The contribution of Dutch vocational education and training schools to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime

MASTER THESIS

THE

CONTRIBUTION

OF

DUTCH

VOCATIONAL

EDUCATION

AND

TRAINING

SCHOOLS

TO

THE

PREVENTION

OF

ANTI-SOCIAL

BEHAVIOR

AND

YOUTH-CRIME

YASMINE ASSALHIOUI Student-number: 1376012

Master: Crisis and Security Management Thesis supervisor: dr. M. Ezinga

Second reader: dr. G.M. Van Buuren

1

Foreword and acknowledgements

After a period of four years of numerous deadlines, presentations, papers and exams, the time has come to present my own ‘Master-piece’.

At first it was very hard to find a research topic that I’m interested in and that fits with the program of Crisis and Security as well. During the course of prof. Bakker, - Dealing with Terrorism and Foreign Fighters - I wrote an ‘Action Plan’ for Primary, Secondary and Vocational Education schools, focused on how they could prevent radicalization towards Jihadism. During this research it appeared that schools had an important task in signaling behavior and collaborating with other actors. There the idea was born to study the contribution of schools to the prevention of youth-crime.

It was a busy and stressful period of roughly seven months, but fortunately I had certain people around me, who I would like to acknowledge. First of all, many thanks to my thesis supervisor dr. Menno Ezinga for the helpful ideas, feedback and for thinking along when certain ideas did not work-out as planned.

Furthermore special thanks to my parents, my brother Ayyoub and my grandparents for their love and support during this period. All other family members, thank you for believing in me. Also many, many, thanks to my dear friend and fellow-student Shakiela Abdoel, for her useful feedback and especially for listening to my complaints. Instead of being my peer during the course of Research Design, you were my peer during the whole thesis process. I also want to thank my other friends Anna, Manal, Safiye, Hajar, Meryem and Hilal a lot for their lovely support.

And last, but not least, I want to thank the respondents of Albeda College, ROC Mondriaan, Zadkine, ROC Amsterdam, the MBO-Board and the School and Safety Organization for their contribution to this research. Without their willingness to share their knowledge and expertise about this research topic, this research would have been impractible.

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Abstract

The societal and governmental expectations is broader than the actual “core business” of a school. Schools are expected to contribute to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime among adolescents as well. They should be capable of signaling and sharing risks, they should offer prevention programs, they should have multi-disciplinary support team etcetera. This expectation is much broader than educating the students and directing them towards their degree, which might cause an area of tension.

This study focuses on the contribution of regional Vocational Education and Training schools (or: VET-schools) in the cities of Amsterdam, The Hague and Rotterdam, to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime and moreover how these prevention policies come about

This empirical research, based on semi-structured interviews with 11 respondents, shows that the VET-schools contribute to the prevention of anti-social behavior through their policies that are mainly focused on care. However, this research shows that the schools face a lot of difficulties with the execution of their policies as well. Therefore more research is needed, in order to come up with a uniform policy of how to deal with these adolescents.

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Content

1. Introduction

5

1.1. Central research question and sub-questions

7

1.2. Scientific and societal relevance

8

1.3. Thesis arrangement

9

2. Theoretical framework

10

2.1. Causal factors of youth-crime

10

2.2. Youth-crime prevention

12

2.3. School-based youth-crime prevention

13

2.4. The SWPBS

15

2.5. GREAT (Gang Resistance Education

17

and Training Program

2.6. Youth-crime prevention in the Netherlands

19

2.6.1. New Perspectives

19

2.6.2. The PIT-project

20

2.7. Negative consequences of youth-crime prevention

21

3. Methodology

22

3.1. Operationalization

22

3.2. Initial cases

24

3.3. Choice of methodology and legitimation

24

3.4. Data collection method

26

3.4.1. Respondents

28

3.5. Data exploitation and analysis

30

3.6. Ethical principles

31

3.7. Validity and Reliability

31

4. Results

33

4.1. Youth-crime prevention policies

33

4.1.1. Goal achievement or policy execution

34

Difficulties

4.1.2. Primary prevention strategy

42

4.1.3. Secondary prevention strategy

45

4.1.4. Tertiary prevention strategy

49

4.1.5. Youth policy

42

4.1.6. Negative consequences

54

4.2. Contribution to the prevention of youth-crime

54

4.3. Realization of youth-crime prevention policies

57

4

5. Conclusion

60

5.1. Discussion

63

6. Reference list

66

Appendix A: Topic-list

70

Appendix B: Overview interviews

71

5

Introduction

From 2007 until 2015, the number of young suspects and/or perpetrators between the ages of 12 and 18 in the Netherlands declined with 64 percent, together with a decline of 45 percent among adolescents between the ages of 18 and 23 (CBS, 2016). In 2014 nearly 22 percent of these young suspects were living in the G-4, (the four biggest cities of the Netherlands, which are Amsterdam, The Hague, Utrecht and Rotterdam). In these four municipalities the percentage of minor suspects declined with 35 percent between 2010 and 2015 (Van der Laan & Goudriaan, 2016).

There are several reasons for a timely prevention of (youth) crime. One reason is that youth-crime or juvenile delinquency could increase the risk of physical or mental problems for the victims and the offenders. Second it would create financial costs for society as well. Furthermore, predictive factors of delinquency can be discovered early in the adolescent’s life. And lastly, it is important to change a certain behavioral problem at a younger age, since it becomes more difficult to change later in life and when anti-social behavior becomes a life-course persistent behavior (De Vries, 2016; Moffit, 1993).

The predictive factors of youth-crime can be arranged in five different domains, which are the individual, the school, the peer-related, the neighborhood, and the community domain (Hawkins et al., 2000). These factors will be discussed in the theoretical framework.

The government prefers a combination of different measures that are aimed at care, punishment, education and work. Offering adolescents some perspective through jobs and/or education, prevents that they end-up in criminal activities. The Dutch municipalities have a leading role in the combat against youth-crime, and they collaborate with the police, the Public Prosecutor, and the Ministry of Security and Justice (Rijksoverheid, 2017). Municipalities also have a leading role in organizing the rehabilitation of adolescents after being in detention. The Public Prosecutor detects and persecutes criminal offences, together with the police. The police is also willing to reduce youth-crime amongst adolescents, and therefore they also work together with the municipalities, youth care, child welfare, but also the educational system. Their presence on the streets and at the schools enables them to detect certain behaviors, that might result in a problematic (criminal) behavior (“Wegwijzer Jeugd en Veiligheid” , 2017).

