. Recent shifts in the global aid landscape, job market and changes in donors’ approaches, have advanced this relationship. Previously, aid from traditionally rich Western countries focused on social development rather than economic development. Yet, the development promoted by upcoming donors, like China and India, emphasizes the advancement of economic independence, with a strong focus on mutual benefits as part of this ‘giving’ (Mawdsley, 2012). Essentially, this means that the role of a donor government progressively becomes one of helping the private sector, which was solidified with the introduction of the SDGs and the outcomes of the 2011 Busan Conference on aid effectiveness, replacing the traditional poverty reduction goal with a new goal: one of supporting sustainable economic growth (Mawdsley, 2015).

This shift in development, as pointed out by van Ewijk et al. (2017) suggest that firms must be held accountable for creating shared value and conducting responsible business in the developing countries in which they operate. Western firms in developing countries are therefore expected to be responsible to a wide variety of stakeholders, ranging from the communities in which they operate to civil society and human rights, which gives firms an implicit political role (Blowfield and Frynas, 2005). This new role predominantly follows the CSR guidelines set by the donor government and incorporates development priorities such as gender equality and poverty prevention. This suggests that Western firms bring their own understanding of CSR and corresponding ethics into the African context, which led Visser et al. (2017) to raise the question: “Do global companies have a right to impose Western ideas of ethics on African

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Blowfield and Frynas (2005) are critical to the benefits CSR could bring to the developing world. The authors believe that even though CSR has potential, its current application and approach does not fulfil this premise. This is due to unique aspects of problems in the developing world, including poverty and sustainability, that require different solutions than in the developed world. In order to resolve this issue, the authors suggest more research needs to be conducted on the effects of CSR on the developing world. For instance, a study by Adanhounme (2011) found that in the Ghanaian mining industry, CSR is defined by external stakeholders and fails to address local issues. The author suggests that those CSR initiatives are aimed at improving visibility, rather than benefitting the workers. Similarly, Tuodolo (2009) found that the oil and gas sector actively embraces and promotes CSR, but instead of contributing to sustainability, the authors find that such efforts are mainly part of a company’s improved public image. Often, such companies engage in corruption, pollution, dumping and human rights abuses. Also Jamali and Sidani (2011) recognize the big interest in CSR as a tool to develop, however the authors are critical to its real potential. In order for CSR to work, its potential should be constantly reassessed, whilst taking the local context into consideration. The authors note that indigenous voices are often silenced by the international community, which should rather be central to the formation of CSR practices. Noticeably, Khan and Lund-Thomsen (2011) even label Western-based CSR initiatives in the developing world to be a form of Western imperialism, since resources are extracted from locals, whilst the indigenous understanding of CSR is delegitimized. Amaeshi (2011) provides a somewhat different perspective and notes that the normative tone of CSR discourse unfolding in the developing world, should be challenged by promoting a variety on the concept. The author believes that the current CSR discourse, which is rooted in philanthropy, prevents this from happening in the developing world.

Essentially, the Western way of conducting business does not aid the realities of Africa and there is a need for change in the developing world for the predominant Western-style CSR (Nicolaides, 2017). The literature suggests that when CSR progresses to expand in the developing world as a way to contribute to socio-economic development, the concept should not be driven by external agendas, but instead be rooted in a cautious examination of social and environmental problems defined by the local context. Hence, there is a real demand to assess CRS from a local stakeholder perspective, and there is a need for alternative perspectives on the matter and ethical philosophies like Ubuntu might have a positive impact on choices and performances of those in positions of power (Jamali and Sidani, 2011; Nicolaides, 2017).

2.2 Corporate Social Responsibility in the Ubuntu Community

While CSR is an internationally recognized concept, one should not assume that all organizations share the same practices and values, Ozeum et al. (2014) recognize the importance of these findings and argue that the understanding of CSR relies heavily on its context. Hence, when implementing CSR guidelines in a non-Western environment, it is crucial to look at the local problems of a given situation.

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Correspondingly, Khomba et al. (2013) note that cultures shape society, and therefore argue that Africa’s socio-cultural framework is shaped by Ubuntu. African firms base their corporate governance on this philosophy, which means that local business ethics are characterized by an inclusive, stakeholder-centered approach, meaning that firms accommodate a wide range of stakeholders, including the local communities in which they operate. This inclusive stakeholder-centered approach corresponds to Ubuntu principles, which emphasizes caring and sharing within the community and this approach is different from the Western approach, which focusses on shareholders (Khomba and Vermaak, 2012). It follows that, for a firm to be successful in Africa they must align with Ubuntu principles as it is core to Africa’s society, therefore, a firm should focus on a teamwork spirit, collectivism, humanist leadership style and community-based CSR (Khomba and Kangaude-Ulaya, 2013).

To explore how CSR can be implemented in the framework of Ubuntu, Mickson Kayuni and Tambulasi (2012) conducted a qualitative research study across 9 Malawian companies. The authors found that Malawian firms base their CSR strategies on Ubuntu principles rather than on the Western approach to doing business. Overall, Malawian businesses understand CSR as giving back to the community and caring for the community is more important to them than making a profit. To build a clearer picture of how Ubuntu could contribute to CSR, the authors suggest to further explore Ubuntu values within different African communities. This research will build on this debate by exploring how Ubuntu unfolds in the Zimbabwean agricultural sector and whether Western firms can adopt this strategy whilst at the same time contributing to local development.

