The determinants for secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area

(1)

1

The Determinants for Secondary Migration of

Rejected Asylum Seekers within the Schengen Area

Author: Thea Næs Rabe

Student number: 11648732

Date: 22.06.2018

Assignment: Master Thesis

Supervisor: Dr. Jeroen Doomernik Second reader: Dr. Polly Pallister-Wilkins

Science: Political Science / International Relations

Research Project: The politics of International Migration and Asylum Word Count: 18925 (excluding references and bibliography)

(2)

2

Abstract

This thesis offers a contribution to the understudied subject of irregular migration within the Schengen area. It examines the determinants for the secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers from one European country to another. This is done through a case study of young Afghani nationals who, after having their applications for asylum rejected in Norway, now reside in France. By analysing the individual aspirations and capabilities for irregular

migration within meso- and macro-level structures, the study uncovers three determinants for the secondary migration of rejected afghan asylum seekers from Norway to Paris. The first is the individual aspirations of establishing a future in Europe. Secondly, the mobility of

rejected asylum seekers was enabled by migration networks existing within an area of open borders. The networks extended beyond the migrants themselves and include a network between rejected asylum seekers and allies within the Norwegian populace. Lastly, the migration to Paris in particular was influenced by differences in national policies and

practises regarding asylum and immigration. It is suggested that that secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area is likely to continue due to ability of the migrants to move between countries with different policies and practices regarding asylum and immigration. However, comparative studies are needed to validate these indications.

(3)

3

List of Abbreviations:

CEAS: Common European Asylum System

Dublin III: Dublin regulation, revised in 2013

Dubliner: Asylum seeker who claim asylum in a more than one Schengen state

ECRE: The European Council on Refugees and Exiles

EU: European Union

Eurodac: Database of fingerprints of applicants for asylum and illegal immigrants

Eurosur: European Border Surveillance System

G5 Sahel: The five Sahel states: Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger and Chad

NGO: Non-governmental organisation

OCHA: United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance

UNAMA: United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan

(4)

4

Chapter 1 - Introduction

"In France, I have a chance", he said in clear Norwegian. Sitting on a bench gazing up at the Eiffel Tower, respondent 2 made sure to take photos to post on social media, as any other 18-year-old would do. His first acquaintance with the Eiffel Tower was from a postcard he had seen as a child in Afghanistan, a country he left at the age of 12. The fact that the famous landmark was actually in Paris, the city where he now lived, he had not known before that same morning (Personal communication, April 8 2018). Respondent 2 had, similarly to an unknown number of young Afghans, arrived in Paris after absconding Norwegian authorities who had rejected his claim for asylum. Fearing deportation back to Afghanistan if he stayed in Norway, respondent 2 now lived in a tent at the riverbank of the canal St. Martín in northern Paris.

The presence of migrants living in camps on the streets of Paris have become an apparent feature of the cityscape of the French Capital over the past few years. Only a few months after being elected in June 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron, promised to treat all

migrants fairly, but to "get them off the streets and out of the woods" (Wilkins, 2018). In 2018, despite protests from civil society, politicians and immigration bureaucrats, the French government implemented new legislation aiming to deter irregular migrants from entering French territory (Willsher, 2018). However, at the time of writing, there is still a significant presence of migrants living on the streets of Paris. Provisional camps where migrants live in horrendous conditions still exist (Chrisafis, 2018). In the camp where respondent 2 shared a tent with two friends, umpteen rats scattering between the tents was not their most substantial concern. What concerned the young boys was how they would manage to establish a future for themselves in Europe (Personal communication, April 8 2018).

The largest group of young asylum seekers arriving in Europe the past decade has come from Afghanistan (Lønning, 2018). As a response to the influx of minors from Afghanistan to Norway, the Norwegian government have since 2016 implemented restrictive immigration policies. Specifically, two legislative changes relating to asylum seekers were introduced: a new threshold for returning asylum seekers with a new use of the internal protection standard and increased use of temporary protection status given to unaccompanied minors (Brekke & Staver, 2018, p. 9). As the Norwegian legislation towards Afghani asylum seekers became

(8)

8 more stringent, official reports documented a high number of suicide attempts and unrest among young Afghans in Norwegian asylum reception centres (Norwegian Directorate of Immigration, 2018). Additionally, it has been reported that among this group, the number of individuals disappearing has increased (Norwegian Directorate of Immigration, 2018). Simultaneously, as these reports were brought to the surface, stories on social and traditional media appeared, documenting how young Afghans who absconded Norwegian authorities ended up living on the streets of Paris (Bjørnstad & Skjetne, 2017).

As the pattern of rejected Afghan asylum seekers from Norway to Paris emerged, questions regarding their mobility and destination specificity arose. The empirical enquiry of

understanding the mobility and migration destination of young Afghan asylum seekers within the Schengen area thus instigated the following research question: What are the determinants

for the mobility of rejected Afghan asylum seekers from Norway to Paris? The concept of migration determinants is hereby understood as the determining factors for human mobility.

This concept is applied because it relies upon an understanding of the insufficiency of merely analysing structural factors for migration. The agency of the migrant must be included to understand the determinants of human mobility (de Haas, 2011, p. 21). By setting the lens on the group of young Afghans migrating from Norway to Paris, this study enables a novel perspective of the study of irregular migration within the Schengen area.

1.1 Irregular Migration within the Schengen Area

It is pivotal to address the particularity of the mobility of subject in this study, which is that it takes place within the Schengen area. Because, even though the Schengen area does not have premeditated border controls and identity checks, secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers is considered illegal. According to the Schengen border code, any third country national who find themselves within the European Union (EU), or any of the Schengen associated countries, must have legal visa-documents (Regulation (EU) 2016/399). There are diverse sets of terminology among Schengen states on the legal definition of illegal entry to each country. However, there are common frameworks of irregular migration among the countries. These include: clandestine border crossings, entering a state without legal

documents, staying within a country unregistered, and absconding or refusing return from the Schengen area (Morehouse & Blomfield, 2011, p. 5). Considering that the migration pattern

(9)

9 subject to analysis in this study can be defined within these terms, it is argued that the term

irregular migration is applicable.

