Miriam Siun
Master thesis in African Studies Supervisor: Dr. Mayke Kaag
African Studies Centre Second reader: Dr. André Leliveld
Leiden University
“The market is free!”: Understanding
gender and ethnicity in the marketplace in
“The market is free!”: Understanding
gender and ethnicity in the marketplace in
Lagos
Miriam Siun
M A S T E R T H E S I S
SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS AT LEIDEN UNIVERSITY
SUPERVISED BY DR. MAYKE KAAG AND SECOND READER DR. ANDRÉ LELIVELD
African Studies Centre Leiden
Abstract
“The market is free!”:
Understanding gender and ethnicity in the marketplace in Lagos
Miriam Siun
Market women in Southern West Africa have a long tradition of being in charge of market governance. In the case of Southwest Nigeria, their authority has been institutionalized through the title of ‘Iyaloja’ (market executive). This type of market governance with women leaders is particular to the Yoruba people. The context of Lagos, however makes for a city that is predominately Yoruba, but has heterogeneous markets. Many of the non-Yoruba traders are men, which dominates trading in specific commodities, e.g., agricultural produce. While the ‘traditional’ Yoruba form of market governance remains as the predominant system in Lagos, newer actors are augmenting the established system by leveraging external networks, like the case of members of the Arewa Perishable Goods, who have their separate associations despite being part of markets under Yoruba women’s sphere of influence.
The study analyses market governance, dynamics and politics in three different markets in Lagos through interviews, focus groups, and secondary-sources. Balogun market is one of the biggest (textile) and most well-known markets in the city. It is also predominately female. Mile 12 is another large market, with one section Arewa Perishable Goods, being run by an exclusively male and predominately Hausa leadership. This section of the market is essential for food supply in Lagos [with much trade with other neighboring countries as well]. The last market is Dada Genla — a small, food stuffs market on the periphery of Lagos. This market was recently developed and presents a case which illustrates the importance of diversity in the success of markets.
This thesis contributes to the increasingly intersectional work on markets and networks in Africa. The study is named “The market is free!” which is a quote from an interview with a male market leader. While he stressed that anyone can enter the market to trade, this study shows that ethnic and gender relations in markets are highly complex as it to some extent is a space that allows for a plurality of actors, but is simultaneously not as ’free’ as he suggested.
CONTENTS
Lists of maps and tables 7
Dedication 8 Acknowledgements 9 Maps 11 List of acronyms 13
CHAPTER ONE
14
INTRODUCTION 14 1.1 Introduction 14 1.2 Background 18Women as market leaders 18
‘Migrant’ traders in the South-west 20
1.3. Research objectives 20 1.4 Research questions 22 1.5 Structure of thesis 23
CHAPTER TWO
25
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 25 2.1 Introduction 252.2. Networks: social and migration network theory 27
Social networks 28
Migration networks 29
2.3 Intersectionality: focus on gender and ethnicity 30
Gender 31
Ethnicity 34
Intersectionality 37
Agency 38
Defining power and authority (in the marketplace) 39
2.4. Legacies, linkages and localities 40
Legacies 40
Linkages 40
Localities 41
CHAPTER THREE
42
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 42
3.1 Introduction 42
3.2 Methodology and methods 44
Methods 46
Data analysis 48
3.3 Case selection and context of study 49
Balogun Market 50
Dada Genla Market 52
Arewa Perishable Goods in Mile 12 54
3.4 Ethical considerations 58
3.5 Conclusion 59
CHAPTER FOUR
61
MARKET DYNAMICS 61
4.1 Introduction 61
4.2 Gender and trading 62
4.3 Market entry 64 4.4 Strategic relations 69 4.5 Conclusion 71
CHAPTER FIVE
75
MARKET GOVERNANCE 75 5.1 Introduction 755.2 Iyalojas, Babalojas and Chairmen 76
Iyalojas 76 Babalojas 80 Chairmen 82 5.3 Associations 84 5.4 Overlapping associations 85 5.5 Conclusion 88
CHAPTER SIX
89
MARKET POLITICS 89 6.1 Introduction 89LOCAL GOVERNMENT 94
6.3 The ’Mega-city’ project 100
6.4 The issue of power 104
6.5 Conclusion 105
CHAPTER SEVEN
107
CONCLUSION 107 7.1 Introduction 107 7.2 Findings 107 MARKET DYNAMICS 107 MARKET GOVERNANCE 108 MARKET POLITICS 109 7.3 ANALYSIS 110 IMPACT OF CHOICES 1107.4 Recommendations for future research 111
7.5 Conclusion 111
List of figures and tables
Figure 1.1 Market administration’s hierarchal structure Page 16
Figure 3.1 Balogun Market Page 51
Figure 3.2 Dada Genla Market Page 53
Figure 3.3 Off-loaded onion shipment section Page 56
Figure 3.4 Foodstuffs market in Mile 12 Page 57
Figure 4.1 Excerpt from APG’s books for December 2016 Page 74 Figure 5.1 Overview of the market executive committee Page 77 Figure 5.2 Overview of commodities sectional committee Page 78 Figure 5.3 Overview of the APG executive committee Page 83
Figure 6.1 Governor Akinwumbi Ambode in Alausa Page 103 Figure 6.2 Aftermath of the demolition of Sabo Market in Ikorodu Page 107
Table 3.1 Participants according to gender Page 51
Table 3.2 Participants according to ethnicity Page 52 Table 6.1 Overview of taxes paid according to government body Page 101 Table 6.2 Objectives of the Lagos State Development Plan Page 104
Dedication
Acknowledgements
This study is based on fieldwork carried out in Lagos, Nigeria for six months, between August 2016 and January 2017. The fieldwork was financed by Leiden University’s Curatorenfonds and the Uhlenbeck Scholarship, who I owe a great deal of thanks. My supervisor Dr. Mayke Kaag has been supportive of my study from its initial proposal stages to the completion of this thesis. She, together with Dr André Leliveld have both provided useful feedback throughout the research process. In Leiden I would also like to thank African Studies Centre librarian Ella Verkaik for always assisting me in acquiring material that I’ve requested which were not part of the library’s inventory. I’m also very thankful for Inge Ligtvoet at Leiden University who introduced me to her friends in Nigeria and was very supportive of my fieldwork.
