Converted Western European
Foreign Fighters
A Comparative Study Into the Role of Western
European Converted and Non-Converted
Foreign Fighters in Syria and Iraq
Julien van den Elzen S1609378 8 June, 2017 Supervisor: Prof. dr. Alex Schmid Second reader: Prof. dr. Edwin Bakker Words: 49.643 Crisis and Security Management Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs Leiden University
Front page: Upper left: Sally Jones a.k.a. Umm Hussain al-Britani, U.K. Source: Gillman, Olie. "New Picture Emerges of British Jihadist Sally Jones with Partner and New-Born Baby Taken Ten Years before She Joined Isis." 2014, Associated Newspapers Ltd, Retreived from: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2753864/New-picture-emerges- British-jihadist-Sally-Jones-partner-new-born-baby-taken-ten-years-joined-ISIS.html#ixzz4jPCX3jeU. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. Upper right: Jejoen Bontinck, Belgium Source: Miranda, Charles. "Aussie Family Hire ‘Jihadi Hunter’ to Rescue Their Son from the Clutches of Isis in Syria." 2015, The Courier Mail, Retreived from: http://www.couriermail.com.au/news/national/aussie-family-hire-jihadi- hunter-to-rescue-their-son-from-the-clutches-of-isis-in-syria/news-story/268ee6e7874e92a54f5bd060c7481c90. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. Lower left: Mario Sciannimanica a.k.a. Abu Zubayr al-Amani Source: Hall, Allan. "Isis Turns against Its Own: German Jihadist Who Fled to Syria Amid Failed Dreams of Becoming a Gangster Rapper Is Executed by Fellow Brutes after Being Accused of Spying." 2016, Associated Newspapers Ltd, Retreived from: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4075744/ISIS-turns- against-German-Jihadist-fled-Syria-amid-failed-dreams-gangster-rapper-executed-fellow-brutes-accused-spying.html. Accessed on: June 4, 2017. Lower right: Jordi de Jong a.k.a. Abu Mousa al Gharib Source: Wit, Jan Peter de. "Delftse Jihad Jordi Veroordeeld Voor Deelname Gewapende Strijd." 2015, Retreived from: http://onafhankelijkdelft.nl/delftse-jihad-jordi-veroordeeld-wegens-deelname-gewapende-strijd/. Accessed on: October 18, 2016.
Foreword
A very close friend of mine told me a few years ago that he wanted to stop being friends with me. He got into a relationship with a Muslim Lebanese girl and my pro-Israel political opinion was reason enough for him to break up our years long friendship. He decided to convert to Islam. However, prior to this Lebanese girl, he was interested in the religion already. He was studying Arabic courses and joined Ramadan to reportedly see if he could do it. Yet, despite his unsurprising conversion to Islam, he never gave me the impression that one day he would stop being friends with me over a different political viewpoint. It fascinated me how someone I had known for years, who had a Catholic upbringing, who's favorite food was beer and spareribs, and who had a strong pro-Israel stance as well, could one day have a total change of heart. However, I find it funny that this experience would one day be decisive when choosing the topic for my master thesis. I want to thank my best friends Shervin and Tamar for all your support and everything you did for me. I could have never produced this thesis without your contribution. I hope it will be enjoyable and interesting to read.1 INTRODUCTION 6 1.1 The involvement of the converted Muslim radical in terrorist plots 6 1.2 Converted Muslim foreign fighters 7 1.3 Hypotheses 8 1.4 Structure of the thesis 10 1.5 Academic Relevance 10 1.6 Societal Relevance 11 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ON RELIGIOUS CONVERSION 12 2.1 The study of religious conversion 12 2.2 Defining religious conversion 18 2.2.1 Root of the term “conversion” 18 2.2.2 Islam and Conversion 19 2.2.3 A scientific definition 21 2.3 A model of conversion by Lofland and Stark 24 2.3.1 Step 1: Tension 25 2.3.2 Step 2: Type of problem-solving perspective 25 2.3.3 Step 3: Seekership 25 2.3.4 Step 4: The turning point 26 2.3.5 Step 5: Cult affective bonds 26 2.3.6 Step 6: Extra-affective bonds 26 2.3.7 Step 7: Intensive interaction 26 2.3.8 Summary of the conversion model 27 2.4 Conversion motives 28 2.4.1 The intellectual motive 28 2.4.2 The experimental motive 28 2.4.3 The affectional motive 29 2.4.4 The mystical motive 30 2.4.5 The revivalist motive 32 2.4.6 The coercive motive 32 2.4.7 The negativist motive 34 2.4.8 The alloic motives 35 3 A LITERATURE REVIEW ON RADICALIZATION 37 3.1 DEFINING RADICALIZATION 37 3.1.1 A LEXICAL ANALYSIS 38 3.1.2 A PHILOSOPHICAL, AN ANALYTIC, AND THE OFFICIAL DEFINITION 39 3.2 THEORIES EXPLAINING RADICALIZATION. 45 3.2.1 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES 46 3.2.1.1 Relative Deprivation Theory (RDT) 46 3.2.1.2 Social Network Theory (SNT) 47 3.2.1.3 Social Movement Theory (SMT) 47 3.2.2 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES 48 3.2.2.1 Group Dynamic Theory (GDT) 48 3.2.2.2 Social Identity Theory (SIT) 48 3.2.3 PSYCHOANALYTICAL THEORIES 50 3.2.3.1 Identity Theory (IDT) 50 3.2.4 COGNITIVE THEORIES 52 3.2.4.1 Novelty-Seeking Theory (NST) 52 3.3 RADICALIZATION MECHANISMS: A RADICALIZATION MOTIVE? 53 3.3.1 MASS LEVELS OF RADICALIZATION 54 3.3.1.1 Jujitsu politics 54 3.3.1.2 Hate 55 3.3.1.3 Martyrdom 55
3.3.2 GROUP LEVELS OF RADICALIZATION 56 3.3.2.1 Extremity shifts in like-minded groups. 57 3.3.2.2 Group Radicalization Under Isolation and Threat. 57 3.3.2.3 Group Radicalization in Competition for the Same Base of Support. 57 3.3.2.4 Group Radicalization in Competition with State Power – Condensation 57 3.3.2.5 Group Radicalization in Within-Group Competition – Fissioning 58 3.3.3 INDIVIDUAL LEVELS OF RADICALIZATION 59 3.3.3.1 Personal Victimization 59 3.3.3.2 Political Grievance 60 3.3.3.3 Slippery Slope 61 3.3.3.4 The Power of Love 62 3.4 A MODEL OF RADICALIZATION 63 3.4.1 Borum’s Model 64 3.4.2 Wiktorowicz’s Model 65 3.4.3 Moghaddam’s Model 66 3.4.4 The NYPD model 68 3.4.5 Sageman’s model 69 3.4.6 Precht’s model 71 4 RELIGIOUS CONVERSION AND RADICALIZATION: CONNECTING THE DOTS 73 4.1 IS RADICALIZATION A FORM OF RELIGIOUS CONVERSION? 74 4.1.1 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS, CULTS, AND ISIS. 74 4.1.2 RADICALIZATION: A RADICAL CONVERSION PROCESS 76 4.2 COMPARING CONVERTS TO NON-CONVERTS 82 4.2.1 FANATICISM 82 4.2.2 TRUSTWORTHINESS 83 4.2.3 POSITION IN HIERARCHY 83 4.2.4 DESERTION 84 4.2.5 THE ROLE OF WOMEN 86 5 METHODOLOGY 89 5.1 Type of research 89 5.2 Case study research 89 5.3 Case selection 90 5.4 Data gathering 91 5.5 Hypothesis testing 91 6 ANALYSIS 93 6.1 FOREIGN FIGHTERS PER COUNTRY 94 6.2 GENDER 95 6.3 CONVERT STATUS 97 6.4 ROLES 99 6.5 AGE 100 6.6 HYPOTHESES TESTING 102 6.6.1 Converts and Suicide Bombers. 102 6.6.2 Converts and trustworthiness 105 6.6.2.1 CASE STUDY: Mario Sciannimanica a.k.a. Abu Zubayr al Almani 105 6.6.2.2 CASE STUDY: Mohammed Amine Boutahar a.k.a. Abu Ubaida al-Maghribi 106 6.6.2.3 CASE STUDY: Iliass Azaouaj 106 6.6.2.4 CASE STUDY: Jejoen Bontinck 107 6.6.3 Converts and rank 108 6.6.3.1 CASE STUDY: Reyaad Khan – Attack Planner 108 6.6.3.2 CASE STUDY: Junaid Hussain – Hacker 109 6.6.3.3 CASE STUDY: Haitham Rahma – Leader of an armed militia 109 6.6.3.4 CASE STUDY: Aqsa Mahmood – Leader in the al-Khansaa brigade 110 6.6.3.5 CASE STUDY: Sally Jones – Leader of an all-female militia 110 6.6.4 Converts and desertion 112