The Schengen area rests upon an agreement between 26 states which have no internal controls at the borders between them, and identity checks are only occasional. The Schengen

agreement, which was incorporated into EU legislation with the treaty of Amsterdam in 1997, includes 22 EU member states in addition to Norway, Iceland, Lichtenstein and Switzerland (Hampshire 2016, p. 538). The area of freedom of movement originated from an area of open economic borders, encouraging a free flow of capital, goods and people. However, as the developmental process of the internal market proceeded it has been suggested that the free movement of humans do not flow as freely as goods and capital. Trying to prevent those without legal documents from crossing control-free borders have thus instigated dilemmas of human mobility, and cooperation difficulties between Schengen states (Lahav, 2004).

Because of considerable differences in national policies on asylum and immigration between European countries, people travel between European states with hopes of improving their chances of receiving status as a regular immigrant, or merely with hopes of surviving in terms of accommodation and food (Schuster, 2011a). To overcome the challenges of human

mobility inside the Schengen area, the EU started to harmonise policy issues of migration and asylum. This integration process enabled EU institutions to acquire more power in matters of migration (Hampshire, 2016 p. 537).

1.2 European Cooperation on Asylum and Immigration

Due to the abolition of internal border control, the countries within the Schengen area operate with harmonisation of immigration policies on two sides. The first is the protection of

external borders, and the other is the internal cooperation on controlling human mobility (Hampshire, 2016). As this study regards irregular migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area, it is first and foremost essential to address the internal cooperation on asylum. The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) includes the Dublin Regulation, the Asylum Procedure Directives, the Qualification Directive and the Reception Directive. Additionally, several other directives have been created to harmonise policy on human

mobility, which includes directives on labour migration, irregular migration, return policy and family reunification (Brekke & Brochmann, 2014, p. 147).

(10)

10 To prevent asylum seekers from claiming asylum in multiple European countries, the Dublin regulation was implemented (Hampshire, 2016). Through the fingerprint database, Eurodac, all asylum seekers are registered in the first country where they claim asylum. The Eurodac database will, therefore, recognise if an individual has claimed asylum in another Schengen country, and they may then be returned to that country (Brekke & Brochman, 2014). The latest revision of the Dublin Regulation, hereafter Dublin III, aimed to address the fact that southern European countries with external Schengen borders received a disproportionate amount of first-time asylum seekers and therefore the majority of Dublin transfers (Hampshire, 2016). Additionally, the Dublin III regulation addresses the implications of Dublin transfers and the rights-based criteria’s that must be in place before a country can return an asylum seeker to another Schengen country (Brekke & Brochmann, 2014, p. 148).

Despite ambitious efforts to harmonise policies on immigration and asylum between the Schengen countries, a lack of harmonisation on asylum policies and internal cooperation problems between states have been thoroughly documented (Léonard & Kaunert, 2012; Lavenex, 2006; Den Heijer, Rijpma & Spijkerboer, 2016). The cooperation difficulties between European states on issues of internal immigration and asylum policies stand in stark contrast to the harmonisation and increasingly expanding externalisation of policies on immigration and asylum (Lavenex, 2006). The harmonisation of external policies is demonstrated by a shifting of policy focus out of the European Union. This has resulted in policies on the return of asylum seekers to safe third countries and establishment of

agreements with refugee producing and transit countries to prevent migration to Europe (Den Heijer, Rijpma & Spijkerboer, 2016). The externalisation of migration issues has been

claimed to be an escape from the internal difficulties of cooperation on asylum policies outlined above (Lavenex, 2006). With this backdrop, it is noted that while rejected asylum seekers from Norway clandestinely migrate to France, there are simultaneously established joint military efforts by Norway and France in the G5 Sahel operations (Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2018). These are newly established operations in Niger, where France have started accepting asylum applications in the African country, with the aim of preventing immigrants from crossing the Mediterranean (Nossiter, 2018). The juxtaposition of external cooperation on the one hand and internal challenge of cooperation between Norway and France on the other, illustrate the disharmony of the two sides of European integration of asylum policies.

(11)

11

1.3 An Understudied Phenomenon

To state that the subject of irregular migration is understudied would be a falsehood, as there is considerable research on clandestine human mobility (Bloch & Chimienti, 2011;

Doomernik, 2013; Koser, 2010). The literature on the subject of irregular migration has, in this study, contributed to conceptualising and defining central phenomena (Düvell & Jordan, 2002); Morehouse & Blomfield, 2011). Nevertheless, due to the lack of border controls within the Schengen area, the issue of irregular migration in this context is not easily comparable to previous research on irregular migration, which has a preponderant focus on border

trespassing and border control (Bommes & Sciortino, 2011, p. 221). Scholarly contributions to understanding irregular migration concerning social, political and structural factors have therefore been instructive in the understanding of irregular migration in this study (Bommes & Sciortino, 2011).

There are existing studies that touch upon the subject of secondary migration of asylum seekers within the Schengen area. In their 2014 study, Brekke and Brochman analysed migration determinates of rejected asylum seekers from Italy to Norway, explaining factors for the mobility from the first country of arrival in Europe to another desired destination. Similarly, Seeberg and Takle find in their study on onwards migration in Europe that the destination specificity of secondary migration depends on future possibilities for the rejected asylum seekers in countries (Seeberg & Takle, 2015). Brekke and Aarset additionally present insight into Norway as a destination country for asylum seekers (Brekke & Aarset, 2009). Adding to the empirical understandings of the determinants for asylum destination countries, Eric Neumayer provides quantitative contributions on the topic (Neumayer, 2004).

On the specific subject of Afghan migrants in Europe, field studies conducted by Lisa Schuster offer a conception of the daily suffering witnessed among Afghan migrants living unregistered in Paris. Schuster provides insight into the migrant’s perception of the Dublin regulation and how European policy aimed at deterring irregular migration affects them (Schuster, 2011a; 2011b). As for the mobility of young Afghan asylum seekers, additional substantial research exists. However, these studies typically regard migration to Europe, and not within the Schengen area (Boland, 2010; Donini, Monsutti & Scalettaris, 2016).

Nevertheless, recent research conducted on the young Afghans’ own perception of their mobility provided fruitful insight for this study (Lønning, 2018). Even though research has

(12)

12 been conducted on closely related subjects and cases, to my knowledge, research has not previously been carried out on the migration determinants of Afghan rejected asylum seekers from a northern European country to another western European country. Thus, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of irregular mobility within Europe, although from a novel perspective.