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This leading role of the Dutch municipalities, initiated since the implementation in 2015 of a new youth policy called the ‘Jeugdwet’. As a result of this implementation Dutch municipalities became largely responsible for youth care. Prevention is one of the key subjects of their policies, in which most attention is given to amongst other things (early) signaling and (early) interventions. Schools have a supportive role with regard to these policies; the police and justice perceives them as an environment in which delinquent behavior can be detected, which for instance could lead to an earlier involvement of youth care (Nederlands Jeugd Instituut, 2015).

In 2015, a report has been published by the Dutch Youth Institute (Nederlands Jeugd Instituut, next: NJI), in commission of the Dutch Ministry of Security and Justice, which was aimed at showing how and when a connection can be made between justice and education. The educational sector and judicial authorities are both gathering signals and information on anti-social or criminal behavior of (the same) adolescents, without sharing and discussing this information with each other, due to for instance privacy regulations (NJI, 2015).

This report presents boundary conditions (“randvoorwaarden”) for the collaboration between these two sectors. Even though this study will not specifically focus on this collaboration, the report of the NJI shows an outline of the tasks and responsibilities that schools have with regard to prevention and early-signaling (in collaboration with justice and the police). Examples are establishing safety policies and school-safety plans (which is obligatory since 2006), having protocols for incidents and anti-social behavior, offering prevention-programs in-class, formulating a code of conduct and school-regulations, having a good structure for signaling and managing developmental and safety risks of students, and having arrangements with youth-care, attendance officers (Leerplicht), and the police (NJI, 2015).

With regard to signaling, employees of the schools should be capable of recognizing and sharing risks, schools should have a multidisciplinary support team (Zorg-team, or Zorg en

Advies Team (ZAT) in which signals can be shared with others, and furthermore parents should

be involved. Besides, schools should have close contact with justice/ police, but also with local youth care and the neighborhood teams (wijkteams) (NJI, 2015).

As discussed previously, the Dutch government expects that schools in general contribute to the prevention of youth-crime. The societal expectation of schools, is also much broader than just educating the students and providing them with a degree, which is actually the “core business” of a school. The societal expectations are that schools contribute to the students in a pedagogic way and that they contribute to their upbringing as well. Although the schools partly

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meet this expectations, there might be an area of tension between their “core business” and the societal/governmental expectations of schools with regard to their contribution to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime, which is the motive to conduct this research.

This study will focus on the four biggest Dutch municipalities, which are Utrecht, Amsterdam, The Hague and Rotterdam, in which the contribution of regional Vocational Education and Training schools (next: VET-schools)1 in these cities to the prevention of anti-social behavior youth crime will be studied. The reason to focus on these regional VET-schools, is that 22 percent of minor suspects live in these four municipalities. However, VET-schools are regional education centers, which means that different students from different municipalities are attending the schools. VET-school students are students with different preparatory trainings and a majority of them is younger than 18 years old (MBO Board, 2017). Because of this, the students of these VET-schools can be perceived as a good representation of the current adolescent generation.

1.1.

Central research question and sub-questions

There are several (criminological) models in relation to the prevention of anti-social behavior and (youth) crime and school-based programs related to that, which will be discussed in the theoretical framework. In these models different prevention phases and steps can be distinguished, which will be elaborated on in the theoretical framework (Walker, 1996). By using this theoretical framework the following research question will be answered:

How do the VET-schools of Amsterdam, The Hague, Utrecht and Rotterdam contribute to the prevention of anti-social behavior and criminal activities among adolescents, and how can the chosen policy of these VET-schools be explained?

In order to answer this research question, there are a few sub-questions that will be answered in this research as well. These questions are more concrete and better operationalized, and will support in answering the research question:

I.

1 _{These Regional Education and Training Schools, or VET-schools, refer to the Dutch ROC-schools (“regionale} opleidingencentra”, who provide vocational education as well as adult-education.

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II.

III.

1.2.

Scientific and societal relevance

This research is scientifically relevant, because it will study what aspects of the existing policies with regard to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime, correspond with the existing theories and models about school-based youth-crime prevention. Furthermore, this research could contribute the body knowledge about the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime.

Moreover the contributions of VET-schools in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime have not explicitly been researched before, but it is interesting to see whether and how these VET-schools realized their tasks and responsibilities with regard to youth-crime prevention, which fits within the societal relevance as well.

This research is also societally relevant, since it sheds light on the governance of crisis and security issues at school. The societal and governmental expectation of schools, with regard to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime, differs from the “core business” of the schools, which might lead to frictions. Schools deal with a lot of safety requirements from the government, which are focused on physical security and increasingly on social security as well, therefore more attention is needed.

Analyzing the policies of the VET-schools in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague, and the perceptions of employees of these schools about (the implementation of) their policies, offers the possibility to recognize the possible challenges they face with their policies. Recognizing these difficulties might be helpful for the VET-schools and the improvement of their policies, but also for others involved in the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime, for instance the municipalities.

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1.3.

Thesis arrangement

In the following chapter, relevant theoretical insights about youth-crime prevention will be discussed. Parts of this theoretical framework will be used and elaborated on in the methodological chapter, that follows. In this chapter, the methodological choices of this thesis will be discussed and justified. Furthermore the data collection and exploitation methods will be discussed, as well as ethical considerations of this research related to that. This chapter is followed by the results, in which the empirical data will be analyzed by the theoretical framework. Statements and findings will be illustrated and justified by using quotations and examples of the data. In the last chapter, the central research question and the sub-questions will be answered, based on the analysis of the data. Limitations of this research and recommendations for supplementary studies will be discussed in this chapter as well.

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2. Theoretical framework

In this chapter theoretical insights about youth-crime prevention will be discussed. In the first paragraph the causal factors of youth-crime will be discussed in order to have some background information. The second paragraph is about youth-crime prevention in general and the third paragraph is about school-based youth-crime prevention, in which three different strategies of youth-crime prevention (Walker, 1996) will be reflected on. In the paragraphs that follow different USA-based programs or approaches will be discussed, ending with an outline of youth-crime prevention in the Netherlands.