6.6.5 Converted women and violence 114
7 CONCLUSION 117
8 BIBLIOGRAPHY 118
9 Apendix I: Database of Foreign Fighters 131
1 Introduction
1.1 THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE CONVERTED MUSLIM RADICAL IN TERRORIST PLOTS This thesis addresses the issue of the Western European converted foreign fighters (FFs) and the role they have in Syria and Iraq (SYRAQ), in the period from 2011 until 2017. In an al-Qaeda message dating from 2006, Ayman al-Zawahiri, the organization’s second in command at the time and the today’s current leader, appeared in a video together with an American convert urging other Americans to convert as well.1 In 2008, several influential British politicians and security experts were warning of the particular threats that converted Muslims can pose. According to Lord Carlile, who is a member of the British House of Lords and is described as one of British top legal experts, radicalized converts to Islam are far less likely to be detected than individuals of Middle Eastern decent.2 Radical Islamic converts are thus a serious security threat. The involvement of radical Islamic converts in Western terrorism becomes clear when focusing on several known US terror cells. The “Portland 7”, an Islamist terrorist cell based in Portland, Oregon, contained thee converts out of seven members.3 Four out of the eleven members of the “Virginia Jihad Network”, also known as the “Virginia Paintball Jihad Cell” were identified to be converts.4 The “Raleigh Jihad Group”, a North Carolina based cell that intended to wage a violent jihad outside the U.S., was formed out of eight men of which half were converts to Islam .5 “Jamiyyat Ul-Islam Is-Saheeh”, a group of radicalized ex-convicts who were planning to attack several U.S. military, Israeli and Jewish targets in California, consisted out of four members of which three were converts.6 Furthermore, there were at least three terrorist cells in the U.S. that 1 Aljazeera. "Al-Queda Urges Americans to Convert." 2006, Aljazeera, Retreived from: http://www.aljazeera.com/archive/2006/09/200849143052675302.html . Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 2 The Scotsman. "Al-Qaeda's White Army of Terror." 2008, Johnston Publishing Ltd, Retreived from: http://www.scotsman.com/news/uk/al-qaeda-s-white-army-of-terror-1-1428728. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 3 FBI. "The Portland Seven." 2002, FBI, Retreived from: http://web.archive.org/web/20030124152644/http://portland.fbi.gov/pressrel/2002/itarrest. ht. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 4 Emerson, Steve. "Prosecuting Homegrown Extremists: Case Study of the Virginia “Paintball Jihad” Cell." In Armed Groups: Studies in National Security, Counterterrorism, and Counterinsurgency, edited by Stansfield Turner, 201-12. U.S.: Naval War College, 2008, p.204-206. 5 Mackey, Robert. "Americans Arrested for Plotting "Violent Jihad' Abroad." 2009, The Lede, Retreived from: https://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/07/28/americans-arrested-for-plotting-violent-jihad-abroad/?_r=1. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 6 Department of Justice. "Four Men Indicted on Terrorism Charges Related to Conspiracy to Attack Military Facilities, Other Targets." 2005, USDOJ, Retreived from: https://www.justice.gov/archive/opa/pr/2005/August/05_crm_453.html. Accessed on: June 8, 2017.
were formed by converts alone. These were the “Miami 6” group, the “JFK Fuel Tanks Plot” cell, and the “New York Synagogue Plot” cell.7 The significant involvement of converts in terrorist plots is observed in other Western countries as well. It appears that converts have a prominent role in Western terrorist plots. Probably one of the most well known cases is that of the British-Jamaican convert Germain Maurice Lindsay, who was a participant of the 7/7 London bombings in 2005. He was a Jamaican immigrant who had converted at the age of 15.8 A more recent case are the perpetrators of the Woolwhich attack, killing British soldier Lee Rigby in 2013. Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale, were both Christians but converted to Islam later in life. Converts had a role in terrorist activities in the Netherlands as well. At least 3 members of the Hofstad Group had a religion other than Islam in an earlier phase of their life.9 Nonetheless, involvement of converts is not a phenomenon primarily occurring in the West. At least 32 terrorist involved in the Beslan school siege in Russia were converts to Islam.10 Among them were the leader Vladimir Khodov and his younger brother Borik, who both converted in prison in 1996.11 Converts also play a role in East Asia, where the Philippine militant group Rajah Solaiman Movement (RSM) uses primarily Christians who converted to Islam in their fight against the government. It is estimated that the group consists out of hundreds of converts fighting for the group.12 On the basis of this admittedly anecdotal evidence, it can be concluded that the involvement of radicalized converts to Islam and their involvement in terrorist activity is a worldwide phenomenon. Noteworthy is the fact that the above listing only contains converts from one religion to another. It does not cover those who came from families that were nominally Muslims but did not practice it and, often to the shock of their parents, became born-again fundamentalist Muslims with a penchant for jihad. 1.2 CONVERTED MUSLIM FOREIGN FIGHTERS In recent years, a massive immigration to Syria and Iraq of converted as well as non-converted foreign fighters has been taking place. It is no secret that the allure of the Islamic State is, or until recently was, tempting vulnerable young men and women from problematic Muslims homes as well as non-Muslims who were in difficult life situations and sought a way out by converting to Islam.13 7 Arasli, Jahangir E. "Violent Converts to Islam: Growing Cluster and Rising Trend." CTX 1, no. 1 (2011). 8 Kirby, Aidan. "The London Bombers as “Self-Starters”: A Case Study in Indigenous Radicalization and the Emergence of Autonomous Cliques ". Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30, no. 5 (2006): 415-28, p. 416. 9 Vidino, Lorenzo. "The Hofstad Group: The New Face of Terrorist Networks in Europe." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30, no. 7 (2006): 579-92. 10 Aransli, 2011 11 Idem 12 International Crisis Group. "Philippines Terrorism: The Role of Militant Islamic Converts." 