2.3 Ubuntu and Development

Finally, to gain a more comprehensive understanding of how Ubuntu might inform CSR and subsequently contribute to development in an African context, it is essential to review the literature on how the philosophy itself might contribute to development. Mapadimeng (2007) emphasizes the widespread belief that Ubuntu can act as a developmental force and bring benefits to the economic and business spheres. Ramose (1999) suggests that development from an African perspective considers people and communities to be integral. People care for each other as well as for nature through their interactions and interrelations. The Ubuntu philosophy asserts mutual care and supporting those in need with regard to nature and the environment. Owolabi and Olu-Owolabi (2009) build on this by stating that sustainable development in Africa should be achieved through taking the preferences of all community members into account when pursuing economic activities. In this context, van Hensbroek (2001) argues that the Ubuntu community effectively responds to public programs of development and that philosophy has the potential to foster inclusiveness. Migheli (2017) suggests there is a strong relationship between Ubuntu and social capital, which lays the foundation for promoting sustainable development through CSR. Idoniboye-Obu and Whetho (2013), point out that although the concept of Ubuntu is not yet entirely articulated, its core

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remains clear: a collective community, emphasizing reciprocation and mutual respect for each other. The authors conclude that Ubuntu’s core can serve as a moral compass and a guide to political behavior, but that the perspective of the self is crucial for what kind of political order Ubuntu will generate, nurture and sustain.

However, some scholars also question the interpretation and definition of Ubuntu such as Mboti (2015) who points out the inconsistency and vagueness of the concept. The author rejects the belief that humanity can only be attained through others, and argues that it suggests a way of behaving Africans must uphold. The Zulu term ‘Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ used by many scholars to describe the core values of Ubuntu stands for something much messier than acknowledged. In fact, it is about recognizing that a broken relationship is as human as a good relationship. Mboti (2015) argues that a broken relationship is equally desirable as a good relationship such as breaking away from oppression, and that good relationships between people may be bad in nature and do not necessarily imply that they are beneficial for the greater good.

III. Theoretical Framework

In order to explore how CSR can be contextualized by Ubuntu and how it can contribute to development, these concepts need to be placed in the realm of relevant scientific literature. The concepts that will be defined and discussed in this section are: (3.1) CSR, (3.2) Ubuntu and (3.3) development.

3.1 Corporate Social Responsibility

3.1.1 Background on Corporate Social Responsibility

While it has only recently been the case that CSR has gained prominence, the social dimensions of business ethics have been around for a long time. Conducting business in a moral way was encouraged by Western thinkers such as Cicero in the first century BCE and non-Western thinkers, such as India’s Kautilya, in the third century BCE. Religious groups including Christianity and Islam also supported a form of CSR and criticized business practices, such as usury. The somewhat more modern equivalent of CSR was captured by the founder of modern economics, Adam Smith (1986) in his book Moral Sentiments, in which he argues that the economy will not function if there is no mutual trust or reciprocal benefit. Soon after, Smith introduced the concept of ‘the invisible hand’, which states that individuals unintentionally drive economic prosperity by pursuing their own self-interest. Even when selling something for the purpose of pursing profit, consumers also benefit from the goods that are sold (Wan-Jan, 2006). In contrast, Nobel Prize winner Milton Friedman (1970) claimed that firms exist for the mere purpose of generating profits for their shareholders. This urges managers to behave in a way that is deemed to be less ethical in order to limit costs and maximize profits while keeping shareholders content. Over

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time, the field of CSR grew significantly and countless debates and discussions attempted to establish guidelines on the social responsibility of a firm. Accordingly, the current paradigm is eclectic and multidisciplinary, with no clear boundaries. As of today, CSR includes myriad theories, terms and approaches, in which a widely agreed definition remains absent (Garriga and Melé, 2004).

3.1.2 Evolution of the concept

Some attempts have been made to establish more conformity in the field, such as Carroll (1999) who provided a chronological timeline indicating the most important advances in how firms understand their role and responsibilities in society. Garriga and Melé (2004) try to map out the CSR territory by categorizing the foremost theories in four groups; this includes: (1) instrumental theory, which believes the only purpose of a company is to create wealth and engaging in social activities is done as a way to achieve this; (2) political theory, which focuses on the power of firms in society and using power responsibly on the political level; (3) integrative theory, in which the firm aims to satisfy social demands; and (4) ethical theory, which focusses on the ethical responsibility of the firm to society. They conclude that CSR is not just a broad field of concepts, it is also a proliferation of methodologies that are provocative, multifaceted and vague. Lantos (2001) found that overall, authors define CSR in two different ways, while some argue it is a tool to brand and market your company (Lantos, 2001; Lewis, 2003), others suggest that companies need to adopt CSR, because it is the right and moral way to act (Novak, 1996; Treviño and Nelson, 2011). Likewise, by contrasting and comparing current literature on CSR, Wan-Jan (2006) finds two main categories: CSR as a business strategy, and CSR as an ethical way of behaving. When CSR is seen as a business strategy, firms treat stakeholders ethically to boost the firm’s prosperity. When CSR is seen as an ethical stance, firms treat stakeholders ethically because they believe it is the appropriate way to act. Different stakeholder groups are prioritized within CSR literature, which results in different ways of defining socially responsible behavior; for instance, caring for the environment (Bragdon and Marlin, 1972), investing in society (Moir, 2001; Goyder, 2003) philanthropy, (Brammer and Millington, 2003) or increased profitability of the firm (Hopkins, 2012). This suggests that although CSR emphasizes stakeholder satisfaction, it includes a wide diversity of activities (Wan-Jan, 2006).