2.1. Causal factors of youth-crime

There are different interdependent factors that can be related to delinquent behavior among adolescents, which can be divided in different domains: the personal or individual domain (e.g. aggression, early initiation of violence), the family domain (e.g. unemployment of parents, poor supervision or a divorce, parental criminality), the neighborhood or the community domain (e.g. poverty, exposure to violence, criminals in neighborhood), the school environment (e.g. unclear rules and expectations of students, low graduation rates, academic failure, early dropouts, low bonding to the school) and the peers (e.g. having delinquent peers). These different factors are perceived as predictors for anti-social and criminal behavior, in the future of youths (Hawkins et al., 2000; Loeber et al., 2001). Walker acknowledges these different risk-factors as well (Walker et al., 1996).

Another risk factor is “age”. Adolescents between the ages of 15 up to 20± years are searching for their identity and extent their boundaries, which plays part when an adolescent decides to join a criminal group (Bjørgo & Carlsson, 2005; Loeber et al., 2001). A peak of delinquent behavior can be witnessed between the age of 17 and 20 years (Koppen et al., 1999).

Moffit (1993) acknowledges this peak at those ages as well, in the age-crime curve (figure 1). The number of suspects in society would increase between the age of 12 to 17 years, and it decreases afterwards. The shape of this curve can be explained by the distinction between 1) life-course-persistent and 2) adolescence-limited crime

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committers. The first group consists of young offenders, that continue their anti-social behavior throughout their lives. The second group consists of young offenders that commit crimes during a short period of their lives (Moffit, 1993).

A feeling of having no future or not being able to achieve success in the legitimate economy, can push the adolescent into criminal illegal economy, if he or she is able to gain success that way (Seddon, 2006; Pagani, 1999). A lack of attachment to institutions such as a school, a job or a sports club would be connected to ending up in criminality as well. As an adolescent it seems to be important to have a good relation with the school, the teachers, and other students (Bovenkerk, 2010). When these relationships are lacking, an adolescent could be pushed to search for “wrong” relationships in the criminal circuit.

Alongside the risk-factors discussed earlier, there are protective factors, that: ‘operate to buffer,

and offset the effects of the risk-factors’ (Walker et al., 1996). These protective factors would

be necessary, when eliminating or reducing the risk-factors that an adolescent has. These protective factors fit within the following domains: the community (e.g. providing access to facilities, involving adolescent in community service) , the family (e.g. developing a close bond, encouraging education, having clear expectations, being nurturing and protective), the school (e.g. expressing high expectations, involving parents, encouraging pro-social behavior, involving the students) and the individual/peer-group (e.g. respecting the authorities, appreciating unique individual talents) . Interventions should target the risk and protective factors simultaneously, in order to receive better outcomes (Walker et al., 1996).

Something that fits within these protective factors is the Social Development Model. According to this model, a child’s development is sequentially influenced by important units of socialization, which are family, peers, community and also schools. Positive socialization is achieved when:

’…

family/school/community and peers) would prevent association with delinquent peers and therefore they would also prevent delinquent behavior (Hawkins & Weis, 1985).

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2.2. Youth-crime prevention

The concept of crime prevention can be defined as follows: ‘Strategies and measures that seek

to reduce the risk of crimes occurring, and their potential harmful effects on individuals and society, including fear of crime, by intervening to influence their multiple causes’ (UNODC,

2004).

Schreiber (2015) understands the concept of prevention as: ‘One of the key mechanisms within

the apparatuses of security: to satisfy the modern desire for more safety, prevention intervenes at an earlier stage and reaches an ever-increasing group of people, ultimately including children.’

The concept of ‘youth-crime prevention’ refers to a set of activities, that are designed to improve child development, and that prevent negative developments (Dekovic, 2011). Another definition of youth-crime prevention or actually crime prevention in general is: ‘Activities with

regard to the prevention of criminality’ (CBS, 2017).

According to the Dutch Central Bureau of Statistics (2017), the following (translated) definition of prevention is broadly accepted (Van Dijk & De Waard, 1991): ‘All measures taken by

citizens, private organizations, and the government as far as criminal offenses are concerned, which are aimed at preventing actions that are punishable by law.’ The definition of Van Dijk

and De Waard (1991) is explicitly acknowledging these different actors, and it includes private as well as governmental organizations. Therefore this definition is suitable within this research, since it is about the contribution of VET-schools, which are semi-governmental organizations. However, the definition of Dekovic stresses the development of the child, which is something that should be part of the prevention policies of the VET-schools as well. Therefore the following combined definition will be used in this research:

‘All measures taken by citizens, private organizations, and the government, that are designed to improve child development, and that are aimed at preventing actions that are punishable by law.’

The traditional welfare-oriented juvenile justice systems, that are focused on therapeutic interventions to prevent youth-crime are under pressure (Junger-Tas & Dekker, 2006). The more punitive responses to youth anti-social behavior became more in demand (Artello et al., 2015). However, the more punitive responses have been proven to be less effective, and therefore ‘constructive change-oriented prevention programs’ are needed (De Vries, 2016).

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A guideline that is often used in prevention programs is the Risk-Need-Responsivity model, which consists of three principles. The first one is the Risk-principle, which tells that the intensity of the program must be adjusted to risk level of the offender. This principle tells who should be treated, and it presupposes that: ‘The assignment of the cases to the treatment is based

on a reliable and valid assessment of risk’. High-risk offenders need a more intensive level of

treatment, than low-risk offenders. (Andrews & Bonta, 2010).

The second is the Need-principle, in which individual and social factors that underlie criminal behavior should be tackled by interventions. This principle tells what should be treated and it would make a distinction between “criminogenic needs” (e.g. pro-criminal attitudes, antisocial personality, pro-criminal associates, issues related to work/education/family) and “non-criminogenic needs” (e.g. self-esteem, feeling of emotional discomfort, lacking ambition). The criminogenic needs can be related to the risk factors which have been discussed earlier. The offenders with a higher risk, will have more criminogenic needs which will lead to more and different kinds of services (Andrews & Bonta, 2010).

The last principle is the Responsivity-principle, which tells that the offenders’ learning style and ability determine the style and mode of the program. This principle tells how a certain case should be treated. This principle has two different aspects. The first one is general responsivity, which is focused on cognitive social learning practices. The second is specific responsivity, which is more focused on individualizing a treatment based on strength, ability, personality, motivation, and bio-demographic features of an individual. (Andrews & Bonta, 2010). Threrefore, a treatment should be matching with the characteristics of the individual.