2005, Retreived from: https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/philippines/philippines-terrorism-role-militant-islamic-converts. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 13 Faiola, Anthony, and Souad Mekhennet. "From Hip-Hop to Jihad, How the Islamic State Became a Magnet for Converts." 2015, The Washington Post, Retreived from:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/from-hip-hop-to-jihad-how-the-islamic-state- Exact data about the number of foreign fighters is limited. However, The Soufan Group’s December 2015 estimates indicate that between 27.000 and 31.000 foreign fighters worldwide have traveled to Syria and Iraq to join the Islamic State.14 From that number, at least 5000 FFs have come from Europe.15 It is difficult to determine the exact number of converted FFs from open source data. However, comparing estimates on the size of the contingents from Belgium, France, Germany and The Netherlands, it appears that the percentage of converted FFs are respectively 8%, 23%, 12-16%, and 11.8-18.4%.16 One should note that this figure probably includes women who are jihadi brides or other non-combatants. Stern and Berger reaffirm that a typically disproportional number of converts can be found among Western ISIS recruits.17 When these individuals arrive in Syria it becomes hard for Western intelligence agencies to track their whereabouts.18 Unfortunately, data on the role of converted foreign fighters is limited. This thesis seeks bridge this knowledge gap by seeking an answer to the following research question: “What has been the role of the Western European converted foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq, in the period 2011- 2017?” 1.3 HYPOTHESES In order to answer the research question, five hypotheses are formulated in this thesis. They are based on the theory of religious conversion and radicalization. HA:1: Converted FFs and non-converted FFs are relatively equally involved in suicide mission. HA:2: Converted FFs and non-converted FFs both experience suspicions of being foreign spies relatively equally. HA:3: The converted foreign fighter cannot rise high in rank, with the exception of some highly skilled individuals. HA:4: Converted FFs tend to desert relatively more than non-converted FFs. became-a-magnet-for-converts/2015/05/06/b1358758-d23f-11e4-8b1e-274d670aa9c9_story.html?utm_term=.4ef0705c7cf7. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 14 Barrett, Richard. "Foreign Fighter in Syria." 2014, The Soufan Group, Available at http://soufangroup.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/TSG_ForeignFightersUpdate3.pdf, p.4. 15 Idem, pp.7-10 & 12. 16 Schuurman, Bart, Peter Grol, and Scott Flower. "Converts and Islamist Terrorism: An Introduction." 2016, ICCT, Available at https://www.icct.nl/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/ICCT-Schuurman-Grol-Flower-Converts-June-2016.pdf, p.9. 17 Stern, Jessica, and J.M. Berger. "Isis and the Foreign-Fighter Phenomenon." 2015, The Atlantic, Retreived from: https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/03/isis-and-the-foreign-fighter-problem/387166/. Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 18 NBC News. "New Isis Propaganda Video May Feature Latest American Recruit." 2014, NBC News, Retreived from: http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/new-isis-propaganda-video-may-feature-latest-american-recruit-n171871. Accessed on: June 8, 2017.
HA:5: Converted female FFs are fulfilling domestic roles relatively
more frequent than non-converted female FFs.
1.4 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS Chapter 2 of this thesis starts with an extensive literature review on religious conversion and discusses a model of conversion. Chapter 3 reviews the literature on radicalization and ends with a discussion on six radicalization models found in scientific literature. In chapter 4 is the process of religious conversion compared to the process of radicalization. It is concluded that both models show many similarities with each other. A radical-conversion model is proposed which allows for the formulation of the five aforementioned hypotheses. Chapter 5 describes the methodology. In order to get an insight into the role of FFs in SYRAQ and especially in the role of converted FFs, a database was build containing 408 individuals from 12 Western European countries. The five hypotheses are tested in chapter 6. Chapter 7 describes the conclusion of this thesis. It was found that converted and non-converted FFs have similar roles. It is argued that the process of radicalization is similar to a conversion process. This would explain why converts are overrepresented in the foreign fighter statistics, but behave similar to non-converted FFs once they have radicalized. 1.5 ACADEMIC RELEVANCE Although some scholars suggest that the overrepresentation of converted Muslims involved in terrorism is slightly more than is generally suggested,19 other researchers claim that being a convert is a frequently observed trait in the average terrorist profile.20 Nonetheless, the role that converts have in Islamist extremism and terrorism is a rather under-researched topic.21 Around 6% of the population within the European Union is Muslim. Most of them live in Germany and France.22 Less than two percent of the EU Muslim population is considered to consist out of converts.23 That means that the percentage of radicalized converts to Islam is even smaller. Probably because of the small size of this particular sub-group, converts get less attention from the academic community. Nonetheless, “in Europe, converts have been part of most of the major known terrorist plots and associated networks that have come to light since 9/11.”24 It is said that converts are often very zealous about their newfound religion. However, their relative lack of in-depth religious knowledge and their inexperience with Islam makes them more susceptible to extremist ideas.25 However, the position converts have within the Islamic State is unclear. This thesis aims to provide more insight in the converted foreign fighter contingency. 19 Grol Schuurman Flower 2016 p.1 .[add first names] 20 Radio, CBC. "The Suprising Profile of an Islamic Radical." 2016, CBC, Retreived from: http://www.cbc.ca/radio/tapestry/debunk-1.3826142/the-surprising-profile-of-an-islamic-radical-1.3826190. Accessed on: June 6, 2017. 21 Schuurman, Grol and Flower, 2016, p.1. 22 Hackett, Conrad. "5 Facts About the Muslim Population in Europe." 2016, Pew Research Centre, Retreived from: http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/19/5-facts-about-the-muslim-population-in-europe/ Accessed on: June 8, 2017. 23 Karagiannis, Emmanuel. "European Converts to Islam: Mechanisms of Radicalization." Politics, Religion & Ideology 13, no. 1 (2012): 99-113, p.100. 24 Arasli, 2011 25 Uhlmann, Milena. "European Converts to Terrorism." The Middle East Quarterly 15, no. 3 (2008): 31-37.