1.4 Thesis Outline

Due to little previous research on this subject, a theoretical framework for analysing the secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area needed to rely on aspects from different theories on migration. Following this introductory chapter, the second chapter will, therefore, convey the integrated theoretical framework which is combined with elements from four different theories for understanding migration. Moving from micro- to meso- and finally to macro-level theories on migration, the second chapter provides a multileveled framework for analysing irregular migration within the Schengen area. In the third chapter of this thesis, the methodology used to gather data for analysis is outlined. The first part describes the case subject to analysis. Thereafter, the mixed method approach applied in this study is addressed, followed by an outline of the qualitative interviews conducted during field studies in Paris. Alongside the qualitative interviews, the chapter addresses why ethnographic observations and supplemented quantitative data is applied in this study. Lastly, a brief discussion on analytical benefits and drawbacks of the methodology is presented.

To provide a thorough understanding of the migration determinants of rejected asylum seekers from Norway to Paris, it was necessary to address both the destination specificity of Paris and to understand what enabled the mobility from Norway to France. The data gathered are thus conveyed in a two-step approach, dividing the findings into two chapters. In chapter four, findings that explain what enabled the rejected asylum seekers to migrate from Norway to France will be explored. This chapter conveys data suggesting that the irregular migration of rejected asylum seekers from Norway to Paris was enabled due to an absence of border control and a strong presence of social networks. In the penultimate chapter of this thesis, chapter five, the destination specificity of Paris is assessed. It is proposed that the findings

(13)

13 indicate that migration to Paris, in particular, was influenced by differences in national

policies and practises regarding asylum and immigration.

The last chapter aims to offer a recapitulation of the findings and connects the study to the broader perspectives of literature on irregular migration and European migration policy. The chapter starts by relating the empirical findings to previous research on the topic.

Subsequently, it is argued that the study contributes to the understanding of irregular migration in Europe specifically based on two empirical findings. The third subsection summarises how the findings relate to the theoretical framework. In the penultimate section, potential implications of the inferences provided in this study are deliberated. Lastly,

methodological and empirical drawbacks and benefits are discussed. The last subsection puts forward the argument that the secondary migration of Afghan rejected asylum seekers from Norway to Paris will continue due to individual hopes for a prosperous future, social capital, open borders inside the EU and national differences in policy and practices regarding asylum. However, due to difficulties for strong analytical generalisation, comparative studies are recommended.

(14)

14

Chapter 2 - Theoretical Framework

The phenomenon of irregular migration between European states is a complex matter and can be regarded through several theories on migration. This is due to the clandestine nature of irregular migration, and the fact that the mobility takes place within an area of open borders. Because the concept of determinants is understood as relating to both structure and agency, an analysis of determinants for irregular migration within the Schengen area requires a

multileveled integrated framework based on aspects of different theories that are not mutually exclusive (de Haas, 2011). This chapter will, therefore, convey the different elements from four theories that together function as the theoretical framework in this study. The first part of this chapter will explore the aspect of the framework which understands irregular migration within Europe as an effect of different political and social structures between European countries. This concept is presented as foggy social structures (Bommes & Sciortino, 2011). The second part of the framework integrates the agency of the migrants through the concepts of aspirations and capabilities (de Haas, 2011). The third section of the chapter assesses how theories of migrant networks are an essential part of the framework because meso-level theories on migration provide missing links between micro- and macro-level theories (de Haas, 2011). The penultimate section of this chapter integrates macro-level theories into the framework. This is done by establishing a theoretical reasoning for how globalisation

processes explain irregular migration within an area of free movement and initial mobility to western countries. (Lahav, 2004; Sassen, 1999). The last part of this chapter demonstrates how the previously assessed aspects, from four separate theories on migration, combine to establish an integrated theoretical framework.

2.1 Foggy Social Structures in Europe

Even though all Schengen member states share the same external border and have agreed to cooperate on issues of asylum and immigration, there are considerable national differences regarding policies and practices on immigration and asylum (Hampshire, 2016). To

understand the destination specificity of irregular migration between Schengen member states, an analysis will require a theoretical conceptualisation of how social and political differences between these countries determine irregular mobility. By introducing the concept of foggy social structures, the theoretical framework aims to conceive how there are national

(15)

15 differences relating to irregular migration. The concept of foggy social structures captures the reality that irregular migration is a structural feature of modern society and that patterns of irregular migration will most likely never develop into transparent migration patterns. To understand irregular migration, it is thus essential to understand the “social precondition for unauthorised settlement in receiving countries” (Bommes and Sciortino, 2011 p. 222). The presence of foggy social structures in societies stems from contradictory aspects between judicial, economic and social demands. On the one hand, there are economic considerations of employers and humanitarian concerns from official and civil society actors. On the other hand, there are national legislation aiming to control immigration and political factors of controlling who enters and reside in a territory (Engbersen & Broeders, 2011, p. 170). Because these factors are diverging between nations, the presence of foggy social structures vary between countries. This study will, similarly to Engbersen and Broeders (2011), convey the difference in foggy social structures in terms of “thick” and “light” fog. Furthermore, in order to analyse the national differences of thick and light fog, this study will apply two concepts for examining the national differences: 1) the ability of the migrants to avoid restrictive immigration policies in a country, and 2) the state's ability to control irregular migration. These two indicators were established by selecting relevant aspects from Engbersen and Broeders’ contribution to the conceptualisation of foggy social structures, which enabled an analysis that includes both structure and agency (Engbersen & Broeders, 2011).

The first indicator, the ability of the state to control irregular migration, can indicate levels of transparent structures. The power of the state to control irregular migration is furthermore explored by two types of state power: classification power and identification power. These two types of power are strategies employed by states to unveil social structures that enable irregular migrants to reside in a country. This exemplified through practices that states employ to limiting the irregular migrant’s ability to lead a life of value (Engbersen & Broeders, 2011, pp. 170-171). Classification power considers the state’s ability to control movement within the territory, as well as the state’s ability to categorise who is legal and who is illegal. This entails the power to provide those who are categorised as “genuine” asylum seekers with extended rights, compared to those who are categorised as “irregular” or “economic” migrants with limited rights (Engbersen & Broeders, 2011, p. 171). The classification power thus both relate to the categorisation and right of movement for immigrants. However, the practical execution of this varies between countries. The second

(16)

16 power employed by the state to limit the irregular migrant’s ability to live is identification

power. This power considers the state’s ability to identify irregular migrants, exclude them

from legal labour markets, welfare services and from a territory. By examining a state’s ability to control black labour markets, the acceptance of irregular migrants in society and the state’s ability to conduct deportations, the presence of this power is possible to detect

(Engbersen & Broeders, 2011, p. 171).