2.3. School-based youth-crime prevention

Schools are able to develop programs with regard to crime prevention (Walker et al., 1996). Prevention of youth-crime can be divided into three different types: universal, selective and

indicated prevention. Universal prevention programs (or: primary prevention) focus on a

general population, which has not been identified based on an individual risk. Selective prevention programs (or : secondary prevention) focus on adolescents that have a significant higher risk of developing mental disorders than average. Indicated prevention programs (or: tertiary prevention) target high risk adolescents that have minimal, but detectable mental disorders (O’Connell, Boat & Warner, 2009).

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Walker (Walker et al., 1996) describes three different strategies or levels of intervention, that correspond with the three types of prevention described above. These three strategies will be discussed in this paragraph, because they describe three different ways of how schools might contribute to the prevention of criminal activities among adolescents, which makes this theory relevant for this research. It might be the case that the selection of VET-schools distinguishes these different levels of intervention as well.

The first strategy that Walker discusses is the primary prevention strategy, which enhances protective factors at school as a whole, so that students to not become ‘at risk’. All students are exposed to the interventions in the same way. Examples are anger management strategies or instructions for solving conflicts. This strategy is focused on teaching the procedures, rules and expectations of the school to both the students and the teacher. Furthermore, skills for school success are taught as well (Walker et al., 1996). These primary prevention strategies are also represented by positive youth development, strengthening families and asset-building (White, 2012).

Secondary prevention strategies are more focused on ‘at-risk’ students that need behavioral or

academic support, mentoring, and skill development. These strategies involve more individual interventions for the students that do not respond to the primary prevention strategies. Walker (1996) stated the following about these students: ‘In other words, such students select

themselves out for more intensive interventions by demonstrating their non-responsiveness to the universal or school-wide interventions and their corresponding need for more powerful, individual supports and services.’ He continues: ‘Secondary prevention is much like increasing one’s visits to the dentist, because of an increased susceptibility for dental cavities…’, which

represents the idea of ‘at-risk’ students. Examples are (amongst others) social-skill lessons or specialized tutoring (Walker et al., 1996).

Tertiary prevention strategies are focused on students that show a life-course-persistent pattern of anti-social behavior, which means that they have been involved in criminal activities or violence (Walker et al.,1996; White, 2012). However, showing anti-social behavior as an adolescent is not necessarily an indication for criminality at a later age, therefore it could be premature to speak of a life-course persistent pattern. Robins states the following with regard to this: ‘Adult anti-social behavior virtually requires childhood anti-social behavior, (yet) most

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In order to be successful, these tertiary interventions need to be comprehensive (which means that a team of parents, community agency personnel, educators, administrators and support staff are involved) and they need to be initiated early. Parents, teachers and peers, should be involved, because they have the greatest influence on youth. This strategy results in an individualized comprehensive intervention, which is based on a comprehensive assessment of the problem of the individual student (Walker et al., 1996).

According to Walker the intended goals of prevention programs cannot always be achieved as a result of poor change motivation, a lack of parental support, a mismatch between the intervention and the problem, or due to a lack of resources. It would be more effective to recognize the signs for anti-social behavior in an earlier stage, the right interventions need to be applied to these (complex) problems and preferably the intervention should take contextual factors (such as the cultural background) into consideration as well. It should be interventions that are fitting the needs of all students in a school, while also having more specific features so that the very specific individual problems can be addressed as well. These interventions should be one of the main improvement goals within the school (Walker et al., 1996).

2.4. The SWPBS

The SWPBS or school-wide positive behavior support is an American approach that emphasizes systematic individualized behavioral interventions, by preventing problem behaviors and achieving social and learning outcomes. The approach, that has been widely used by many schools in the United States, uses a so-called ‘three-tiered prevention continuum’ (Sugai & Horner, 2008). This continuum first considers what every student needs for behavior support, followed by interventions that are more individualized, specialized and intense (Sugai & Horner, 2009).The three ‘tiers’ or levels, seem to correspond with the three approaches of Walker and therefore it will be discussed in this paragraph.

The primary tier is designed for all students and focusses on monitoring student behavior, but also on stating a positive school-wide behavioral expectation that is taught in school (Sugai & Horner, 2009; Gage, 2015).

Next to this primary tier, there are additional interventions at two other tiers (the secondary and tertiary tier) that will be discussed below.

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These additional interventions are applied based on: a) ‘data indicating that students are at risk for continued behavior problems’w and b) ‘the intensity of the behavior’(Sugai & Horner, 2009; Gage, 2015).

The secondary tier is for those students who do not successfully respond to the primary tier, that need more interventions, more frequent feedback on their behavior and more supervision or monitoring. The interventions are designed for problem-behaviors that are low in intensity. Students that need these interventions are identified by data, for instance the frequency of ODRs (Office Discipline Referral: a form that a student receives at school when he/she does not follow the expectations of the school (District65, 2017), or evidence for not responding to primary interventions (Sugai & Horner, 2009; Gage, 2015). This ODRs form, is not used in the Netherlands, but there might be other data that can be used to identify these students.

The tertiary tier is aimed at students whose behavior does not respond to the primary or secondary tier, and that need specialized, intensive and individualized interventions. These interventions are conducted by experts, such as behavioral specialists, school psychologists or special education teachers (Sugai & Horner, 2009; Gage, 2015).

The SWPBS organizes interventions that are effective and applicable within five school-based areas, which are (Sugai & Horner, 2009):

- School-wide: Interventions for all students, staff and family members across the whole school, such as a behavior purpose statement or by teaching the school-wide behavioral expectations.

- Classroom: Integration of behavior management, for instance by teaching class-room routines or through in-class supervision.

- Non-classroom: interventions in a ‘common, non-instructional context’, such as active supervision.

- Family: Involving the community and the family in the support of student achievement. - Individual student: Specialized behavior and/or academic assistance, for students who

are not responsive for other interventions or instructions.

There are four principles that should be used, in order to improve effectiveness, efficiency and the capability to collect and analyze the right information for their decision-making.