1.6 SOCIETAL RELEVANCE Looking at the number of Muslims within the European Union, one can observe an increase of 1% in Muslim population every decade. It is expected that this trend will continue, meaning that by 2030 around 8% of the EU population will be Muslim.26 From a study by Faith Matters, an inter-faith conflict resolution organization, it is found that 4,000 people per year convert to Islam in Britain alone.27 A reviewed version of the British Prevent Strategy, an annual report addressing the challenges in fighting terrorism and extremism, converts are mentioned separately, saying that “people who convert may initially be less well-informed about their faith, they may be vulnerable to overtures from radicalisers who seek to impress a distorted version of theology upon them.”28 From a societal point of view, it seems desirable to get a better understanding of the phenomenon of converts as vulnerable targets. This might change counter-radicalization strategies for this particular group. This thesis will attempt to uncover what is happening to convert FFs within the Islamic State. This research could clarify and demystify certain assumptions that converted FFs have when traveling to Syria and Iraq. It therefore can be of some assistance in prevention and counter-radicalization strategies. 26 Hacket, 2016 27 Brice, Kevin. "Http://Faith-Matters.Org/2011/02/09/Report-Sheds-Light-on-Rise-in-Number- of-Converts-to-Islam/ ." 2010, Available at https://faith-matters.org/images/stories/fm-reports/a-minority-within-a-minority-a-report-on-converts-to-islam-in-the-uk.pdf 28 HM Government. "Prevent Strategy." 2011, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/97976/preve nt-strategy-review.pdf, p.87.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW ON RELIGIOUS CONVERSION
2.1 THE STUDY OF RELIGIOUS CONVERSION Throughout the 20th century, many academics have tried to devise definitions, models, and typologies of conversions. All of whom have tried to include a large diversity of religious traditions, individual variability and historical conditions.29 For centuries, the way in which Saul of Tarsus was converted and later became known as the apostle Paul, was seen as the ideal type of conversion. This type of conversion is often referred to as “mystical” and involves short but powerful revelations that often includes visions.30 However, with time scholars began to realize the true extent of the study of conversion. If the study of conversion had to incorporate contextual, religious, and personal factors, then the definition of conversion had to be refined.31 The study of religious conversion has been approached from many angles: psychology, theology, sociology, etc. As a result, definitions and approaches to the study of conversion have differed greatly. One of the first people to study conversion was the American philosopher and religion psychologist Edwin Starkbuck (1866-1947). He found many similarities and parallels between conversion, and the regular processes of the normal identity-seeking phase (which occurs during adolescence).32 Every individual experiences transformations throughout their life but this usually takes place very gradually. Crisis-type events can act as a catalyst to cause a very rapid transformation. According to Starbuck, conversion is the solution to such a personal crisis after which a new and complete person would reappear.33 This basic idea is found again in the book “The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature” by psychologist and philosopher William James. According to James, to gain, keep, and recover happiness are the chief concerns of human life.34 The experience of “comforted happiness” can then in turn produce a religious experience. He continues with the differentiation of two sorts of people with a different state of mind. On the one hand, there are the “healthy-minded” who have the tendency to see the good in the world, have an optimistic outlook and have an incapacity to suffering.35 He labels such individuals as “once-born”. On the other hand, there are the “sick-souls” who, in extreme cases, are inhibited from experiencing joy and therefore are unable to 29 Paloutzian, R. F., Richardson, J. T., & Rambo, L. R. "Religious Conversion and Personality Change." Journal of personality 67, no. 6 (1999): 1047-79, p.1052. 30 Christensen, C. W. "Religious Conversion." Archives of General Psychiatry 9 (1963): 207-16, p.207. 31 Newberg, Andrew B., and Stephanie K. Newberg. "The Neuropsychology of Religious and Spiritual Experience." In Handbook of the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, edited by Raymond F. Paloutzian and Crystal L. Park, 199-215. New York: The Guilford Press, 2005, p.211. 32 Revision World. "Different Forms of Religious Experience." 2007, Revision World Networks Ltd., Retreived from: https://revisionworld.com/a2-level-level-revision/religious-studies/philosophy-religion/religious-experience/different-forms-religious-experience. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 33 Newberg and Newberg, 2005, p.212. 34 James, William. The Varieties of Religious Experience. Project Gutenberg, 2014. The Varieties of Religious Experience (1917), p.77. 35 Idem, p.86.attain one’s purpose in life.36 Granqvist describes the sick-souled as religious melancholic, an incongruous person with a divided self, “(…) a sense of lost meaning, dread, and emotional alienation, a preoccupation with one’s own limitations and sinfulness, as well as with the evil inherent to the world.”37 James argues that these individuals need to become “twice-born” to experience a rapturous sort of happiness.38 He states that the sick-souls are living a life of a divided self between the natural and the spiritual. To become twice born is only possible through a process of unification. Religious conversion is necessary to redress the divide that is in the person’s mind.39 It can change a person’s character, yet there are more profound conversions that can change a person’s core being as well. James concluded that only the sick-souled could experience such an intense and altering conversion.40 This traditional paradigm, describing a passive subject that is converted by external power which he or she does not have control over, has been guiding the research into religious conversion for years. However, James’ work only applies for the conversion of the sick-souls, which is a rapid and intense experience. It does not account for the conversion of the healthy-minded, which is a gradual and less radical process. Richardson suggested that there was a drive from the social and behavioral sciences to propose a perspective that allowed for an acting of the conscious agent, instead of the external impetus that James based his work on.41 One of the most important publications that supported this competing perspective was that of Lofland and Stark in 1965.42 In their article they presented a model of conversion to a deviant perspective that was based on their research on the Unification Church in America.43 Although the model wasn’t intended for general application to just any conversion case, it became a very important step to bridge the old with the new paradigm. The model contained a logically complete and up-to-date statement of Zygmunt’s “motivational” model, which focused on factors that push an individual into conversion.44 The model also became fundamental to and perhaps impetus for future research into the conversion process. Another key aspect of the model is that it included the choice of converts to identify themselves as religious-seekers and take active action to change themselves by, for example, creating affective bonds with other religious seekers.45 This contrasts James’ passive paradigm where conversion is caused by an external intervention out of the convert’s control. Thus, Lofland and Stark opened the 36 Idem, pp.133-134. 37 Granqvist, Pehr. "Attachment Theory and Religious Conversions: A Review and a Resolution of the Classic and Contemporary Paradigm Chasm." Review of Religious Research 45, no. 2 (2003): 171-87, p.174. 38 James, 2014, p. 141. 39 James, 2014, p.162. 40 Newberg and Newberg, 2005, p.212. 41 Richardson, James T. "The Active Vs. Passive Convert: Paradigm Conflict in Conversion/Recruitment Research." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24, no. 1 (1985): 163-79, p.167. 42 Idem, pp.167-168. 43 Lofland, John, and Rodney Stark. "Becoming a World-Saver: A Theory of Conversion to a Deviant Perspective.". American Sociological Review 30, no. 6 (1965): 862-75. 44 Richardson, 1985, p.168. 45 Lofland and Stark, 1965, p.875.
door to move from the passive paradigm of conversion to a more active one where an individual is making a deliberate choice to become a religious seeker. After the publication of their work, the idea of the active religious seeker started to take over the religious conversion literature. Roger Straus, who was also a student of Lofland, did extensive research into the rise of the Scientology movement and created a model of creative transformation.46 In 1979, Straus published a paper addressing the question “how seekers seek”.47 He notes that the conversion of an active seeker is a very long and gradual process that needs a great deal of interaction with other religious members. Straus articulates that “[m]embers must maintain their personal and collective organizations of experience, identity and reality.”48 Conversion is therefore only possible if the subject interacts regularly, which creates a certain social pressure on the convert. When this “maintenance” disappears, one can see religious “backsliding” up to a point where the subject walks away from the new religion. However, the work of Balch and Taylor on members of a UFO cult is showcasing the limits of the active seeking theory in combination with social pressure on the UFO cult cases. 49 Their findings showed that for some individuals, the seeking approach to life is of great importance, even when no social push factors are present. 50 Many scholars have focused on the devious tactics implemented by cults to attract members like; emotional exploitation, psychological manipulation, and brainwashing. Conversion to a cult and social pressure are often linked. However, Balch discovered for the UFO cult that cult leaders spoke in a “take-it-or-leave-it” kind of fashion.51 In no form whatsoever was social pressure applied and future-converts had very little interaction with cult members. The work of Lofland, Stark, and Straus cannot explain why subjects still joined the cult despite all converts defining themselves as seekers. He concluded that converts are taking part in a roleplaying game where they looked committed and still participated in cult activities, without truly believing it on the inside. For some, seeking seemed more important than actually believing it. This role theory perspective to conversion is not only found in converts of UFO cults, but is also found in converts of new religious movements from the 1970s. Bromley and Shupe noted that rapid conversion cannot always be traced back to factors stemming from inner motivation, but rather can be ascribed to the “... socially structured events arising out of the role relationship.”52 In their research they found patterns of people deciding to play the role of the converts 46 Straus, Roger. "Changing Oneself: Seekers and the Creative Transformation of Life Experience." In Doing Social Life: The Qualitative Study of Human Interaction in Natural Settings. , edited by J. Lofland, 252-72. New York: Wiley Interscience, 1976. 47 Straus, Roger. "Religious Conversion as a Personal and Collective Accomplishment." Sociological Analysis 40, no. 2 (1979b): 158-65, p.162. 48 Idem, p.163. 49 Balch, Robert W., and David Taylor. "Seekers and Saucers the Role of the Cultic Milieu in Joining a Ufo Cult." American Behavioral Scientist 20, no. 6 (1977): 839-60. 50 Richardson, 1985, p.169 51 Balch, Robert W. "Two Models of Conversion and Commitment in a Ufo Cult." In annual meeting of the Pacific Sociological Association. Anaheim, California, 1979, pp.8-9. 52 Bromley, David G., and Anson D. Shupe Jr. "Moonies" in America: Cult, Churche and Crusade. Beverly Hills: Sage Publication, 1979, p.161.