The debate on CSR recently shifted from focusing on what it means, or whether it should be adopted, to how one should be socially responsible. Contemporary literature therefore discusses the particular actions that comprise CSR; the World Business Council for Sustainable Development believes CSR entails business responsibility to support sustainable economic development and improve the quality of life through collaborating with society to develop sustainable solutions to the world’s problems. Likewise, the International Business Leaders Forum considers CSR to include transparent and accessible business practices, which are grounded in ethical and moral values, while respecting the society it operates in and the community it serves (Wan-Jan, 2006).

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Subsequently, to explore whether Ubuntu can guide and inform CSR, it is necessary to define and elaborate the concept itself.

3.2 Ubuntu

As with many ideas, the notion of Ubuntu can be conceived in numerous ways, and scholars use myriad approaches to define the concept. The context in which Ubuntu is situated is crucial to understanding and defining the concept. These may vary from historical to philosophical contexts, and from linguistic to anthropological contexts. Since this raises complexity, some scholars tend to define Ubuntu as a semantic complex instead of as a concept (Stuit, 2016). Broadly speaking, Ubuntu is understood as a Bantu term to denote ‘humanity’, and in a philosophical sense the term is used to define humaneness towards the other, or the idea of a universal bond of sharing that unites all of humanity (Fraser-Moleketi, 2007).

3.2.1 Background on Ubuntu

Ubuntu’s social origins were recognized by scholars such as Broodryk (2007) who indicated that the concept originated from Egypt around 1500 BCE and progressively spread out over the African continent. Although this claim receives little recognition from other scholars, it is worth noting that the Bantu terms designated to a human being; ‘munhu’, ‘umuntu’ and ‘muthu’ stem from the Egyptian word of ‘ma’at’ referring to the Egyptian communal character. However, a wider recognition exists for the semantic evidence suggesting Ubuntu to stem from the Bantu languages in southern Africa, including Shona, Sesotho, Tswana, Isindebele, Xhosa and Zulu. Linguistically, Ubuntu contains -ubu denoting a prefix that forms a noun, and -ntu representing a human being (Mangena, 2016).

Ubuntu appeared in African writing as early as the 1850s, where it was referred to as a source of humanness, kindness, virtue and humanity. This shifted during the 1950s, when Ubuntu was publicized as a philosophy or world view, broadening the scope of its former definition of a person’s qualities. Twenty years later, the concept was characterized as a type of ‘African Humanism’, grounded on the civic Africanization that occurred during decolonization. This particularly took place when Zimbabwe and South Africa shifted towards a majority rule system (Mangena, 2016). Ubuntu as a philosophical concept first appeared in academic literature in 1980, when Zimbabwean writer Stanlake Samkange and American psychologist Tommie Marie Samkange (1980) propagated ‘Hunhu’, the Zimbabwean equivalent of Ubuntu, as the new ideology for Zimbabwe when they granted independence. This inspired South Africa to adopt the same concept in the 1990s, as a guiding ideal for the move from apartheid to democracy (Chidzonga, 2016).

Ubuntu and its core values are applied in practice, for example by South Africa, which devotes parts of its constitution to representing the values of Ubuntu. Another example is Nyerere’s Arusha

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Declaration, which is a development blueprint based on the principles of Ujamaa, which is comparable to Ubuntu. Moreover, the African Union acknowledges the philosophy’s principles on its agenda, stating that it is a form of conscience needed to foster unity of purpose and Pan Africanism, considering African culture as a key driver of change (Hailey, 2008).

3.2.2 Defining Ubuntu as a Philosophy

Generally, there is a consensus among scholars that Ubuntu forms the roots of African philosophy and denotes a type of humanism emphasizing that a person is a person through others, represented by the Zulu expression ‘Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ (Eze, 2010; Mugumbate and Nyanguru, 2013). This aspect of humanism is described by Michael Eze (2010), who states that someone’s humanity is confirmed through recognizing the differences and uniqueness of an ‘other’. This other becomes a mirror for your own subjectivity and therefore suggests that humanity cannot be ingrained in an individual. As such, humanity is a quality that we acquire through each other. Because one is human through the other, the community forms an important part of Ubuntu. In fact, one can only become a human and a powerful ancestor through the buildup of good deeds in the community. Being able to relate to others is fundamental to a person’s existence and determines who they are (Griggs and Louw, 1995; Eze, 2008).

A visible part of Ubuntu is the ‘extroverted community’, where both strangers and community members are treated with genuine warmth. This not only enhances collaboration within a community, it can also result in spontaneous formation of new communities (Griggs and Louw, 1995). In this context, Nussbaum (2009, p.2) illustrates that Ubuntu refers to the “capacity in African culture to express compassion,

reciprocity, dignity, harmony and humanity in the interests of building and maintaining community through justice and mutual caring”. Similarly, Hailey (2008) asserts that Ubuntu community members collaboratively drive

development, whilst maintaining respect for humaneness. People empathize with the rest of the community, as Ubuntu is the other-concerning, rather than the self-concerning (Horsthemke, 2009). Correspondingly, Chuwa (2014) points out the importance of the community, by stating that through Ubuntu, an individual has a community to fall back on in times of hardship, as the community supports each other. Former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela emphasized this aspect by explaining that Ubuntu serves the other instead of waiting to be served (Chuwa, 2014).