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The first one, is that data or information about the students should be used to specify the desired goals, outcomes and expectations. Second, these goals, objectives and outcomes should be based on these data and they should be within reach when using the resources that are available. Third, the chosen interventions or practices should be empirically capable of achieving the goals, outcomes and expectations. Fourth, the implementers should have the right resources or systems to implement the practices in a fluent and accurate way (Sugai & Horner, 2009).

The (evidence-based) interventions and practices will then be organized into the continuum. Apart from the four principles discussed above, the continuum is furthermore facilitated by a coordination team that leads the operation of the interventions, through: 1) screening and assessment procedures that detect the students that do not respond to a certain intervention, 2) through data-decision rules that move the students up or down the continuum based on their responsiveness to interventions, 3) through continuous evaluation procedures of the implementation of interventions, and lastly 4) measures of student behavior that correspond with the behavior norms and expectations (Sugai & Horner, 2009).

2.5. GREAT (Gang Resistance Education and Training Program)

The Gang Resistance Education and Training Program (GREAT) is a prevention program that is used frequently in the United States. This program is especially designed for schools with higher numbers of risk-students. Research has shown that this prevention program can be very effective (Schouten & Zoon, 2016).

The GREAT-program is a school-based prevention program, that has three goals. The first goal is to teach adolescents to avoid gang-membership, the second goal is to prevent violence and criminal activities, the third goal is to support adolescents in developing a positive relationship with law enforcement (Esbensen et al., 2011).

The program was developed in 1991 by the Phoenix Police Department. Law enforcement officers taught the students about crime, the effect that crime has on its victims, cultural diversity, conflict-resolution-skills, attaining basis needs through the legal way, responsibility and goal setting. The teachers would then complement these lessons during the regular lessons (Esbensen et al., 2011).

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The updated GREAT-program ( that includes 13 lessons instead of 9 lessons in the former program), which was introduced in 2003, is still taught by law enforcement officers. It has adopted some parts of Life Skills Training Program (LST) and the Seattle Social Development Model (SSDM) Esbensen et al., 2011). The SSDM is a comprehensive program, aimed at reducing violence and delinquency, by creating positive learning environments (Catalano et al., 1998, in: Esbensen et al., 2011). The LST is an intervention of three years and has three components, which are self-management skills, social skills, as well as information/skills related to drug abuse.

In addition to the three goals of the GREAT-program mentioned before, these renewed lessons are intended to teach the students the skills that should prevent delinquency or involvement in gangs. Furthermore, the lessons encourage the adolescents to be more around ‘pro-social peers’ instead of delinquent peers. Communication skills are also tackled; learning to listen and to interpret communication so that the empathy for others improves (Esbensen et al., 2011).

Evaluation of the GREAT-program in seven cities of the United States has shown a lower amount of students joining a gang (39%) when the students complete the program. Students that were exposed to the lessons were more positive about law enforcement-officials, than those who were not exposed to the lessons. However, the program did not have a significant effect on the rates of violent offending and delinquency (Esbensen et al., 2011).

Apart from the three program goals, other results have been identified in the evaluation as well:

‘Compared with students in the control classrooms, students in G.R.E.A.T. classrooms illustrated less susceptibility to peer pressure, better refusal skills, and less involvement with delinquent peers; lower support for neutralizations regarding violence; less favorable attitudes about gangs; lower levels of self-centeredness and anger; and a higher degree of collective efficacy.”… “ G.R.E.A.T. appears to reduce key underlying risk factors for gang membership and violent offending (e.g. self-centeredness, anger); reduce the situational contexts where delinquency and gang membership is most likely to flourish (i.e. associations with delinquent peers); and provide youth with the skills necessary to recognize and resist temptations of peer pressure (e.g. peer pressure susceptibility and use of refusal skills), including a greater belief that offending is universally “wrong”.’ (Esbensen, 2011).

It can be concluded that this emphasis on skills-building is more successful than the former GREAT-program. This program could be relevant for schools in the Netherlands, because it shows that in-class skills-building, and the development of a positive relation with the law-enforcement have a positive impact on the behavior of adolescents. Adolescents become more

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aware of their own behavior ( also in relation with others in their environment), but also more aware of the fact that delinquency is improper.

2.6. Youth-crime prevention in the Netherlands

Different types of youth offenders are divided in the Netherlands (by the police). The first group is at risk youth and it consists of adolescents who did not offend yet, however they show alarming behavior. The second group is first offenders, which consists of adolescents that have been arrested once for a criminal act. Light criminal youth, have been arrested more than once,

repeat offenders (“veelplegers”) regularly commit crimes of a not so serious nature. The last

group, the hard core youth commits a great deal of serious crimes and have been in contact with the police and justice before (Euwema & Miedema, 2013).

The Netherlands has an elaborate system of youth-care, which includes measures to prevent this youth-crime. These measures are linked to other systems, for instance the juvenile justice system. ‘Prevention of all kinds of negative development pathways for children, including

juvenile crime prevention, has been considered of primary importance.’ (Euwema &

Miedema, 2013).

Interventions in the Netherlands, with regard to the prevention of youth-crime can be divided into three types. The first type are interventions for a full population of adolescents (or children), that can be taken at school or in neighborhoods. The second type are interventions for those adolescents who showed minor anti-social delinquent behavior, but are not seen as serious offenders. The third type of interventions is for those who can be perceived as persistent delinquents (Eewema & Miedema, 2013). This typology corresponds with the distinctions made by Walker (1996), that have been discussed earlier.

In the following sub-paragraphs the Dutch New Perspectives initiative and the PIT-project will be discussed. These programs are two Dutch examples of how to deal with anti-social or criminal behavior among youngsters.

2.6.1. New Perspectives

This program focuses on adolescents between the age of 12 (or 10) up to 23, that have different problems in certain stages of their lives for instance at school or with their family and that show delinquent behavior or behavior that is perceived to be socially unacceptable (Euwema & Miedema, 2013).

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The program is designed for at-risk adolescents, and therefore it seems to correspond with secondary and/or tertiary prevention, which makes it relevant to discuss in this theoretical framework.

The program is executed by youth care workers, together with the municipality, the police, youth care institutions and the justice system as institutional partners. Caregivers and parents can be involved as well, when possible. The goal of the program is to offer these adolescents “New perspectives” in the several stages of their lives, in which they experience problems ( for instance: health, family, housing, financially, friends). The sub-goal of the program is to solve these problems, but the main objective is to get the lives of these at-risk adolescents “back on

track”, to get them more involved in society and to offer them a new social perspective. Or:

‘More concretely, the primary goal of the initiative can be described as the prevention of

criminal and risky behavior, as well as the prevention or repeat criminal behavior’ (Euwema

& Miedema, 2013).