in order to get involved in the group. The deeper essence of the doctrine would come much later in the recruitment process. A prominent contributor to the research on religious conversion is Travisano. In particular, his work on, what he calls, “alternation” was quite a revolutionary idea in the 70s and would become important to the work of Richardson during the 80s. In most of the literature, conversion is seen as a switch that can either be turned on or off. Converts either convert to a religion that is often the complete opposite from their prior beliefs or they simply don’t convert at all. Nonetheless, Travisano argues that it’s probably better to talk about alternation instead of conversion. Alternation is a far more gradual process. He also argues that alternation stems from previous beliefs that the subject already had at the start of the process.53 From this perspective, what one views as conversion is, in fact, only the result of an alternation that has been gradually working up to that point. Travisano posits conversion therefore, as an active process as well. Richardson argues that conversion, although it may appear like it, is all but sudden and the crucial factor to explain conversion are the subject’s “explicit plans, desires, or motives” prior to the conversion process.54 The idea of active conversion is also found in the study of other new religious movements, which have been the topic of numerous studies of religious conversion. Gerlach and Hines studied the neo-Pentecostal movement and found that interaction with the convert in friendship and kinship networks is the main factor that leads to the subject’s conversion.55 They observed that converts cut ties with their former circles and concluded that this was a crucial symbolic step. With this, the convert would let go of his or her old life and was taking the first step into a new one. The act of bridge-burning is considered to be an active step. Downton and his study of conversion to the Divine Light Mission also supported the activist stance on conversion.56 The focus of his research was on the active subject who, although experiencing some form of social pressure, was mainly responsible for his or her own conversion. He concluded that the major responsibility was with the seeking subject and not so much with the religious group they tried to join. In 1985, Richardson published a paper that changed the entire discipline. One should note that prior to this time, the passive paradigm of conversion was still the dominant one. Richardson speculated that the observations on the new religious movements and the theories formed around those findings, are to be viewed in a broader context and not just as observations on their own. He stated that his work is not proving “that a new paradigm is emerging in competition with the traditional paradigm in conversion/-recruitment research,”57 but that his work does make the validity of a new set of theories plausible. 53 Travisano, Richard. "Alternation and Conversion as Qualitatively Different Transformations." In Social Psychology through Symbolic Interation., edited by G.P. Stone and H. Farberman, 594-606. Waltham, Massachusetts: Ginn-Blaisdell, 1970, p.601. 54 Richardson, James T. "Conversion Careers." Society 17, no. 3 (1980): 47-50, p.50. 55 Gerlach, Luther, and Virginia HIne. People, Power, Change: Movements of Social Transformation. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970. 56 Downton, J. Sacred Journeys: The Conversion of Young Americans to the Divine Light Mission. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979. 57 Richardson, 1985, p.176.
It would seem that the accumulation of theoretical and practical research on religious conversion over more than a century, should have produced a consensus on the process and motives of conversion. Yet this was not the case. Granqvist presented two examples of generally agreed upon knowledge of conversion: 1.) With quite some confidence one can say that conversion happens in the majority of cases during adolescence. 2.) Conversion is seen as the switch from one religion to another, while in reality there are many kinds of conversion.58 Yet, despite this, many agree that conversion happens to a large extent in adolescence, the reason why this happens during this life stage is still uncertain. Psychoanalysts, humanistic psychologists, and sociologists propose different explanations for this. They vary from an increased sex drive, to self-realization, to re-socialization.59 Granqvist tries to close the gap between James’ classic paradigm and Richardson’s active paradigm by applying John Bolby’s attachment theory. Normative attachment theory describes the affectional bond between offspring and caregiver.60 It states that offspring have some attachment behavioral system that is ingrained in the infant’s signal behaviour. Examples would be crying, smiling, and following of parent. This behaviour will present when the infant is in distress and will start looking for the caregiver as a safe-haven, thus increasing their chance for survival. Kirkpatrick suggests that the bond between a believer and God have parallel criteria that would define his or her bond as an attachment relationship. These would include “seeking closeness to God in prayer and ritual, using God as a safe haven to regulate distress, and as a secure base for exploration of the environment.”61 Granqvist suggests that attachment theory might explain why conversion occurs so often in adolescence. During this period, a person might get confused whether they should turn to their parents (important in childhood) or to their peers (usually a lover in adulthood).62 He argues, that in the absence of certainty in these regards, turning to God can be seen as a good substitute, especially in times of emotional turmoil. In his work, he suggests that scientists who have been focusing on rapid conversion and gradual conversion separately, were actually studying two different kinds of conversion. However, the competing paradigms of classic and active conversion are not mutually exclusive. He argues that the classic paradigm is in fact applicable to those who are insecure in attachment, in which a person’s religiosity becomes a regulation of distress.63 The active paradigm is applicable to those with a continuously secure attachment in which a person’s religiosity is based on a socialization process.64 By considering the differences of the subject’s attachment characteristics, controversies between the paradigms can be resolved.65 This means that both paradigms can coexist. The divide between the two existing paradigms can largely be explained by suggesting that scholars who 58 Granqvist, 2003, p.173. 59 Hood, R. W. Jr., B. Spika, B. Hunsberger, and R. Gorsuch. The Psychoogy of Religion: An Empirical Approach. New York: The Guilford Press, 1996. 60 Bowlby, J. Attachment and Loss. Vol. 1: Attachment. New York: Basic Books, 1969. 61 Granqvist, 2003, p.177. 62 Idem, p.178. 63 Idem, p.182. 64 Ibidem 65 Ibidem
were confined to one paradigm, were actually focusing on one group with the same specific attachment traits. In 2006, Zock introduced a third paradigm, which is gaining popularity in social science. The biographical-narrative paradigm should be seen as an expansion on the active paradigm.66 The convert is therefore still regarded as an active seeking individual, but in contrast to the active-paradigm, it considers more factors that are influencing the conversion. The focus thereby shifts from psychological and social problems as determining factors of conversion, to the individuals who are actively trying to solve these problems.67 Therefore, for a specific group the conversion model is still integral, but does not provide an explanation why they chose to convert. This emphasizes an individual’s whole-life history and makes the conversion process less age specific. ‘Classic conversion’ is based on emotions that can evoke a very sudden and intense religious experience. ’Active conversion’ is underlined by a very rational approach where the seeker converts through intellect and logic. Zock’s biographical-narrative approach contains both emotional as well as rational aspects. In principle, it covers all human functions.68 While ‘classic conversion’ is characterized by the individual, ‘active conversion’ by the social, the biographical-narrative is set apart as socio-cultural. In order to truly understand the conversion, examining the individual’s relationships and networks isn’t enough. The focus should be on the wider socio-cultural context, which includes the specific religious traditions of the individual, their socio-political and cultural development. However, a crucial question in the biographical-narrative paradigm concerns the relation between the story and the reality.69 Scholars that focus on the narrated life see conversion as merely an expression, particularly with regards to its intention, purpose or effect. The conversion story is thus simply the convert’s interpretation of reality. Scholars that focus on the lived life accept a close relationship between the conversion story and the biographical experience.70 Their research looks at the meaning of the narrative in relation to the empirical evidence from the lived life. To clarify this with an example: A convert might say that converting felt right because of the peaceful feeing it provided, but might also mention the abusive family relationship this person grew up in as a child. The active paradigm would focus on the convert seeking a feeling of inner peace. The biographical-narrative paradigm considers a broader range of influences like the person’s history and family situation. Zoch’s view is that the interaction between the narrated life and the lived life should be central in the psychological biographical conversion research. Only in this way can the specific psychological focus come forward and contribute to interdisciplinary conversion research.71 66 Zoch, H. "Paradigms in Psychological Conversion Research: Between Social Science and Literary Analysis." In Paradigms, Poetics, and Politics of Conversion, edited by J. Bremmer, W. van Bekkum and A. Molendijk, 41-58. Leuven: Peeters, 2006, p.55. 67 Ibidem 68 Ibidem 69 Ibidem 70 Ibidem 71 Ibid, p.56.