Another indication of foggy social structures can be observed through the strategies employed by the irregular migrant to avoid restrictive policies. It is important to include this aspect into the framework because it enables an analysis of the agency of the migrant, meaning that irregular migrants are not only analysed as passive in relation to the state’s ability to limit their chances of creating a life for themselves. Similar to Bommes and Sciortino (2011), this thesis understands migrants’ strategies through Merton's classical understanding of social deviances (Merton, 1964). Deviance can be seen as an aberrant, innovative strategy applied by an individual to reach goals of prosperity while not having legally acceptable means to achieve them otherwise (Merton, 1964). Engbersen and Broeders have suggested three types of strategies carried out by irregular migrants in Europe to avoid restrictive policies: 1) shift from legitimate to illegal labour, 2) shift from legal to criminal activities and 3) shift from identifiable residence to clandestine (Engbersen & Broeders, 2011, p. 175). With this

conceptualisation of irregular migration, secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers can be analysed in terms of deviant strategies for avoiding restrictive immigration policies.

2.2 Agency of the Migrant

After introducing a conceptualisation of how differences in European social and political structures relates to irregular migration, the theoretical framework will additionally include the individual motivations for the mobility of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area. This will be done by integrating the concepts of capabilities-aspirations proposed by Hein de Haas (2011) to the framework. The concepts of capabilities and aspirations are suitable for this framework because they recognise the insufficiency of merely analysing structural factors to understand migration determinants, arguing that the agency of the migrant must be included (de Haas, 2011). Integrating the agency of the migrant into the framework is

(17)

17 thus essential because it enables an analysis of the capabilities and aspirations of migrants within structural constraints (de Haas, 2011 p. 21).

Aspirations are considered as prospects that can enable the desired future. Such aspirations can be enhanced through education or personal background. This is why this study has a lens focused on a particular group of asylum seekers from Norway, the members of which can be assumed to possess reasonably coinciding aspirations. Capabilities are regarded as legal, social and financial possibilities that can enable aspirations (de Haas, 2011, p. 14-15). This thesis will, similarly to de Haas, rely on Amartya Sen’s definition of capabilities as the

"capability to lead lives they have reason to value and to enhance the substantive choices" (de Haas 2011, p. 18). An analysis of the agency of Afghan asylum seekers can furthermore, due to a long history of violence in Afghanistan, cause discussions on categorising Afghan migrants into forced or voluntary migration (Lønning, 2018). However, as for most human mobility, diverse sets of aspirations and capabilities determine why people move, which is why commonly applied categorisations of migration are contested in this study (de Haas, 2011). By integrating the concepts of aspirations and capabilities into the framework, it is possible to analyse the agency of the individual determinants for migration regardless of categorisations such as economic, non-economic, forced and voluntary migration. The general term migration will thus be applied to account for the mixed sets of aspirations and

capabilities that cause human mobility and include both voluntary and forced migration (Van Heelsum, 2016).

2.3 The Social Network

Ongoing conflict since the late 1970s has generated a high number of forced migrants from Afghanistan, who have, through social networks, remained connected with each other (Van Hear, 2003). According to migrant-network theory, initial migration originates from factors such as war, crime, poverty, colonialism and labour (Castles, de Haas & Miller, 2014). However, after initial migration, the establishment and perseverance of such migrant networks are, according to sociologist Douglas Massey, vital elements of understanding the determinants of migration (Massey, Goldring & Durand, 1994). By embedding the meso-level of social networks into the framework, the theoretical framework accounts for crucial factors of migration determinants. Moreover, migrant networks can provide missing links of

(18)

18 migration determinants between micro- and macro-level explanations. Where macro-level structures regard the individual migrant as passive and predictable, the micro-level analysis of migration focuses on personal resources, perceptions and preferences (de Haas, 2011). Thus, by incorporating a meso-level in the analysis, observations on how migrant patterns defy structural constraints and generate migration patterns between particular places can be made (de Haas, 2011, p. 22). Studies on networks of forced migrants from Afghanistan reveal that the majority of active participants in migration networks reside in neighbouring countries of Afghanistan. However, there are also documented networks of Afghani migrants in Europe and North America, who through the sending of remittances or information sharing keep in contact with other Afghani nationals, both in Afghanistan and neighbouring countries (Van Hear, 2003).

The migrant network will, in this study, be regarded as a form of social capital in the

Bourdieusian sense. Social capital is therefore considered as one part of the overall volume of capital an individual embodies. The sum of an individual’s capital is made up of four

fundamental forms of capital: economic, cultural, social and symbolic (Bourdieu, 1989). The latter form of capital is viewed as “the form that the various species of capital assume when they are perceived and recognized as legitimate” (Bourdieu, 1989, p. 17). Thus, merely analysing social capital as a migration determinant is not sufficient to understand migration patterns, because an individual’s agency relies on the total sum of all fundamental forms of capital. Additionally, it should be noted that social capital in this sense relates both to the individual assets and collective groups assets, which are gained from the maintenance and reproduction of a social network (Lin, 1999). Migrant networks can enhance mobility in mainly three ways. First of all, networks enable information sharing. Second, reinforcement of social belonging through networks is vital to mental health and personal prosperity. Third, networks can enable connections to important individuals with influence or assistance. This social capital in the form of a social network can enable actions not possible through

economic or human capital alone (Lin, 1999, p. 31). Incorporating migrant networks as social capital thus functions as a bridge between macro- and meso-level aspects of analysis.

Even though meso-level theories on migration offer vital explanations for how migration patterns perpetuate through information sharing and social and cultural connections to specific destinations, these theories contain weaknesses (Castles, de Haas & Miller, 2014). One weakness is that it is assumed that all migrants help each other, which is not always the

(19)

19 case. Secondly, migration network theories neglect other feedback mechanisms that are created by ongoing migration (de Haas, 2011, p. 23). Nevertheless, this framework will include migrant networks in a broader sense, which not only regards strong ties, but additionally regards the aspect of weak ties. The difference between weak and strong ties relate to “the time, the emotional intensity, the intimacy (mutual confiding), and the reciprocal services which characterize the tie” (Granovetter, 1973, p. 1361). Incorporating a notion of weak ties to this framework is essential because merely regarding strong ties provides explanations for strong local cohesion in groups but does not account for how individuals move between groups, to unknown places, or the expansion of groups (Granovetter, 1973). Thus, including weak ties enables an analysis that includes practical support provided by mutual/peripheral friends and information sharing that exists between groups.