New Perspectives consists of three different phases:

1. First meeting, enlisting and the intake, that result in an action plan to deal with the different problems of the adolescent. The action plan is a guideline for the adolescent and the intervention worker. Furthermore, a ‘social environment’ analysis will be made. (Euwema & Miedema, 2013).

2. The adolescent receives intensive and individual support in order to realize the different sub-goals. He or she also receives support with the development of a social network (in which ‘important’ persons in the network are identified), which can be helpful after the program is finished as well. Besides, the program is an intermediate stage for other trajectories and other support services, for instance regarding education, employment, training (Eewema & Miedema, 2013).

3. Contact between the intervention worker, the youngster, and other members of the social network, is maintained for a period of three months. If needed, the adolescent receives extra support in order to deal with upcoming problems (Euwema & Miedema, 2013).

2.6.2. The PIT-project

The PIT-project is an Amsterdam-based project, that started together with the Top-600 project. The Top-600 is a list of young offenders in the city of Amsterdam, and the PIT-project offers support to the siblings of these Top-600 offenders. The project is developed by a social worker of the city council, who noticed that social workers faced difficulties with early interventions

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regarding to these youngsters. They for instance had problems with consistency and sickness absence. Furthermore, the focus on crime prevention was lacking. According to this social worker, anti-social behavior could develop from the age of 7 (or younger), thus there was a need for earlier interventions. The project is aimed at young children with problematic behavior and who ‘…may be at risk for later criminality’. Therefore a tool had been developed, in order to assess whether a child is capable of empathy, whether he or she is able to recognize emotions, and so on. An action plan was developed by the teacher and the parents, based on the weaknesses and strengths of the child (which were determined by neuroscientific researchers of Leiden University). Examples of this action plan can be for instance buying an alarm clock, or extra attention from a teacher, or psychological support. ‘The project was seen as a

preventive intervention, and not a crime-reduction intervention’. The idea was that these

early-interventions prevent high-costs for society later (Waddell, 2013).

2.7. Negative consequences of youth-crime prevention

Crime prevention is well intended, however according to Schreiber, it might have negative consequences on the perception on children and adolescents as well. School-based crime prevention policies give the impression that schools are also institutions that educate adolescents to be ‘self-reliant, responsible and cultivated citizens’ (Schreiber et al., 2015). Pykett states that prevention policies are part of all other policies, designed to create ‘active citizens’ (Pykett, 2012). Prevention is a ‘modern technology of security’ and it is now regulated from bottom-up, so that young people and children subjected to these policies feel more responsibility for the situations they face as well as for their actions (Schreiber et al., 2015). The perception on young people might also change and they might be perceived as a risk, instead of being at risk. The institutionalization of in-school prevention programs stresses the idea of children or adolescents being a danger and without prevention the danger might increase. Furthermore, localizing the prevention of crime would ignore the social and structural causes of crime. Emphasizing prevention on one certain context, can make the schools vulnerable for ignoring other contexts (Schreiber et al., 2015). It might be the case that the VET-schools recognize these or other negative consequences of youth-crime prevention as well.

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3. Methodology

Methodological choices that have been made during the conduct of this research, will be explained and justified in this chapter. The first paragraph consists of an operationalization of concepts, which were discussed in the theoretical framework. The operationalization of concepts is necessary for analyzing the collected data in a structured way, in order to form conclusions. Furthermore, the validity, reliability and limitations of this research will be discussed.

3.1. Operationalization

In order to analyze the collected data in a structured way, it is necessary to operationalize relevant concepts, so that they become ‘measurable’. The concepts are part of the topic-list of the interviews as well and have been discussed in the theoretical framework. With the help of this operationalization it will be possible to analyze how the VET-schools contribute to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime.

First it is necessary to choose a definition for youth-crime prevention policy. A combined definition based on the definitions of Dekovic (2011), and Van Dijk and De Waard (1991) seems to be the most appropriate definition for this study, because of the focus on child development as well as on the governance aspect and the involvement of many actors. Therefore the following composed definition will be used:

“All measures taken by citizens, private organizations, and the government, that are designed to improve child development and that are aimed at preventing actions that are punishable by law.”

The indicator for this concept is inspired by Van Dijk and De Waard (1991).

The definitions for primary prevention strategy, secondary prevention strategy, and tertiary prevention strategy are based on the definitions of Walker (1996). The indicators for this trilogy are drafted up by using aspects of the typologies of Walker (1996) as well as Sugai and Horner (2009).

The definition of goal achievement difficulties is derived from Walker (1996). However, this concept is extended with “or policy execution difficulties”, since the VET-schools do not have specific policy-goals but they do face difficulties with the execution of their policies. The indicators for this concept are based on examples of Walker (1996).

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Concept Definition Indicator(s)

Youth-crime prevention policy

‘All measures taken by citizens, private organizations, and the government, that are designed to improve child development and that are aimed at

preventing actions that are punishable by law.’

▪ Interventions or policies for which the prevention of youth crime is (one of) the policy-goal(s)

Primary prevention strategy (or universal prevention)

‘All students are in the same way exposed to interventions prevent students from being “at risk”, that are also focused on procedures, rules and expectations of the school.’

▪ Having one intervention for every student, focused on rules, procedures and expectations

▪ Anger management strategies

▪ Instructions for solving problems

▪ Skills for school-success ▪ All students are

monitored Secondary prevention

strategy (or selective prevention)

‘An individualistic approach for behavioral or academic support, mentoring and skill development for “at risk” students.’

▪ Offering extra help to some students depending on needs

▪ Identifying students by using data and

information

▪ More supervision and monitoring

▪ Students receive feedback on their behavior

Tertiary prevention strategy (or indicated prevention)

‘Individualized comprehensive intervention, focusing on students that show a life-course persistent pattern of anti-social behavior.’

▪ Offering individual interventions for students that are already showing anti-social or criminal behavior, by involving a comprehensive team Goal achievement

difficulties (or policy execution difficulties)

‘Difficulties that schools face with the achievement of the goals of (or with the execution of) their prevention programs.’