Table 1: the features of the passive (classic) paradigm, active paradigm, and the biographical-narrative paradigm72 2.2 DEFINING RELIGIOUS CONVERSION 2.2.1 ROOT OF THE TERM “CONVERSION” Before conversion as a concept is defined, it is worthwhile to look at the roots of the term. The verb “to convert” stems from Hebrew, Greek and Latin but used to have a different usage than today.73 Conversion is a relatively rare term in the Bible. The Hebrew word for “converting” is the word רוגל (lagur), which means “to reside” or “to dwell” in Biblical Hebrew. From this, the word רג (ger) can be derived, which means “someone that dwells”; it is also translated as “alien”. Leviticus 19:34 for example describes how the Jews in Egypt were geriem, aliens in a foreign land. The term ger was later referring to a non-Israelite living in an Israelite-community and over time became synonymous for a proselyte, a gentile “turning” to God. In the Hebrew Bible, a ger would only refer to a person turning to Judaism. This “turning” is later found in the New Testament again, with the Greek word επιστρεφο (epistrepho), which means “to turn” or “to cause to return” and was used in relation to God.74 For example Acts 9:35 would be an example of “turning” in the context of conversion: “All those who lived in Lydda and Sharon saw him and turned to the Lord.” Conversion in the New Testament refers to Jesus’ call to “repentance for the forgiveness of sins [that] will be preached in his name to all nations, beginning in Jerusalem.”75 Repentance and turning are found together in Acts 3:19 and 26:20. Turning is also found on its own in Acts 11:21 (Turning to God after believing), 14:15 (Turning to God away from worthless things), 15:19 (Gentiles turning to God), and 26:18 (Turning from darkness to light.). Over the past two millennia, Christians have come up with several 72 Idem, p.55. 73 Paloutzian, R. F., Richardson, J. T., and Rambo, L. R. "Religious Conversion and Personality Change." Journal of personality 67, no. 6 (1999): 1047-79, p.1051. 74 Bible Study Tools. "Epistrepho." Salem Web Networks, Retreived from: http://www.biblestudytools.com/lexicons/greek/nas/epistrepho.html. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 75 Luke 24:47 (New International Version)
definitions for conversions and have come up with standards to determine if a conversion can be considered valid or not.76 2.2.2 ISLAM AND CONVERSION In Islam one does not speak of conversion. Muslims believe that every newborn child has a natural tendency to goodness and has a natural belief in one God. This natural inclination or belief is called “Fitrah”.77In one Hadith, Mohammed reports that God said: “I created my servants in the right religion but devils made them go astray.”78 Mohammed also said: “Each child is borne in a state of ‘Fitrah’, but his parents make him a Jew or a Christian. It is like the way an animal gives birth to a normal offspring. Have you noticed any (young animal) born mutilated before you mutilate them?”79 This means that Islam teaches that one is created in the right religion but have the potential to go astray.80 Conversion is therefore impossible and one speaks of reversion, the process of going back to the natural religion. The point of conversion (reversion) is measured from the moment a person pronounces the shahadah, which is the pledge of conviction of faith. When a person pledges the following: “I bear witness that there is no deity but Allah and I bear witness that Mohammed is his messenger”, it must be said in front of at least two adult Muslim witnesses.81 From that moment on the person is living as a Muslim. Islam does not require new Muslims to take on a Muslim name. Yet, many choose to adopt a name change for the sake of Muslim identification. When Muslims want to perform Hajj or Umrah (pilgrimage to Mecca), they must prove their Islamic identity as non-Muslims are prohibited from these places. Considering marriage, it is permissible for a Muslim to marry a non-Muslim, although there are some conditions. A Muslim man can marry a Christian or a Jew (i.e. ketabi or “people of the book”), without the need for the non-Muslim to convert.82 However, a Muslim is strictly prohibited from marrying Al-Mushrikaat (idolatresses), like Zoroastrians or Hindus.83 In such cases the non-Muslim needs to convert (revert) to Islam first. A Muslim woman is not allowed to marry any other man than a Muslim.84 Even if the man is a Christian or a Jew. In that case, the non-Muslim needs to convert (revert) first as well. 76 Paloutzian, Richardson, and Rambo, 1999, p.1052 77 al-Izz, Ibn Abi. Commentary on the Creed of at-Tahawi. Translated by Muhammad Abdul-Haqq Ansari. Al-Imam Muhammad ibn Saud Islamic University, 2000, p.8. 78 Sahih Muslim 040:6853 79 Sahih Al-Bukhari 6:60:298, Saheeh Muslim 033:6426 80 Asadulla, Abubakr. Islam Vs. West: Fact or Fiction?: A Brief Historical, Political, Theological, Philosophical, and Psychological Perspective. Bloomington: iUniverse, 2009, p.210. 81 Religion, The Modern. "Embracing Islam." Retreived from: http://www.themodernreligion.com/convert/islam_conversion_main.htm. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 82 Quran 5:5 83 Quran 2:221 84 Ibidem
Western scholars sometimes project a picture where forced conversion (reversion) is permissible in Islam.85 However, some Muslim scholars tend to disagree with this. The Quran also states that Muslims should leave Christians and Jews alone. Even in a marriage between a Muslim man and a non-Muslim woman, a Muslim is not allowed to prevent the non-Muslim woman from practicing her own religion, eating her own food and abiding by her own religious laws.86 Furthermore, the Quran states that there is no compulsion in religion.87 From this, one could interpret that forced conversion (reversion) is not a legal concept in Islam. Nevertheless, one must note that the Quran can be divided into two parts. This leads scholars to refer to the Mecca Quran and the Medina Quran.88 The Mecca Quran is the older of the two and teaches tolerance, acceptance, and inner purity. Ayaan Hirsi Ali suggests that there are two types of Muslims; Mecca Muslims and Medina Muslims. She argues that the majority of the Islamic population are Mecca Muslims who “are loyal to the core creed and worship devoutly but are not inclined to practice violence or even intolerance towards non-Muslims.”89 The Medina Quran is marked distinctive by a more violent character of verses. Medina Muslims envision a fundamentalist version of Islam where it is permissible to impose Islamic faith on everyone else.90 The difficulty with interpreting Islam is that the Quran is not composed in chronological order. It is the duty of Islamic scholars to determine which verses and teachings take precedence. Quranic scholars speak of the abrogation of verses,91 which gives room for the Medina verses to replace the more peaceful verses of the Mecca Quran.92 The Medina verses preach that unbelievers should be killed93, converted, or should be under a permanent state of subjugation (e.g. paying taxes)94 to Muslim domination. Forced conversion is a concept that occurs in the Hadith as well. In one of the passages, Aby Sufyan, the sworn enemy of Mohammed, tried to make peace but got an ultimatum to convert instead. He was told: "Submit and testify that there is no God but Allah and that Muhammad is the apostle of Allah before you lose your head."95 85 Kabbani, Shayk Muhamad Hisham, and Saykh Seraj Hendricks. "Jihad: A Misunderstood Concept from Islam - Forced Conversion?" The Islamic Supreme Council of America, Retreived from: http://islamicsupremecouncil.org/understanding-islam/legal-rulings/5-jihad-a-misunderstood-concept-from-islam.html?start=3. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 86 Safi, Omid. "I and Thou in a Fluid World: Beyond "Islam Versus the West"." In Voices of Islam: Voices of Change, edited by Vincent J. Cornell, 199-222. Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2007, p.216 . 87 Quran 2:256 and 60:8 88 Pearce, Jonathan. "Which Qu'ran, Mecca or Medina?" 2015, Patheos, Retreived from: http://www.patheos.com/blogs/tippling/2015/06/23/which-quran-mecca-or-medina/. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 89 Hirsi Ali, Ayaan. "Islam Is a Religion of Violence." 2015, Assyrian International News Agency, Retreived from: http://www.aina.org/news/20151110052733.pdf. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 90 Ibidem 91 Quran, 2:106 92 Boykin, William G., and Harry Edward Soyster. Shariah the Threat to America. Washinton: The Center for Security Policy Press, 2010, p.41. 93 Quran, 8:38-39, 9:29, 9:5, 2:193 94 Sahih Muslim, 19:4294 95 Ishaq, Ibn. The Life of Muhammad. Translated by A. Guillaume. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, p.392.