In summary, central qualities to Ubuntu include hospitality, a desire to share and compassion, suggesting that people are part of a community, living in interdependence, which strikingly opposes to Western individualism (Hapanyengwi-Chemhuru and Makuvaza, 2014). The Ubuntu philosophy instigates a lifestyle that makes anyone both act and feel humane towards someone else and nurtures respect for human values. All in all, Ubuntu forms the foundation of African social and political realities and generates sympathy amongst indigenous Africans (Mnyaka and Mokgethi, 2005; Chitumba, 2013).

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3.2.3 Ubuntu as a Political Philosophy

Ubuntu also emphasizes the importance of community in the context of political philosophy, as it encourages equality among community members and a fair distribution of wealth. Community members empathize with one another, care for one another, and have an interest in the collective well-being of their community. This particularly applies to rural communities which are less so subject to the bureaucratic and abstract state that urban aggregated communities are subject to (Lutz, 2009). This understanding of Ubuntu should however not be confused with a type of socialism, as Eze (2008) points out, instead Ubuntu is a communitarian philosophy, which celebrates the diversity and uniqueness of all community members and promotes the virtue of the community. In his book Intellectual History of Contemporary South Africa, Eze (2010) differentiates between an essentialist approach of Ubuntu, based on an unchangeable past, and a performative approach of Ubuntu, which focusses on what Ubuntu can offer in its present-day context. Stressing the latter, Eze postulates that it is critical for a national identity to follow a narrative in order to overcome dissimilarities; Ubuntu can act as such a narrative in order to overcome dissimilarities. When doing this, Ubuntu needs to be placed in a particular environment, since different communities might have different understandings of the philosophy. He asserts that Ubuntu therefore is a ‘living philosophy’ rooted in a homogenized African Ubuntu identity. Placing this within the realm of restorative justice, Eze (2010) concludes that Ubuntu serves as a ‘responsive nationalistic ideology’ providing mutual ground wherein diverse memories can unite to form a new common memory and consciousness. Similarly, Ramose (1999), although being slightly more essentialist, argues that the current political reality in Africa is caused by the lack of Ubuntu. He pleads for a revival of standard connotational thought as opposed to Western fashion democracy, which he believes is hostile in nature. The concept therefore articulates a specific meaning and is able to inform and restructure socio-economic policies, making them more solidary, communal and adjusted to local contexts.

3.2.4 Ubuntu in Firms

Lastly, when examining whether Ubuntu can influence and guide CSR practices, it is critical to determine how the concept expresses itself in businesses. Applying Ubuntu to its managerial context, Mangaliso (2001) argues that it progressively impacts the African continent. Consequently, Karsten and Illa (2005) found that Ubuntu fosters economic well-being because Ubuntu stresses the importance of the employee, as opposed to viewing it as a means to maximize profit. Mapadimeng (2009) affirms this point, emphasizing that Ubuntu can promote socio-economic development and is capable of fostering a competitive edge in international trade. Incorporating Ubuntu in the workplace differs from the traditional Western management approach, which focuses on getting work done through the actions of employees. Instead, Ubuntu prioritizes the formation and strengthening of relationships, placing unity and sympathy

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within the group above productivity and formality. Finally, in leadership, Ubuntu encourages collaboration, goodwill and relationships on the working floor (Mangaliso, 2001).

Contrasting these findings to explore how Ubuntu is applied within an African firm, Newenham-Kahindi (2009) shows that Ubuntu promotes a sense of acceptance among employees because they are treated well and their core needs are met. Oftentimes, this sentiment will lead to higher levels of dedication, accountability and innovation among workers. Leaders who incorporate Ubuntu will not put emphasis on achieving predetermined business goals; instead, they act as advisors to aid the process and use the goals created by the active workforce as guidelines (Woermann and Engelbrecht, 2019). However, the promise of Ubuntu may be exaggerated, for example, Newenham-Kahindi (2009) found that certain Ubuntu styles may practice discriminatory, sexist or oppressive actions that have broader ramifications at the individual and corporate level. Ramotsehoa (1999) also expresses his concerns with Ubuntu in corporate settings, and stresses that it has been popularized for its efficiency benefits.

3.3 Development

To further investigate whether focused CSR practices can potentially contribute to development on the African continent as part of the Aid for Trade agendas, the concept of development first needs to be defined. In particular, how development aligns with the SDGs and national policy formation that push the international CSR agenda, as well as the African perspective on development. This will be done by reflecting on the literature of both Western and African scholars.

3.3.1 The Concept of Development

Development is a broad concept that is difficult to define, and is context, location and time specific. One of the first to write about development was Adam Smith (1776) who advocated that the ideal way for a nation to develop is to move away from mercantilism and engage in specialization and free international trade, based on the idea that nations naturally have different strengths in particular areas. This idea was driven forward by Smith’s main disciple David Ricardo, who introduced the theory of comparative advantage, proposing that two nations can both benefit from trade even if one country can produce more of everything (Heilbroner, 1999). The mutual benefit of trade between states put forward by Smith and Ricardo, was criticized by economist Friedrich List. During the industrial revolution, List (2005) observed that economies developed differently, as some countries industrialised and some did not. His work eventually formed the basis of developmental economics as a branch of academic study. Contrary to Smith and Ricardo, List believed that a nation firsthad to mature its own agricultural and manufacturing industries before it could participate in free trade. Therefore, infant industries must first be protected with tariffs until they have matured and are able to compete in the international market (Ho, 2005). To List (2005), a harmonized world can only be realised when all countries experience similar levels

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of development; otherwise the more developed nations will overwhelm and exploit the less developed. Thus List described development as; the state in which all nations know equivalent levels of industrial civilization, political cultivation and power.