▪ Adolescents have poor change-motivation ▪ Parents are not

supportive ▪ There is a mismatch between intervention and problem ▪ There is a lack of resources

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3.2. Initial cases

The initial idea of this research was quite different from the design that will be discussed further in this chapter. The idea was to select different secondary schools in Utrecht and Rotterdam by purposive sampling, so that the sampled schools would have been relevant for answering the research question. A maximum variation sampling approach would have been used, which would benefit the initial2 research question (Bryman, 2012). This maximum variation would be linked to the level of youth-crime in different neighborhoods of Utrecht and Rotterdam, since each neighborhood has its own level of youth-crime. The neighborhoods in Utrecht and Rotterdam would have been selected by using a database and research about security related topics in the different neighborhoods. By using these sources four neighborhoods would have been selected in Rotterdam and Utrecht. Two of these neighborhoods would then have a relatively high youth crime report, whereas the other two would have a relatively low youth crime report.

The different schools were at first approached by e-mail (and later by phone), in which a short description of the research and moreover a request for the contact details of possible respondents was described. Unfortunately, a secondary school in Vleuten-De Meern (Utrecht) rejected to collaborate with this research, and therefore had been replaced by another. The problem seemed to be solved, until other secondary schools rejected to collaborate as well. It was impracticable to select other public secondary schools in the different neighborhoods, because they simply do not exist.

3.3.

Choice of methodology and legitimation

The next step after this setback, was searching for other cases. Therefore the regional VET-schools of Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Utrecht and The Hague have been involved in this research. As has been mentioned in the introduction the majority of the students of VET-schools consists of minor students. This way, the essence of the initial research, which is about the contribution of schools in Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Utrecht and The Hague to the prevention of youth-crime can be continued. The new selection of cases meets the motive to conduct this research as well, since it is about the possible tensions between societal/governmental expectations of schools, and their “core business”.

2 _{The initial research question was as follows: ‘How do secondary schools in Utrecht and Rotterdam contribute}

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An advantage of the VET-schools compared to the secondary schools is the similarity of the education-level between the schools, whereas the former selected public secondary schools had mutually different education-levels.

For Rotterdam both two of the VET-schools in the municipality will be involved in this research, which are ROC Albeda and ROC Zadkine and furthermore, the ROC Amsterdam, ROC Mondriaan (The Hague) and initially also ROC Midden-Nederland (Utrecht). Each of the four cities has one regional school, except for Rotterdam. However, both of the two VET-schools in Rotterdam will be included in this research, in order to construct a representative image on the contribution of Rotterdam VET-schools to the prevention.

Figure 2 Yin (2003), p. 40

Different regional VET-schools and their policies with regard to youth-crime will be studied, which makes this research a multiple-case study (figure 1). The different schools are holistic cases, because just one unit of each of them will be analyzed, which is the youth-crime prevention policy of each regional VET-school (Yin, 2003). The justification to study different schools and their policies is that it is the most fitting method to answer the research question, because the different ways of contributing to the prevention are analyzed. Single-case studies might offer a poor basis for generalizing (external validity) (Yin, 2003).

In this research the cases are sampled by purposive sampling, so that the sampled schools are relevant for answering the research question (Bryman, 2012). In this design criterion sampling is used, since all cases (VET-schools) are meeting a particular criterion, which is that they are located in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht or The Hague (Bryman, 2012). Since each

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municipality has one (or two) VET-schools, it would be feasible to get them all involved in this research, which can be seen as an advantage for the external validity of this research.

The VET-schools are furthermore chosen based on the high presence of youth criminality in 2014 in the cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht, which makes this study a most-similar design (Yin, 2003). The unit of analysis in this research are all VET-schools in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht. The unit of observation are the youth-crime prevention policies of these VET-schools. The working universe of this research consists of all VET-schools in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague (Bryman, 2012). This research is furthermore deductive, since a theoretical framework is the starting point and the foundation of this research(Bryman, 2012).

3.4. Data collection method

Data is collected by conducting semi-structured interviews, whereby the questions will be mainly based on parts of the theoretical framework and related to the topic of prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime. The focus of these questions lies on primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention strategies that the VET-schools might have, difficulties they face (also related to the Jeugdwet, that has been discussed earlier), and about their perception of in-school crime-prevention policies. The questions will be prepared before the interviews, but the possibility of probing questions will still exist (Bryman, 2012). A translated version of the topic-list, will be part of Appendix A.

Relevant respondents for this research are directors of the regional VET’s (or other members of the management-team), policy advisors, confidential counsellors or other employees of the VET-schools that are involved with a certain prevention program or policy. These respondents are sampled by purposive sampling and are selected based on a specific characteristic, which is their involvement in the youth-crime prevention policy of the particular VET-school. Additionally, civil servants of the municipalities that are concerned with education and/or safety are participating in order to determine their considerations on the contributions of the VET-schools to the prevention of anti-social behavior and youth-crime. Another reason to involve the civil servants, is the leading role of the municipalities regarding prevention. Therefore they are also sampled by purposive sampling, and selected based on their involvement in these policies.

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Furthermore, it is interesting to involve respondents that represent policy institutes. The first institute is the School and Safety Organization (“Stichting School en Veiligheid), which is an organization that supports schools in the promotion of their social safety, through their website, trainings, work-shops, and conferences. The prevention of anti-social behavior at schools in general is their focus point, so it is interesting to approach them in light of this research because of their expertise (School & Safety Organization, 2017).

The second institute is the MBO Board (MBO Raad), which is a trade organization of the VET-schools (and adult education). All 66 Dutch VET-VET-schools are connected to this board, which looks after the interests of these schools. (MBO Board, 2017). The MBO Board is at the center between the National Police, the School and Safety Organization, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science (Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschappen) (and in the nearby future also the Collaboration of Dutch Municipalities, or “VNG”), in their Security Platform. It was relevant to interview employees of these organizations, about their perceptions of the contribution of VET-schools to the prevention of anti-social or criminal behavior. Moreover, they seem to be aware of difficulties that the schools might face during the execution of their policies, which makes it even more relevant to interview them.

The aim is to conduct several interviews with different employees of the VET-school, and to have one interview with a civil servant of the municipalities and one interview with an employee of the MBO Board and the School and Safety Organization. Interviewing different types of respondents adds value to the final answer on the research question, since the problem of anti-social behavior and youth-crime and the related policy can be explained from different points of view. In the end, different divisions of the schools are somehow related to the policy.