Forced conversion isn’t merely a dated concept from historical Islam. Even today forced Islamic conversions occur. Recent examples include; a kidnapped Christian child in Pakistan that was forced to convert to Islam96 and the Nigerian schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram, who were also forced to abandon Christianity and adopt Islam.97 Whether forced Islamic conversion is justified, depends on one’s interpretation of the Quran and other Islamic writings like the Hadith. 2.2.3 A SCIENTIFIC DEFINITION In the last few decades, the study of religious conversion has received increasing attention from the scientific community.98 For years, sociologists have considered religious conversion as a phenomenon that happens to a person who is destabilized by internal or external forces and then converts by social group pressure.99 Undoubtedly, group interaction aids in pushing a person over the conversion threshold, however research has shown that conversion can also be a primarily individual process.100 According to Rambo, conversion is always a complex process “that takes place in a dynamic force field of people, events, ideologies, institutions, expectations, and orientations.”101 As Rambo illustrates conversion is influenced by multiple factors. This enables it to be studied from many different angles, perspectives, and academic fields. As previously shown, despite the extensive research on conversion, there is very little consensus. This results in varying definitions and explanations. There are many kinds of conversion, each having different characteristics that vary with religious groups. One aspect where there is perhaps agreement is that conversion is a process. Whether it is rapid or very gradual, several stages and steps can be identified irrespective of the paradigms. But what conversion actually entails and what it is specifically, is difficult to tell. According to Lofland and Stark one can speak of conversion “[w]hen a person gives up one […] perspective or ordered view of the world for another.”102 Sociologist of religion, Richard Travisano, defines conversion as “a radical reorganization of identity, meaning and life.”103 Heirich described it as “the process of changing a sense of root reality”104 and continues to explain that in order to do so, the person must examine its core 96 Asian Human Rights Commission. "Pakistan: Christian Child Abducted." 2010, Scoop World, Retreived from: http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1006/S00465.htm. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 97 Burke, Jason. "Nigeria: Chibok Families Reunited with 21 Girls Kidnapped by Boko Haram." 2016, The Guardian, Retreived from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/16/nigerian-families-celebrate-after-release-of-21-girls-kidnapped-by-boko-haram. Accessed on: June 5, 2017. 98 Lofland, J., and Skonovd N. "Conversion Motifs." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 20, no. 4 (1981): 373-85, p. 373. 99 Straus, 1979b, p.158. 100 Heinrich, Max. "Change of Heart: A Test of Some Widely Held Theories About Religious Conversion." American Journal of Sociology 83, no. 3 (1977): 653-80, pp.673-674. 101 Rambo, Lewis Ray. Understanding Religious Conversion. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993, p.5. 102 Lofland and Stark, 1965, p.862 103 Travisano, Richard. "Alternation and Conversion as Qualitatively Different Transformations." In Social Psychology through Symbolic Interation., edited by G.P. Stone and H. Farberman, 594-606. Waltham, Massachusetts: Ginn-Blaisdell, 1970, p.594. 104 Heirich, 1977, pp.673-674
senses of reality. Thus, one must identify the life aspects that need to be responded to, which will affect the person’s choices for the conversion thereafter. Depending on the scholar’s perspective on conversion, a definition to fit their particular frame is used. However, no matter what type of conversion is considered (e.g. from traditional to New Age Religions, conversion of Biblical figures, or interfaith conversion) all these processes consider a stage in which the old core views and ideas are replaced by new views and ideas. These changes will affect the person’s behavior and way of thinking, which guides the person towards a new stage. When a person has left the old stage, and has completely entered the new stage or way of life, then we can speak of conversion. So far scholars agree that conversion is a process that changes one’s believes, values and behavior. According to Paloutzian, conversion is “a more distinct process by which a person goes from believing, adhering to, and/or practicing one set of religious teachings or spiritual values to believing, adhering to, and/or practicing a different set.”105 He adds that there is a distinct point where we can identify when the convert has let go of his or her old religious beliefs and accepted the new ones. It means that for the conversion to take place, the individual must let go of the old. In this sense, it is important to note that intra-faith conversion is not considered as conversion in this thesis. Conversion was considered as a replacement of old views for new views. When someone goes through an intra-faith conversion (e.g. from Protestantism to Catholicism or from Shi’ism to Sunnism), core religious values and theological concepts tend to stay the same. Only the way in which the religion is practiced varies. This thesis identifies “converts” as those that have experienced an interfaith conversion. This is also applicable to the case of an individual from an Islamic family background whois not practicing religion but later decided to become more observant in Islam. This is sometimes seen as a type of conversion as well. But these individuals are “born-again” converts and are therefore not considered converts in this thesis. The increase in observance changes behavior but the core values, established during youth and upbringing through contact with Islamic culture, do not change drastically. Contrastingly, interfaith conversion entails a change of dress, a different house of prayer, different religious holidays, different primary language of religious text, but more significantly, a clear change in worldview. Therefore, one is unlikely to find a singular definition for all cases of conversion. Nonetheless, according to William James: "To be converted, to be regenerated, to receive grace, to experience religion, to gain an assurance, are so many phrases which denote the process, gradual or sudden, by which a self hitherto divided, and consciously wrong, inferior and unhappy, becomes unified and consciously right, superior and happy, in consequence of its former hold upon religious realities".106 This is a rather broad definition but manages to encompass all of the general characteristics across the definitions. Significantly his definition includes a motive for conversion as well: to get a feeling of contentment. The motives for conversion are important, and are addressed later in more detail. Furthermore, James’ comprehensive definition seems to fit the Islamic “reversion” as well as western views on conversion. 105 Newberg and Newberg, 2005, p.211 106 James, 2014, p.186.