Even though List’s contributions are indispensable for understanding the problems of developing nations, they fail to address the problem of the poorest nations as noted by Rodrik (2005). His contribution finds that the neoclassical formula for development that is correlated with market liberalization does not represent reality, because it does not reflect how contemporary successful economies have developed in the past. In fact, no single economy has ever developed under such liberal conditions. Rodrik (2005) instead suggests that economic principles come institution free and that filling them out requires local knowledge. To achieve development, a nation should focus on promoting education and building infrastructure, and reject the neo-classical focus on growth policies to encourage development. Building forth on this rejection, Winters et al. (2004) find that while open economies prosper in the long run, trade liberalization hurts development, particularly in the Global South. Explaining this trend is challenging, because of the heterogenic nature of poverty. The economic outcomes of liberalizing the market vary depending on the implemented reform measures and the economic environment. Though outcomes might differ, the authors conclude that trade liberalization remains to be one of the most effective poor easing policies governments can perform.

Notwithstanding that there are many ideas on how development is achieved, it is widely accepted by economists and development specialists that the key to poverty alleviation and development is economic growth. For the past two decades, the economic growth model has resulted in great improvements in human welfare, including lifting over 400 million people out of poverty (Elliott, 2013). Nonetheless, recent economic performance has been highly unequal within and across countries. The Global South has remained largely peripheral in factors such as international trade and foreign investment, and income inequality has increased globally (Elliott, 2013). Ergo, there is reason to believe that focusing on economic growth to spur development is ineffective, especially when attempting to explain the lack of development in the Global South.

Many attempts have been made to explain disappointing development figures, such as Chang (2010) who asserts that real development does not revolve around economic growth and raising exports from the developing world. Rather, development should focus on transforming the structure of the economy. Chang notes that when a country focuses on economic growth, it will promote the sectors in which it currently has a comparative edge. In the long-term an undiversified economy will be disadvantageous to development. Instead, the 1950s development discourse should be revived, which advocated for development to come from a diverse and protected internal market, similar to what List advocated.

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Another development issue was highlighted by Collier (2010) who illustrated in his book Wars,

Guns, and Votes that developing countries have trouble developing because the path to power and the

formation of institutions in these countries largely coincides with (political) violence. Therefore, this inhibits the formation of a legitimate government, which is crucial to development. To solve the problem of violence, Collier explains, a country should not simply focus on economic growth or putting forth a democracy, advocating the neo-classical model because this will incite violence and amplify serious danger. Instead, a well-functioning state is built on a shared political identity. However, this is problematic in the Global South as many nations are composed of a large and often diverse society, making cooperation to produce a public good challenging (Collier, 2010). Similarly, Easterly et al. (2006) argue that a lack of social cohesion imposes significant social constraints on politicians’ efforts to enact reform, and therefore prevents them from enacting effective policy. Social cohesion is therefore invaluable in building strong institutions, which has a large impact on whether and how policies that foster development are formed and implemented. Social cohesion is also indispensable to building confidence that reforms can be implemented, because citizens must trust the government that the short-term losses from reform outweigh the long-term gains. The authors assert that education can kick-start the trend towards more social cohesion.

Ever since the idea of development came into being, numerous trends of development have emerged, yet they continue to revolve around economic growth. As List noted at the time, economies develop differently, distorting a harmonized world in which countries have the same levels of development. Poverty knows many dimensions beyond material wealth, such as the sense of belonging in a community. Ban Ki Moon, the former secretary general of the United Nations, expressed that although Gross National Product (GNP) was the standard by which economies were measured, it fails to take into account the environmental and social costs of so-called development (United Nations, 2012). As such the economic growth model fails to take into account some fundamental externalities, such as the impact of environmental issues on poverty and inequality. As a result, the concept of sustainable development has emerged, contributing to better outcomes in areas such as well-being, gender and hygiene. Solving such issues in the poorest of nations requires an interconnected and interdisciplinary approach, which is at the heart of sustainable development (Elliott, 2013).

3.3.2 Sustainable Development

Since sustainable development first gained popularity in 1994, much has changed as to what it actually entails. The definition put forward by the UN World Commission on Environment and Development (The Brundtland Commission) is: “Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the

present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (Du Pisani, 2006, p. 83). In his

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that the future should be a better, healthier, place than the present and the past”. Although, this principle is not new,

the way in which it is achieved, implemented and reflected upon is constantly changing. Parris and Kates (2003) acknowledge the broad, nonspecific nature of the concept and find that many struggle to agree on precisely what should be sustained. The authors note that sustainable development revolves predominantly around development, environment and equity, but conclude that there are no universal, accepted indicators of sustainable development because of the concept’s ambiguity. This led Blewitt (2008) to suggest that, sustainable development requires people to view themselves as an element of a larger entity, forcing one to adopt a holistic approach to seeing life. Because sustainable development is born from various stories, views, values and perspectives; it requires openness to different opinions and dialogue to understand other values.