2.4 Globalisation Processes

Outside the previously assessed individual, social and political-structural factors, there are global external factors that need to be considered when analysing the mobility of irregular migration within the Schengen area (Sassen, 1999). Including macro-level theories is essential because it provides explanations for that which makes people migrate to Europe. By

embracing the precondition that migration is fundamentally tied to the globalisation process, such assumptions are accounted for (de Haas, 2011, p. 17). Additionally, because this study sets out to understand migration determinants within the Schengen area, it is necessary to include macro-level theories that explain the abolition of borders within Europe. Theories on globalisation processes provide theories for why some are encouraged to travel within this area while others are not. Globalisation processes explain how northern liberal democratic states form migration regimes where they encourage highly skilled workers to be mobile and included in the new economy, while low skilled migrant workers and asylum seekers are left out (Castles, de Haas & Miller, 2014). Because of these processes, the possibility to lead a life of value is significantly higher in northern liberal democratic states, whereas in developing countries, there is a surplus of young people who lack both political and physical security, as well as economic resources, which would enable them to pursue economic opportunities in their home societies (Sassen, 1999). The macro-level perspective will in this regard contribute by incorporating considerations of the deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan

(20)

20 The Schengen area is seen as fundamentally linked to globalisation processes because it was established to stimulate flows of capital, information goods and highly skilled workers. While not the intended aim, the removal of border controls has enabled low skilled migrants and asylum seekers to pass between the countries (Sassen, 1999). Not long after the signing of the first Schengen agreement, there were concerns among European countries that the

institutional establishment of a joint market area would move from considerations of

economic to considerations of human mobility. Concerns were raised that the development of the area of free movement would lead to increased identification controls of ethnic minorities and migrants (Sassen, 1999). The secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area thus challenge the idea of a sovereign state as being able to control the movement of people entering and leaving their territory (Torpey, 1998). Therefore, to distinguish desired mobility within the Schengen area from unwanted mobility, the EU have since the 1990s introduced various methods of identity controls and surveillance methods (Torpey, 1998). Since 2010, the EU has increasingly applied biometrical methods and advanced technology to control unwanted mobility (Dijstelbloem & Broeders, 2014).

In recent times, dilemmas regarding how European countries can be attractive destinations for highly skilled labour and stimulate employer demands while simultaneously deterring low skilled labour and irregular migration, have occurred (Lahav, 2004). On the one hand, in matters with economic rationale, diminished autonomy is accepted. Highly skilled workers and enterprises are encouraged to enjoy freedom of movement and the flow of capital. On the other hand, invocations of absolute sovereignty are seen in matters of low skilled workers and asylum seekers. With no economic return for policy makers, these matters relate to cultural identification, xenophobia and humanitarianism (Lahav 2004). Because there are still considerable differences on immigration policies between European states, the open borders have created cooperation challenges on the issue of human mobility. These internal

difficulties of cooperation on immigration issues have moreover caused an externalisation process of European migration policies. As an escape from internal challenges of cooperation, documented by Sandra Lavenex more than a decade ago, the Schengen countries have shifted focus outwards, creating an increased focus on the external border (Lavenex, 2006).

(21)

21 2.5 An Integrated Theoretical Framework

Considering that the research question aims to understand a migration pattern that relates to the multileveled aspect of European immigration and asylum policies, and the agency of the migrants and social structures, it was pertinent to establish a theoretical framework that enables a multileveled analysis. Based on the different aspects of migration theories outlined in this chapter, it is proposed that the combination of these provides a comprehensive

framework for analysing a complex issue such as irregular migration within the Schengen area (de Haas, 2011). First of all, because the migration pattern subject to analysis is taking place in an area of open borders and between countries with different national policies, considerations of national differences in social, administrative and political structures needed to be accounted for. By incorporating the concept of “foggy social structures”, such an analysis is possible. However, merely establishing the ability of states to control irregular migration and the capability of migrants to avoid restrictive policies only provides an understanding of the situation for irregular migrants in different European countries. It does not provide sufficient understanding of the migrant's motivation and ability to move between European countries. Therefore, by incorporating the concepts of individual aspirations and capabilities, the migrants' agency for undertaking irregular journeys inside the Schengen area can be analysed with regards to their personal backgrounds and different social and political structures found in European states.

Secondly, because the research question seeks to understand an observed migration pattern, it is not sufficient to merely understand the agency of individual migrants in relation to national differences in Europe. Because there is a substantial number of Afghani rejected asylum seekers undertaking secondary migration from Norway to France, it is pertinent to understand the establishment of a migration pattern and the continuation of it. The meso-level aspect offers a conceptualisation of social capital as enabling individual aspirations through information sharing and a capability of physical mobility between European states. The capability of migrant networks to facilitate irregular migration can moreover provide insight into the ability of states to control irregular migration and the ability of migrant networks to avoid restrictive policies (Bommes & Sciortino, 2011).

Third and finally, the phenomenon, secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area, is instructively related to EU policy. Therefore, it is necessary to incorporate

(22)

22 macro-level theories of understanding human mobility. It is argued that theories on

globalisation processes are compatible with the concept of foggy social structures. This is because globalisation processes understand the open borders of Europe through economic reasoning, and the reasons why controlling irregular migration is difficult between countries with different social and political structures. Additionally, even though the migration pattern subject to analysis takes place in Europe, the individuals are of Afghan nationality. Therefore, by introducing theories of globalisation processes, explanations for initial individual

(23)

23

Chapter 3 - Research Design

This chapter provides an assessment of the mixed method research design applied in this study. The majority of the data was gathered through a qualitative single case study of twelve young Afghani nationals who, after having their applications for asylum rejected in Norway, now reside in France. The data gathered from the qualitative interviews with these young migrants are presented alongside ethnographic observations, supplemented with quantitative data. The combined information is further analysed in relation to the theoretical framework outlined in chapter two, which enables assumptions about connections to the broader subject of irregular migration in Europe (Yin, 2012). An apparent methodological drawback of relying on the data gathered from a qualitative case study is the difficulties of replicating the study (Massey & Capoferro, 2004). However, the mixed method approach presented in this chapter contributes to strengthening the validity of the findings in this study, because this study relies upon external validation of the qualitative results (Creswell, 2014, p. 259). This chapter will start off with a thorough justification for the specific case subject to analysis in this study. Subsequently, the methods used in this study are presented: qualitative interviews, ethnographic observations and supplementary quantitative data. The last section conveys the analytical drawbacks and benefits of the methodology and the analytical process of

transferring data into the findings of this study.