Whilst the sentiments of “reversion” prevail throughout this thesis, for simplicity sake from this point onwards Islamic conversion will just be referred to as
2.3 A MODEL OF CONVERSION BY LOFLAND AND STARK In 1965, Lofland and Stark came up with a model of conversion based on the study of a millenarian cult based in Bay City.107 The model is quite rudimentary and is grounded on a somewhat limited group. Nonetheless, the authors think that the model reveals some basic principles that are applicable to a general conversion process to a deviant perspective.108 The model is based on a handful of life stories. The model was limited to a single problem of conversion.109Other aspects like the cult’s formation, development, and proselytization procedures were not considered. The goal of the model is to give insight into the conditions and mechanism through which a person converted and, maybe more important, through which a person decided to reject the cult’s perspective.110 The authors suggest that there are seven factors that always need to be present for a person to convert. They also suggest that these factors are in a sequential order and the further one goes down the sequence, the less people will be available for conversion.111 This means that not everyone that is going into the conversion process will eventually convert and that with every step of the process the number of future-converts is reduced. However, it must be noted that it was the goal of the researched cult to convert all of America. This would make all Americans potential recruits. Lofland and Stark’s observation that the number of potential converts decreases the further one goes in the conversion process, may not be applicable to religions or cults that have a specific target audience. It’s hard to determine when a person has converted or not. As was shown in one of the previous paragraphs acting as a convert is quite common, even when this person is not fully believing the religion’s core values and teachings. Lofland and Stark take notice of this problem and therefore distinguish two sorts of converts. There are the “verbal converts”, that only profess their faith but had no active role in the cult, and there are the “total converts”, that showed their commitment through words and deeds.112 The authors argue that the first six steps of the model are the same for verbal converts as well as total converts. However, for a verbal convert to become a total convert also the last factor of the model needs to be present. Lofland and Stark distinguish two genres of conditions or factors. Firstly, there are the “predisposition conditions”, which comprises background factors like demographic characteristics, structural or personal frustrations, and the like.113 Sociology usually treats these “pushing” conditions as solely responsible for conversion. Lofland and Stark argue that there is a second genre of factors, they call “situational contingencies”, which lead to the recruitment of the person predisposed to the cult or religion.114 Examples of these factors would be the confrontation and interaction between the convert and already existing members. The authors suggest that predisposition conditions may be the same 107 Lofland and Stark, 1965. 108 Idem, p.862. 109 Idem, p.863. 110 Ibidem, 111 Ibidem 112 Idem, p.864 113 Ibidem 114 Ibidem
for a group, but the presence of all specific situational contingencies will determine if a person converts or not. 2.3.1 STEP 1: TENSION The first of the sequential factors is “tension”. Tension can be in the form of strain, frustration, deprivation or any other unpleasant feeling. Lofland and Stark describe tension as “a felt discrepancy between some imaginary, ideal state of affairs and the circumstances in which these people saw themselves caught up.”115 Everyone can experience tension but not everyone with tension converts. Yet, it creates a disposition to act and do something about it. Of course, there are many ways of dealing with tension and one of those coping mechanisms is religious conversion. Lofland and Stark found many sources of tension like: longing for unrealized wealth, knowledge, fame and prestige; frustrated sexual and marital relations; and homosexual guilt.116 They also found that pre-converts experienced these, rather common tensions, more acutely and over longer periods of time than most people do.117 2.3.2 STEP 2: TYPE OF PROBLEM-SOLVING PERSPECTIVE The second factor is having a “type of problem-solving perspective”. As was said before, religious conversion is not the only solution to a problem. In fact, there are three kinds of solutions.118 There are the psychiatric solutions that advocate the manipulation of oneself. This would mean changing one’s perspective towards the problem or learning a skill to cope with the problem. Then there are the political solutions, mostly radical, but see the social structures as the source of the problem and advocate a reorganization of the social structure like: starting a political movement, political violence, demonstrating etc. Lastly there are the religious solutions that see the problem as something that has originated from the unseen which also need a solution provided by the unseen. In contemporary society, it’s especially the first and second type of solution that get most attention, which should explain why mass conversions of people experiencing tensions are not a common phenomenon. Nonetheless, for a person to convert he or she needs to have a religious type of problem-solving perspective. 2.3.3 STEP 3: SEEKERSHIP The third factor is “seekership”. When a person failed to overcome his or her problems through the psychiatric or political perspective, the religious outlook becomes the restricting option. At a certain moment, the person starts to define him- or herself as a religious seeker.119 So far, these factors all occur before being in contact with a cult or religion. Therefore, these factors can be considered as background factors or predispositions.120 115 Ibidem 116 Idem, pp.864-865 117 Idem, p.867 118 Ibidem 119 Idem, p.868 120 Idem, p. 870
2.3.4 STEP 4: THE TURNING POINT The fourth factor called “the turning point” and is also the first situational factor. Lofland and Stark describe the turning point as “the moment when old lines of action were complete, had failed or been disrupted, or were about to do so, and when they forced the opportunity (or necessity), and possibly the burden, of doing something different with their lives.”121 Turning points can be all sorts of events like a migration, a loss of employment, a withdrawal from school etc. The importance of these turning points is that they increase the awareness of the pre-convert that action to solve their problems is desired. Encountering a religious movement gives the person an opportunity to do so. 2.3.5 STEP 5: CULT AFFECTIVE BONDS The fifth factor is called “cult affective bonds” and describes the contact between a potential recruit and the cult. Although the model does not provide empirical evidence that affective bonds are formed as well in non-cult conversions, it’s still interesting and relevant to consider this as a possibility. Lofland and Stark found that the development of a bond between the recruit and already existing members bridge the gap between the first exposure to the cult and the acceptance of the cult’s message as being true.122 In other words, the affective ties start to form in a period where the recruit has not fully joined the cult yet. The authors make the important point that conversion, not just to a cult, is often moved through pre-existing friendships and networks. However, they also discovered that affective bonds with new converts that were not built on pre-existing friendships, could become a very powerful lure for the recruit to join. 123 While the recruit might have had some serious doubts about the religious cult, after successfully making affective bonds, he or she is at that stage seriously considering joining the religious group. 2.3.6 STEP 6: EXTRA-AFFECTIVE BONDS The sixth factor focuses on “extra-affective bonds.” By this time, the non-cult friends can seriously start blocking the recruit from joining the deviant perspective. Emotional attachments to members outside the cult might strain the cult conversion.124 In such circumstances the recruit is torn between intra-cult affective bonds and extra-cult affective bonds. For a successful conversion, emotional attachments to members that do not share, or who are not open to the cult message, must be broken. Recruits that go through all the six factors successfully can then be considered as verbal converts. 2.3.7 STEP 7: INTENSIVE INTERACTION To become a total convert, the person also has to go through the seventh contingency called “intensive interaction.” Total converts put their lives at the disposal in favour of the cult. Lofland and Stark argue that converts only get that committed through intensive interaction with other cult members.125 Intensive interaction implies daily or even more frequent access to cult members. Close 121 Ibidem 122 Idem, p.871 123 Ibidem 124 Idem, p.872 125 Idem, p.873
proximity is therefore important and can come in the form of meetings, discussion groups, and prayer sessions. The authors stipulate that the transformation from a verbal convert to a total convert is only possible through intensive interaction. Unfortunately, they do not discuss or mention the effect on a total convert when this intensive interaction disappears (e.g. when the cult member migrates far away from the cult community). It would be interesting to know if a total convert would experience backsliding to being a verbal convert only or even quitting the cult entirely. 2.3.8 SUMMARY OF THE CONVERSION MODEL In summary, Lofland and Stark argue that conversion can only take place when the following seven sequential factors are present (See Figure 2.1.) A person needs to experience a certain tension; 2.) which leads the person to have a religious type of problem-solving perspective; 3.) and then defines him- or herself as a religious seeker; 4.) which is followed by a specific event defined as a turning point and the recruits start seeing conversion as a solution; 5.) while this feeling is encouraged by cult-members; 6.) and the seeker cuts of ties with non-cult members; 7.) so that it can experience intensive interaction with cult members to eventually become a total convert of the sect. Figure 2.1: Lofland and Stark's model of conversion