Recently, the global challenge of sustainable development has been reinforced by the interrelated crises of climate change, economic crises and the rise in the prices of, food and commodities, which have the greatest impact on the poorest societies. Finding a way to resolve these issues lies at the heart of the current sustainable development. Yet because of the difficulty in defining the concept, there remains much uncertainty about how sustainability can be promoted and what policies will produce the desired outcomes (Elliott, 2013). In this context, Lélé (1991) noted that although sustainable development lacks clarity, consistency and rigor, it is accepted as the new standard for development. In fact, it has become the new catchphrase in development, that gained popularity in politics due to its all-encompassing nature. The author believes that sustainable development, while advocating for more inclusion, still has a focus on economic growth. Furthermore, it has a fragmented approach which is ineffective in addressing the problems of poverty and environmental deterioration. Such weaknesses can be traced not only to policy deficiencies, but also to the contradictions of global trade and agriculture. Lélé (1991) notes that for sustainable development to have a significant impact, political ambiguity must make room for intellectual clarity and accuracy. Blewitt (2008) believes that sustainable development cannot be understood through a conceptual framework since it is constantly changing and progressing. Sustainable development therefore requires an approach that is open to change, risk, creativity and differences; it is a heuristic way of studying life and can only be sustainable if we learn and adapt.

3.3.3 Sustainable Development Goals

The importance of sustainable development has been a major growth industry and the nexus of many international debates and treaties. This prompted a feeling among civil society and policy makers that the worldwide environmental objectives require a higher profile next to poverty-reduction, put forward by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) established in 2000. In September 2015, this resulted in the adoption of a new round of global objectives, the sustainable development goals (SDGs)

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towards having one sustainable development agenda, after having tried to incorporate social and economic development into environmental sustainability for many years (Biermann et al., 2017; Sachs, 2012). The United Nations (2019) defines the SDGs as “the blueprint to achieve a better and more sustainable future for all” (p.1). These goals address the current, most pressing issues the world is facing, such as inequality, poverty and climate change. They contain 17 interconnected goals which are reinforced by 193 objectives which should be achieved by all member states in 2030. The 17 goals are depicted in the figure below (United Nations, 2015),

Figure 1, the Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2019)

Because of the popularity of sustainable development, the SGDs have been rapidly gaining ground (Sachs, 2012). Ban Ki Moon also stresses the importance of a new economic paradigm that recognizes the equality between the three pillars of sustainable development, being: social inclusion, economic development and environmental sustainability, which together meet the definition of sustainable development by Brundtland (United Nations, 2012; van Norren, 2014). Coordinating efforts internationally, particularly in the form of setting goals, will foster policy and public support that is critical to effective problem-solving (Sachs, 2012).

Consequently the SDGs are used as the leading agenda for national policies on development. The next paragraph will define how this is done and why it results in varying policies across countries. 3.3.4 Adaptation to Western Policy

The SDGs, which have been signed by all 193 UN member states, are committed to achieving the stated goals by 2030. This entails that their policy framework should use the SDGs as a guiding principle.

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Translating the global goals of the SDGs into national policy demands critical capabilities at the national level and functional governance systems. Ergo, governance in itself has become dependent on the SDGs, accompanied by a set of objectives that urge governments to advance their governance in perceptible ways (Gupta and Nilsson, 2017; Joshi et al., 2015). Successful implementation will demand an efficient translation between national and global ambitions. Whilst probable risks include the wide selectivity of the goals when they are tackled in national policy development. Hence, in order to attain the goals of the SDGs effectively, they should be implemented in global, national, and local level. For most nations, this will demand restructuring of their national governance and institutional systems (Biermann et al., 2017).

According to Biermann et al. (2017) there are three factors detrimental to how well Western policy can be adjusted to attain the SDGs by 2030. First, to what extent can the global goalsetting mechanism be implemented and integrated within existing governmental structures, and what reforms are required for it? Second, to what extent can progress towards better governance be measured? Finally, to what extent is there academic backing for the integration of the social, economic and environmental pillars of the SDGs? It remains troublesome to implement the SDG agenda into national policy. Hass et al. (2002) note that each country defines the concept of sustainable development in a different way, resulting in countries selecting different indicators on how to achieve the SDGs. Yet, imposing a common definition is unreasonable because sustainable development is contextual and culturally contingent.

Finally, since development depends on context and culture, the African perspective on development initiatives must be defined, allowing for a well-rounded picture that takes both perspectives into account.

3.3.5 African Perspective on Western Development

African countries were underdeveloped by the extractive imperialist system in Europe, according to Guyanese historian Walter Rodney (1972). Rodney proposes that Western capitalism was imported into the African continent and functioned as an extractive power to suffice colonial exploitation. This mechanism of draining wealth and resources from Africa has caused a significant economic downturn on the continent and the resulting institutions of imperial authority still have their extractive effects on the continent. Rodney therefore argues that Africa’s development can only be adequately advanced if it breaks away from the global capitalist order. This view is reinforced by Eze (2010) who points out that colonialists rejected non-Western culture because they considered it to be barbarian. The West created its own perception about Africa to clarify and mitigate the realities of Africa. At the time this belief was adopted to sustain and validate colonialism, which Eze refers to as a ‘Western dominated myth’ that is still in place. Africa’s contemporary image, shaped by colonialism and Eurocentrism, has soured perceptions of the African continent and manifests itself in many walks of life, such as African societies that adopt a

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Hountondji (1996) argues that Africa must be liberated from these Western nuances because it undermines African indigenous culture and philosophy. African culture should instead be transformed by embracing its own glorification and abandoning the sense of contrition towards the West for its indigenous culture. Unless this is pursued, Africa will remain dependent on Europe, which Hountondji refers to as Africa remaining a ‘prisoner of Europe’. The cultural shift towards a disregard for capitalism can be triggered through the displacement ideologies that have sprung up throughout Africa, including Conscienscism in Ghana, Ujamaa in Tanzania, Negritude in West Africa, and Ubuntu in South Africa and Zimbabwe (Eze, 2010).