3.1 The Case of Young Afghans in Paris

Over the last few years there has been considerable political debate in France about how to deal with the situation of migrants living on the streets. While civil society groups have protested stricter immigration laws, local politicians have urged the French government to provide aid to the migrants living on the streets of Paris (Chrisafis, 2018). A significant increase in outgoing Dublin requests from France to other European states indicates that a vast amount of the migrants residing in Paris today applied for asylum in another European country before coming to France. Statistics show that in 2008, France submitted 4,041 outgoing Dublin requests, whereas in 2016 the French immigration authorities send 25,368 Dublin requests to other Schengen states (Eurostat, 2017). However, little research has been done to uncover why rejected asylum seekers migrate to France. To obtain such knowledge, it is of key importance to discover observable patterns between the migrants, which are more

(24)

24 likely to be discovered when focusing on a single phenomenon through a case study

(Creswell, 2014, pp. 168-169). A case study imposes an empirical inquiry concerning a contemporary issue conducted in its natural context (Yin, 2012, p. 4). A single case study differs from a multi-case study in that it only regards a single phenomenon. The method enables research which relies on multiple sources of information and not merely isolated variables (Yin, 2012).

The case of the Afghani nationals residing in Paris is of academic interest because young Afghani nationals have been the largest group of young asylum seekers coming to Europe for the past decade (Lønning, 2018). Moreover, after the Norwegian government introduced new regulations on the deportation and return of Afghani asylum seekers in 2015 (Brekke & Staver, 2018), stories emerged in traditional and social media about young asylum seekers absconding from Norwegian asylum centres and migrating to Paris (Bjørnstad & Skjetne, 2017). Regarding the methodology, it was important to undertake an analysis of a group that had a similar background, because the aspirations and capabilities for migration are connected to the individual background of the migrant (de Haas, 2011). This is why having an asylum claim rejected in Norway, being an Afghani national and living in Paris functioned as selection criteria for the participants in this study. Additionally, there are three practical invocations for the specific case selection. First, based on available statistics on incoming and outgoing Dublin requests, it was possible to detect a migration pattern of rejected asylum seekers with quantitative data: in 2017 Norway received 1000 incoming Dublin requests from France (Norwegian Directorate of Immigration, 2017). Second, as a Norwegian student with limited ability to conduct interviews in foreign languages, it was essential to find respondents with English or Norwegian language proficiency. By interviewing asylum seekers who had lived in Norway, the chances of finding eligible respondents increased. Lastly, through existing personal networks and social media, it was possible to access information about the situation and connect with friends and allies of the migrants. Thus, by focusing on the case of Afghani nationals with a rejected asylum claim in Norway who reside in Paris, this study was able to explore relationships within the broader subject of irregular migration (Creswell, 2014, p. 168).

(25)

25 3.2 A Mixed Method Approach

The mixed methods of this study are specifically designed to answer the research question: what are the determinants for the mobility of rejected Afghan asylum seekers from Norway to Paris? This entails a methodology that relies upon using both inductive and deductive

reasoning (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003). A benefit of moving back and forth between inductive and deductive reasoning was that it allowed for the analysis to outline patterns and categories from the bottom up, which provided a comprehensive understanding of the migration determinants (Creswell, 2014, p. 234). The theoretical framework provided assumptions of the migration determinants of rejected asylum seekers before undertaking field studies. Moreover, the theoretical framework supported the analysis of the findings by organising data and generalising conclusions (Yin, 2012, p. 9). The qualitative interviews and observations applied an inductive approach which seeks to understand the determinants of the migrant's mobility without proposing a hypothesis. This was enabled through a qualitative single case study with an exploratory approach (Creswell, 2014). The additional quantitative data applies a confirmatory investigative approach, which provides external validation of the qualitative findings (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003).

3.2.1 Qualitative interviews

The qualitative interviews, which constitute the preponderance of data gathered in this study, was undertaken during field studies in Paris in April 2018. The majority of data used to analyse the migration determinants of rejected asylum seekers from Norway to France was found by conducting qualitative unstructured interviews (Creswell, 2014). Twelve Afghani nationals between the age of 17 and 24 were interviewed; of them, eleven were male and one female. Some interviews were scheduled, and others came as a result of being present at temporary tent camps and places where volunteer activity took place. This implied that the timeframe for each conversation varied. Inspired by Heather Johnson's qualitative interviews with migrants, the methodology applied open-ended questions which were guided by core questions (Johnson, 2012). Specific questions concerning the destination specificity of Paris and each individual’s journey from Norway to Paris remained as guiding topics for the interviews. The unstructured interview approach allowed for the respondents to steer the conversations towards what was of importance to them, rather than assuming the most

(26)

26 appropriate direction for the conversation (Johnson, 2012, p. 68). Due to the highly precarious and vulnerable situation of the respondents, a crucial part of data gathering was gaining trust. Therefore, to elicit honest and frank accounts, no interviews were recorded. Instead, hand-written field notes were taken after each interview (Johnson, 2012). Due to the absence of recorded interviews, the findings resulted in a scarcity of direct quotes. Nevertheless, it is considered that the hand-written field notes resulted in reliable and sincere information and strong analytical findings (Yin, 2012). As the interviews regarded clandestine behaviour and other sensitive subjects, it was essential to avoid rigid interview settings such as recording and obtrusive questions so as to gather open and honest information (Massey & Capoferro, 2004).

In reassuring respondents that our conversation would not lead to repercussions, anonymity was promised, and each respondent gave verbal consent to their involvement in the study (Biswas, Kristiansen & Norredam 2011). As all respondents had obtained a sufficient level of Norwegian language proficiency while living in Norway, it was possible to conduct all interviews in Norwegian. However, as the respondents only learned Norwegian for a few years, their limited vocabulary caused difficulties. First of all, the power balance between myself as a Norwegian researcher and respondents might have been affected by the fact that the interviews were conducted in the researcher’s native language and not the respondents’ (Johnson, 2012). Second, phrases might have been interpreted differently, and relevant

information might have been held back (Creswell, 2014, p. 139). That being said, the fact that the respondents did speak Norwegian enabled a study which would otherwise be challenging due to language obstacles. It is furthermore essential to address the asymmetrical gender ratio of the respondents, because of the potential biases this gender asymmetry represents. Previous studies show that out of young unaccompanied minors from Afghanistan arriving in Europe over the past ten years, the preponderance is male (Lønning,2018). This indicates that the sample of respondents in this study is representative of the population of young Afghan asylum seekers in Europe (Creswell, 2014, p. 276). Nevertheless, the gender discrepancy is recognised as a potential bias of over-representing male perspectives due to the diverging determinants between male and female migrants. Individual aspirations, in particular, can vary between male and female migrants (Van Heelsum, 2016, p. 1306-1307). It should be noted that the one female participant of in this study undertook secondary migration accompanied by a male relative. Therefore, it is argued that the female respondent is not representing single female secondary migration but have aspirations and capabilities which are influenced by being accompanied by a male family member.