The respondents are recruited by sending an e-mail to the different VET-schools, in which a short description of this research is included and furthermore by showing interest in their experience and expertise in the field youth-crime prevention, by including a request for the contact details of possible respondents of that particular VET-school. The civil servants are approached similarly. The employees of the MBO Board and the School and Safety organization, are approached by e-mail as well.

The motivation for the respondents to participate in this research lies in the earlier mentioned societal relevance of this research, which is about discovering certain difficulties of their policies during the interviews and by bringing these difficulties up for discussion. This might contribute to the improvement of their policies.

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A top-down approach is most preferable for the selection of the respondents, whereby the school directors (or members of the management-team) are approached at first, with the possibility to ask for other employees within the school that might be relevant to interview as well. School directors and other members of the management-team have a broader view on policies in general, they have many tasks and therefore they are able to share a lot of information.

Unfortunately, the e-mail addresses of the management teams are not open for public and therefore the e-mails were sent to the general e-mails of the VET-schools. If the VET-schools did not respond to the e-mail, they were called after a week , in order to make the recruitment a bit more personal and that way more successful. The municipalities were also approached by phone, if needed.

For recruitment of respondents of ROC Mondriaan (The Hague) it was possible to use the top-down approach, by using the personal network. The interview at Mondriaan was a bit different since it was with two respondents at the same time. However, both of the two respondents had the possibility two answer the different questions

3.4.1. Respondents

In this sub-paragraph the eventual respondents and the eventual process related to approaching them will be discussed. In some cases, approaching possible respondents within the regional VET-schools appeared to be more problematic (or different) than expected.

Nevertheless, an invitation by a contact person of Albeda for the “Visit of the Association of Colleges on the Issue of Safeguarding and Radicalization” (the 16th _{and the 18}th _{May) at Albeda} College was very welcome. During this conference different issues with regard to safeguarding and the prevention of radicalization were discussed from the Dutch perspective, but also from the perspective of VET-schools from the UK. At this conference it was possible to meet potential respondents of Albeda College, but it also offered the opportunity to ask for contact-details of potential respondents or contact persons of the ROC of Amsterdam and ROC Midden-Nederland, by using the networks of contact persons at Albeda College.

Initially, ROC Amsterdam refused to contribute to this research, because this research is considered to be “external”. ROC Midden-Nederland did not respond to the e-mails, nor did an employee respond to a voice-mail after being put through. An e-mail was sent to two employees of both schools, with a reference to the contact person at Albeda. The ROC of Amsterdam

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responded shortly and an appointment for an interview was made soon after. The contact person of ROC Midden-Nederland did not respond, even after sending a reminder.

The contact person of Albeda sent an e-mail to a colleague at Zadkine as well (both schools collaborate a lot), in order to spread the request for respondents through the organization. After a reminder and a phone-call, the appointments at Zadkine were made as well.

Other organizations were also present at the safeguarding conference of Albeda, for instance the School and Safety Organization and the MBO Board, which offered the possibility to ask for their contact details. The appointments with these two respondents were made shortly after. The respondent of the School and Safety Organization owned a wide social network, and it seemed very helpful to use this network in order to get in touch with ROC Midden-Nederland. After getting the contact-details of a potential respondent related to this research topic and sending an e-mail to this person, an automated mail was sent. The potential respondent of ROC Midden-Nederland was absent due to personal circumstances, but the contact details of the replacer were included. However, this substitute did not respond to an e-mail, a reminder, or a voice-mail. Unfortunately it was not possible to involve ROC Midden-Nederland in this research, despite the effort.

Furthermore, the earlier discussed approach for the selection of respondents did not work out for the municipalities as planned. The municipality of Amsterdam was not willing to contribute to this research. The municipality of Rotterdam seemed to be willing to contribute, after being approached by phone and e-mail, but the promised reaction by e-mail did not follow, even after sending a reminder. The same applies to the municipality of The Hague. The municipality of Utrecht was willing to contribute, and an interview was held with a respondent. However, the respondent was not able to answer all the questions.

Besides, this contact person at the municipality of Utrecht promised to provide some contact details of potential respondents of the ROC. Unfortunately, this respondent did not fulfil the promise. The transcript of the interview with the respondent of the municipality of Utrecht is not include in the data of this research, because ROC Midden-Nederland did not take part.

Eventually eleven interviews are held with respondents of Albeda College (four interviews, five

respondents), ROC Mondriaan (one interview, two respondents), ROC Amsterdam (two interviews), Zadkine (two interviews), School and Safety Organization (“Stichting School en

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Veiligheid”) (one interview) and the MBO Board (“MBO Raad”) (one interview). Due to the enthusiasm of Albeda, it was possible to conduct four interviews.

All respondents of the schools are somehow linked to the prevention of anti-social behavior/ youth-crime, on one hand because of their involvement in security in general (for instance a Manager Integral Security, a Security Coordinator, or a Security Director). On the other hand, after a couple of interviews, it became clear that prevention of anti-social or criminal behavior at school is mostly established in the care-departments of the schools. Therefore, it was important to approach respondents that are focused on this care-part of prevention as well (for instance a care Advisor, a Head of “Trajectbureau”- which is focused on the direction of the care structure, or a Head of “career-expertise center”).

More details about the respondents and the interviews are included in Appendix B.3

3.5. Data exploitation and analysis

The interviews are recorded in order to prevent an interview-related error, so that the word-for-word transcripts will be as complete as possible, which will facilitate the replicability of this research (Bryman, 2012).

The transcripts of the interviews are coded by hand, so that the different topics discussed in each interview were filtered and marked. After marking the different parts of the transcripts, elements of these parts are connected to the indicators discussed earlier in this chapter.

These indicators provided the codes that are used for analyzing the data. The indicators are turned into codes, when elements of the analyzed transcript correspond with the indicator. This has been done, by giving every transcript a letter (from A to K), and these letters a then linked to the elements, which created an oversight. Afterwards, these elements are linked to a code or a new code (or indicator) which is added inductively. This list of codes can be found in Appendix C.

In the end these parts of the transcripts give the answers to the sub-questions and the research question (Bryman, 2012).

3 _{Due to privacy considerations, the details about the respondents are removed from this version of this research.} The first and second reader had the opportunity to look into these details for their assessment.