To determine how and whether this literature holds true in practice, this research will conduct multiple interviews and conduct a case study that will be clarified in the next section.

IV. Methodology

This section is dedicated to clarifying which research design and methodology is used to find an answer to the research question. Prior to this, it is important to note that this research engages with critical realism. Van Norren (2017) argues against academic study of a ‘non-Western’ worldview - such as Ubuntu - because it traps the concept in a logical positivist Western perspective. Hence this research employs the technique of critical realism to describe ideas in an unbiased manner. This means conducting research in an interdisciplinary manner, seeing reality as a social construct, accepting language as an integral element in any worldview and ultimately being aware of the power that influences the actions of others; these factors will reveal different realities. In addition, the technique of Kimmerle (2016) will be adopted in this research to further refine an unbiased approach. Kimmerle has been involved in the intercultural dialogue between Western and African philosophies. His methodology consists of three steps; (1) listening and engaging in one’s own prejudices; (2) being open to learning from others while adopting an open attitude; and (3) being open to expected results.

To engage with van Norren and Kimmerle’s techniques, this research will consist of a case study combined with multiple interviews. This allows for a variety of perspectives on the topic that are vital in gaining a wider understanding of CSR in the African context.

4.1 Research Design

This research will engage in a single exploratory case study design that refers to an in-depth analysis of a contemporary phenomenon, within a real-world context (Yin, 1984). Conducting a case-study will allow for a comprehensive understanding of CSR in a bounded context and explore how this understanding might be influenced by the local philosophy of Ubuntu. This research design engages with Mickson Kayuni and Tambulasi (2012) in their suggestion to further explore Ubuntu values within different African communities and will build on this debate by exploring how Ubuntu unfolds in the

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Zimbabwean agricultural sector and how Western firms could adopt this strategy, whilst at the same time contributing to local development.

Burns (2000) points out that to qualify as a case study, the research must focus on a bounded system that includes an atypical case. In this way a single-case study design can give an understanding of the complexities where the case has been drawn. This research design is particularly useful when studying an area where little is known and if one wants to gain a holistic comprehension of the community. Generally, case studies are used to study the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of a phenomenon without being able to manipulate actors or their actions, this construct allows the study of a contextual factor in which the boundaries between the context and the phenomenon are unclear (Yin, 1984). Correspondingly, this research will explore the understanding of CSR in Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector and how and why this might be influenced by the Ubuntu philosophy. There is little known about this area and it constitutes a bounded system. Finally, as there is no clear unified set of outcomes due to the complexity of the subject, this research focuses on an ‘exploratory’ case study.

Despite its potential for holistic, thorough, and in-depth study, one should be cautious about the potential downsides of case studies (Kumar, 1999). Yin (1984) notes that case studies for example know little methodological techniques and guidelines compared to other research designs. Further, a single case study may lack precision, raising concerns about the validity and replicability of the study and thus cannot claim to make generalizations to a population beyond the particular case studied (Burns, 2000).

4.1.1 Case Selection

The case study selected for this research is the agricultural sector of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe was chosen because it is where the philosophy of Ubuntu finds its roots. Furthermore, the scant research being done on the country, combined with state-controlled media, makes Zimbabwe not only an interesting case but also vital to study. The agricultural sector in particular will be studied since rural communities are most centered around the Ubuntu philosophy and are least affected by external influences. Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector also carries considerable potential, having once been the ‘bread basket of Africa’ and the country’s gradual emergence as a destination for Western farmers. This is due to relaxed land measures by the current administration and allows everyone to hold land regardless of your skin-color.

Moreover, Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector is important to development because the first step toward sustainable development is achieving high levels of human capital, which requires food security and subsistence agriculture, according to Griffin (1979). Lastly, given that previous research was carried out in Zimbabwe, the researcher could engage with Kimmerle’s approach to a greater degree.

Dutch practices are explicitly targeted because the country has one of the highest levels of CSR, has adopted a development policy focused on the Aid and Trade relationship and its agricultural sector is

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4.2 Research Method

According to Grinnell and Unrau (2005), data collection and case study analysis is characterized by an open-ended and flexible approach. Overall, case studies require the collection of detailed information through various data collection processes (Stake, 1995). The data collection method this research will employ is a mixed method in which primary data will be obtained from conducting semi-structed interviews. These interviews will be supplemented by secondary data that will be obtained from existing sources such as literature studies, policy notes and international (CSR) guidelines. Multi-perspective data collection aims at creating a comprehensive picture and triangulating the data, thereby increasing the validity of the research (Kumar, 1999; Stake, 1995). In addition, prior theoretical propositions will be explored to guide research and refine the case study, which is presented in Section V (Yin, 1984).