(27)

27 3.2.2 Ethnography

Alongside the qualitative interviews, ethnographic observations were made within the networks of Norwegian friends and allies of the respondents, and among the migrants

themselves. The selection of participants for the interviews was done by the snowball method for sampling and relied upon establishing contact with the social networks (Biswas,

Kristiansen & Norredam, 2011). This allowed for trust to be obtained with the respondents and additionally enabled observations of the social networks (Johnson, 2012). A potential drawback of using the snowball method for sampling participants was that it could lead to a limited selection of people in one community and narrowing the scope of information gathered. However, by establishing contact with two different groups of friends and allies of the respondents, two separate recruitment processes were initiated. This allowed for a broader sampling of respondents and increased the validity of the data gathered (Brekke &

Brochmann, 2014). Moreover, by establishing contact with two separate groups of friends and allies, the thickness of the ethnographic part of the study increased (Creswell, 2014).

By including observations with friends, allies and volunteers, it was possible to detect diverging information from different settings, which provided validation for the information gathered (Creswell, 2014, p. 259). A risk of conducting such observations and simultaneously conducting interviews with migrants was that I could be perceived as fundamentally

sympathetic to the case of the migrants by being viewed as an ally. This could cause ethical issues of deceiving participants with diverging anticipations for the outcomes of the study (Creswell, 2014, pp. 133-138). The purpose of my research and presence in Paris was

therefore carefully conveyed to everyone I encountered on multiple occasions. Being aware of the identities one inhabits while conducting ethnographic field research is essential due to the power relations, the authenticity of narratives and subjectivity implicated in the social

interactions which are part of the methodology (Johnson, 2012). In this case, my own identity as a student, visitor, female and Norwegian all figured as identities that needed to be

(28)

28 3.2.3 Quantitative Supplements

Applying quantitative data on the subject of irregular migration is fundamentally challenging due to the undocumented nature of these migration patterns (Massey & Capoferro, 2004). However, as a supplement to the qualitative data gathered, the quantitative data provides external validation of qualitative findings. It is argued that the supplementary quantitative data provides a more comprehensive understanding of migration determinants (de Haas, 2011). Specifically, to shed light on the national and supranational level, the quantitative data provides information on issues that are not easily justified through qualitative methods

(Tashakkori & Teddle, 2003). An example is the qualitative finding of a respondent unwilling to return to Afghanistan due to the violent situation in the country. Through additional

quantitative data describing an increase in violence in Afghanistan, such external validation of the situation in Afghanistan was possible to detect. At the national level, quantitative data was gathered through official documents from EU agencies and national authorities in Norway and France. In most cases, EU agencies account for information on both Norway and France. However, because Norway is not an EU member, official statistics from Eurostat did

occasionally not include Norway. The Norwegian Directorate of Immigration, therefore, acquired specific data on the Norwegian case. All national and EU level statistics have been accessed digitally through open official sources (Creswell, 2014). Secondary literature has provided information regarding the national context for asylum seekers and irregular migrants in France and Norway.

3.3 Analysis

Before assessing the outline of the analytical process, it is necessary to determine practical and analytical drawbacks which shaped the design of the analytical process. First of all, an apparent methodological disadvantage of relying on findings from a single case study is the challenge of generalisation. The lack of comparative insight from other European countries and other groups of asylum seekers imposes analytical deficiencies in generalising the findings of this study in relation to the broader subject of irregular migration in Europe (Yin, 2012). However, accepting that this study lacks statistical generalisation, it is argued that by incorporating the theoretical framework into the analysis, the study offers assumptions about causalities that might be applicable in the broader context of irregular migration in Europe

(29)

29 (Yin, 2012, p. 18). The processing of qualitative data into analytical findings was conducted in four steps. First, all field-notes were typed up and organised digitally. The field notes included hand-written notes from the interviews undertaken and ethnographic observations. Second, through multiple readings, a general impression of the data was obtained. Third, units of meanings were identified and coded by themes that appeared (Creswell, 2014, p. 248). After the inductive qualitative analysis was completed the quantitative data was examined by applying an investigate approach. The quantitative data created external validation of the qualitative findings (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003). Finally, through an assessment of the combined results and themes that appeared from the above-described process, it was possible to draw parallels to the broader theories outlined in chapter two (Creswell, 2014).

Despite the analytical challenges related to the methodology outlined above, it is argued that the mixed method approach increases the quality of inferences in the final analysis, which relies on the researcher’s combined understanding of the data and theories. Results from single method studies on the other hand would merely refer to the outcomes of how the data gathered show relationships between two objects of study. (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003, p. 35). It is therefore suggested that inferences produced by mixed methods offer a more comprehensive understanding of complex matters such as human behaviour and social sciences (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003, pp. 39-40). The data will be presented by looking into two empirical enquiries: physical mobility and destination specificity.

(30)

30

Chapter 4 - Determinants for Secondary Migration

Understanding what enabled the rejected asylum seekers to migrate from Norway to France is of key importance because migration determinants are not only affected by aspirations of living in a desired destination, which will be discussed in chapter five, but it is additionally caused by a motivation to leave and the capability of migration. This chapter presents findings which suggest that the mobility of rejected asylum seekers from Norway to France was

enabled due to social networks and the lack of internal border control in Europe. The first section addresses the individual motivations for leaving Norway and aspirations of

establishing a future in Europe. Subsequently, the second part of the chapter conveys how social networks enable irregular mobility, information sharing and survival in France. Accordingly, the network between Norwegian allies and the rejected asylum seekers was found as a feature of the migration determinants. The third section outlines how the findings relate to macro-level globalisation theories and how, combined, they explain irregular migration within the Schengen area.

4.1 Individual Aspirations

Having spent two and a half of his adolescent years in a Norwegian coastal town, respondent 2 had grown to learn the Norwegian language, culture and people. When asked why he migrated to Paris, an immediate response was that Norway did not want him anymore. He struggled to comprehend that only months before he had had protection, access to education, medical assistance and a social network in Norway. Whereas today, having turned 18 years old, he was regarded as unwanted by the Norwegian state due to the temporary protection status he received as a minor (Personal communication, April 8 2018). Of the respondents in this study, five of them explained that they had, similarly to respondent 2, lost one or two parents in violent attacks. Three respondents said they had lost all contact with their parents and did not know if they lived. Conversations regarding the respondents’ adolescence revealed that their upbringing influenced their motivations for leaving Norway. As children the respondents received protection, but as adults, they were facing deportation, caused by different regimes of immigration and child protection (Lønning, 2018). All but one of the respondents applied for asylum as minors. Respondent 10, who applied for asylum as an adult, did attain temporary protection status nonetheless, because his sister was under 18 at

(31)

31 the time of arrival in Norway (Personal communication, April 9 2018). The individual

aspirations of the respondents are moreover seen in relation to their upbringing, because it relates to their experience of having received protection as minors, which created aspirations of acquiring protection status in Europe as adults. Additionally, because their adolescence was shaped by a precarious upbringing which included previous experience with migration, they had personal capabilities for secondary migration. It should be noted that secondary migration in Europe was not desired among the respondents. However, previous research has shown that among young Afghan migrants, the aspect of precarious living while undertaking long

journeys is understood by themselves as a part of their upbringing, and not something that they are scared of (Lønning, 2018). The respondents’ individual capability to undertake secondary migration in Europe is therefore understood to be due to their temporary protection in Norway and previous experience with migration.

When talking about their perception of opportunities, the word chance was repeatedly used among the respondents. This chance referred to several aspects of aspirations and capabilities (de Haas, 2011). First of all, the underlying motivation for migration was the aspiration of having a future in Europe: a chance of establishing a life that they once dreamed of having in Norway. When living in Norway, the respondents had received education, which for the majority was their first encounter with attending school regularly. Now, they aspired to continue their education. As respondent 5 stated: "I need education" (Personal

communication, April 7 2018). The second type of chance was the prospect of immediate security and mental health. Respondent 3 came to Norway at the age of 13. He started his journey to Europe from Iran where his family still live. He explained that he had been struggling with depression while living in Norway and expressed concern about recent suicidal thoughts. This was because he found the situation of not having a future and potentially being deported to Afghanistan, where he did not know anyone, distressing

(Personal communication, April 6 2018). At the age of 12, respondent 9, had been forced into marriage to an older man to settle her uncle's gambling debts. After years of abuse, she managed to leave Afghanistan with her older brother. Years later, after being granted temporary protection in Norway, she was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder. Nevertheless, when turning 18, she received notification from the Norwegian government that her asylum claim had been rejected. Right now, she stated, her immediate aspiration was to receive medical help in France. Staying safe and getting well was her only priority (Personal communication, April 9 2018). Mental health related issues are a common feature among

(32)

32 young Afghan asylum seekers in Norway. In fact, there is a reported increase in suicide attempts, agitated situations and other mental-health related incidents at Norwegian reception centres, specifically among young Afghani nationals (Norwegian Directorate of Immigration, 2018, p. 40).

As shown by the aforementioned information, gathered through personal communication with the respondents, the immediate situation for the respondents is considered to be highly

volatile and precarious. The findings suggest that there is a strong sense of agency for establishing a future in Europe. Personal experiences with violent situations fuelled a fear of returning. Respondent 10 asserted that while living in Afghanistan, he had frequently

experienced bombs and terror attacks in his neighbourhood. He stressed that his hometown, one of Afghanistan’s larger cities, was not safe (Personal communication, April 9 2018). Respondent 3 shared his thoughts about receiving a rejection of asylum when turning 18 in a written message, which he had sent to the Norwegian immigration authorities. Sending a personal letter reveals a high sense of agency. It moreover shows personal capability to attempt different means of avoiding deportation out of Europe. In total, the data uncover a strong sense that subjective preferences and motivations are present among the respondents. This furthermore reveals that the concepts of aspirations and capabilities, initially put forward by Hein de Haas (2011), are relevant when explaining the agency that contributed to

individuals taking active choices when undertaking secondary migration in Europe (de Haas, 2011, p. 17). Specifically, mental health, security and education are discovered as the

individual motivations for leaving Norway and migrating to another European country, even if it considered undertaking irregular migration. In fact, their precarious upbringing and migration history, can be seen as a capability for undertaking secondary migration in Europe.

4.2 The Network Effect

Through the theoretical framework, assumptions that migration networks would act as a determinant for the secondary migration from Norway to France had been made before conducting field studies (de Haas, 2011). This assumption was confirmed by all of the respondents who stated that they had "spoken to someone" about moving to Paris. The respondents had Afghani friends who had been granted asylum in France and shared information regarding the French asylum system. Respondent 10 stated that once facing

(33)

33 forced deportation from Norway, he considered moving to Germany. However, after speaking to a friend who claimed that Germany would send him back to Norway immediately, he reconsidered. Respondent 10 proceeded to contact other Afghani friends who lived in France, whereby he decided that France would be a better alternative than Germany (Personal

communication, April 9 2018). All respondents had similar statements regarding their initial motivation for migration to France. The impact of information sharing between migrants is thus considered a substantial part of the determinants for their migration to France. This reveals that traditional theories on migrant networks, put forward by scholars such as Douglas Massey, apply to the issue of secondary movement of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area (Massey, Goldring & Durand, 1994).

Aspects of how migrant networks functioned as migration determinants was moreover discovered in relation to how networks enhanced the capability of survival in Paris. Even though respondent 1 had only lived in Paris for two months, he was central in helping other young Afghans with their daily struggles. He expressed concern for other young Afghanis who, due to illiteracy and being of a young age, struggled. Respondent 1 stated that he would help newly arrived Afghanis in Paris with anything from the French asylum registration process to making sense of the metro system (Personal communication, April 6 2018). There were respondents who had met before when living at reception centres in Norway. However, as they did not maintain contact after their initial encounter, they reconnected when deciding to undertake secondary migration. This was the case for respondent 3 and 2 who, according to respondent 2, did not get along when living in the reception centre. They nevertheless decided to embark on a journey to Paris together and furthermore decided to share a tent upon arrival. This was because they regarded it as a necessity to be more than one to survive (Personal communication, April 8 2018). The importance of social belonging through networks, information sharing and connections to important individuals reinforces the theoretical assumption outlined in chapter two that social capital in the form of a network can enable migration (Lin, 1999). Furthermore, even though the study does uncover a strong presence of migrant networks, the field studies additionally discovered an unforeseen strong presence of another network; the networks between the migrants and Norwegian friends and allies.

The determinants for secondary migration of rejected asylum seekers within the Schengen area