4.2.1 Interviews

Interviews will be conducted with four different groups of participants. This method is used not only to obtain more detailed and specialized information, but also to obtain relevant data and gain an understanding of how Ubuntu might relevantly inform CSR. It is also critical to understand the personal and local experiences in the field as they may deviate from the views presented in academic literature or media. Kimmerle’s approach will be adopted by conducting all interviews; This is done by transcribing all of the interviews, reading them multiple times to reflect on the results and being open to the results. Additionally, conducting interviews with people from diverse cultural backgrounds allows for diverse views and reduces the researcher’s bias.

4.2.2 Participants

The research sample consists of four distinct groups whose purpose is to provide all perspectives on the research question, namely policy-makers, experts on Ubuntu, rural Zimbabwean entrepreneurs and people involved in agricultural development. Fourteen participants were included in the sample, of which five were policy-makers, two experts on Ubuntu, four Zimbabwean rural entrepreneurs and three agricultural development participants (see Appendix A for an overview). Sampling participants was initially conducted by a typical case-sampling procedure, which refers to the selection of cases based on interest. Thereafter, a snowball sampling technique was employed to recruit more participants. This technique relies on one interviewee referring you to the next one. This allows for interviewing a diverse set of people involved in the topic of interest (Bryman, 2012). Fourteen participants were recruited, of which ten by the researcher and four through the snowball technique, on average interviews lasted an hour each.

Participants’ consent was required to conduct interviews, and this was achieved by informing participants beforehand, such as sharing the purpose of the research and informing them in what way their

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data would be used. All interviews were conducted via video or phone call, as meeting up in person was impractical due to the Covid-19 circumstances. While allowing wide geographical access, it also had its own limitations, such as unstable internet connectivity, which made the interviews problematic and particularly affected the Zimbabwean participants. This issue was resolved by conducting part of the interview over e-mail.

4.2.3 Interview Topics

Semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain factual information through structured questions and to allow deeper exploration of the experiences of individuals through unstructured questions. Using semi-structured interviewing is useful to produce more valid data because it offers greater understanding and meaning into respondents’ experiences. This reduces bias and gives an understanding of different arguments and opinions on this topic, which can vary greatly. A limitation of semi-structured interviews is the difficulty of comparing the responses from different interviews, as there is no consistency in the questions asked (Halperin and Heath, 2017). This interview format includes the creation of an interview guide with a list of specific topics to discuss (see Appendix B for the interview guide).

4.2.4 Bias, Reliability and Validity

When conducting interviews, one faces bias and threats to reliability and validity. With every form of interviewing researchers are dependent on answers of others, this is problematic when respondents have troubles remembering things accurately. Commonly, people are prone to the ‘interview effect’ which refers to respondents answering in a more socially acceptable way, or giving an answer they think the researcher expects. The interviewer may be subject to the same form of bias, as he may withdraw from uncomfortable questions or fail to listen well enough (Halperin and Heath, 2017). This research attempts to overcome the interview effect by recording all interviews so they can be listened to multiple times. By conducting the interviews over phone or video call, physical personal contact is reduced, which may lessen the tendency to act in a socially acceptable manner. It is difficult to obtain external reliability in conducting qualitative research as, social settings and circumstances change over time, making it hard to replicate the study. As the interviews are conducted by one person it is also hard to achieve internal reliability. Additionally, as there is a considerable level of similarity between the observations and the identified concepts, as such internal validity will intermediate. Finally, external validity, reflecting the extent to which findings can be generalized, is achieved by trying to have a large sample across different groups with different backgrounds (Halperin and Heath, 2017).

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V. Case Study

This section will explore previous theoretical ideas about Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector to guide research and develop a case study. This section will start with a brief history of the sector, followed by how it developed and illustrates some of the local practices. Subsequently, Ubuntu in Zimbabwe and CSR in Zimbabwe will be elaborated upon to provide a concrete context that will be used as a foundation for the analysis and results.

5.1 Historical Overview of Zimbabwe’s Agricultural Sector

Before European settlement in Zimbabwe, the local Zimbabwean Shona community had a communal understanding of owning farmland. It was seen as the collective property of all community members within a chiefdom. Traditionally, it was men who saved a portion of the land for their own farming and distributed smaller parts to their wives. Once the population numbers grew, this mechanism caused the overexploitation of the farmland and decreased its quality (Shoko, 2007). European settlers had arrived in Zimbabwe in the 1890s, and after failing to find gold, farmland was granted to new settlers and by 1913, 21.5 million acres of Zimbabwean farmland had been allocated to European settlers (Mosley, 2009). During this time, farmer and commodity associations sprang up, political power was cultivated and new agricultural development was promoted. Rukuni et al. (2006) suggest that all these new forces were discriminatory against already-existing black ranches, particularly as the colonists seized control of prime farmland. Owning prime land guaranteed the domination of black small farmers, resulting in widespread poverty among black farmers (Rukuni et al., 2006). This new order caused friction between the local population and the new settlers. Consequently, the colonial government divided Zimbabwe into five agricultural zones, which were in line with local rainfall patterns (Nelson, 1983). Ownership of these lands was settled by race, and areas with little rainfall and unfit for crop cultivation, were allotted to black African farmers (Mosley, 2009). This divide is depicted in Figure 2;