The fieldwork which this thesis is based on would have been impossible without a number of people in Nigeria. I’m indebted to Adetokunbo Lawrence, who not only welcomed me to Lagos, but also helped me find housing, and connected me to Iyaloja Madame Bello who later became a key person in this study. I’m thankful for the helpfulness of lecturers at the University of Ibadan (UI). I spent two weeks in Ibadan with Professor Ayobami Ojebode and his family. I’m thankful for their kind welcoming when I first arrived in Nigeria. I’m also thankful for Dr Seunfunmi Olutayo at UI who provided me with literature and also assisted in arranging my journey from Ibadan to Lagos.
In Lagos, (late) Dimeji Ajikobi at the University of Lagos connected me to two key figures in the research process. Without his kindness and helpfulness I would not have been able to meet these people and would have had a harder time in integrating in Balogun Market. May he rest in peace. Moreover, Mr Ajikobi’s good friend (honorable) Adekunle Alli not only granted me an interview and provided me with insights, he also allowed me to use archival material from his personal collection on Lagos history. I’m very grateful for his assistance.
During my initial field visits I was partially assisted by students at the University of Lagos: Williams Oluwaseun accompanied me during the initial scoping process and ensured that I found my way around town. Oyindamola Abike was instrumental in introducing me to her mother and relatives who are traders in Balogun Market.
I’m extremely thankful for all the insight and help bestowed on me by Suleimon Adeoye at Balogun Market. I met with Suleimon regularly during my visits at Balogun. He showed me around the market and introduced me to several traders that were later interviewed.
Needless to say, this study would have been impossible without the openness and friendliness of the research participants. I’m thankful for all those who participated, and assisted me in understanding their lived realities.
Lastly, I’m very thankful for my family and friends. I’m especially thankful for Lemlem Kibreab, and her family and Koye Oyeyinka and his family. They’ve all supported me in all my endeavors and cheered me on during the write up. Finally, I’d like to thank my mother Ghenet Hailemelekot, to whom this thesis is dedicated.
Maps
Map 1 Overview of the 20 local government areas in Lagos
Map 2 Nigeria divided according to six regional zones
Source: https://www.researchgate.net/figure/51795009_fig1_Fig-1-Map-of-Nigeria-showing-the-six-6-geopolitical-zones-For-interpretation-of-the
List of acronyms
ACMWAMN Association of Commodity Market Women and Men Nigeria
AG Action Group
APC All Progressive Congress
APG Arewa Perishable Goods
LAWMA Lagos State Waste Management Authority
LGA Local Government Area
LMWA Lagos Market Women’s Association
LSDP Lagos State Development Plan
LSG Lagos State Government
NNDP Nigerian National Democratic Party
NOAS National Open Apprenticeship Scheme
NWSN Network for Women’s Studies in Nigeria
PDP People’s Democratic Party
UPN Unity Party of Nigeria
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
“The market is free!”
- Babaloja Alhaji Shokunbi at Shitta Court, 2016
1.1 Introduction
West African countries Coté D’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, Benin, and Nigeria have a long history of women in long-distance trade (Robertson, 1979). This gave a rise in studies seeking to examine the role of family and kinship in trade as an enabling factor for women’s economic participation (Marshall, 1965; Mintz, 1971; Sudakasa, 1973; McIntosh, 2009). In addition to engaging in trade, women have been found to have influential leadership positions in marketplaces. The cohesion of their market associations were visible during anti-colonial movements as trading elites in Ghana, and Togo were active political participants and supporters of the liberation movements (Clark, 1994; Heilbrunn 1993; Cordonnier 1987). Studies on Benin and Togo have shown that individual traders who were successful in their business managed to secure their position as not only trading elites but also as the de facto [rulers] of markets through the political connections they had established during their support of liberation movements (Prag, 2013; Axelson & Sylvanus, 2010). These women later became referred to as ‘Mama-Benzes’ and ‘Nana-Benzes’ because of their lavish lifestyles. In the case of South-Western Nigeria, which is the focus of this study we see a similar history. However, women’s long-distance trade and market leadership has long been [culturally] institutionalized amongst the Yoruba.
Markets have been seen as a women’s sphere of influence in traditional Yoruba society as the Oba (King) would appoint a female king (Iyalode) who was not only part of the traditional rulers but also the head of women and markets (Awe, 1977). Her role was to be women’s political representative and once (s)elected, the position was held for life. While important, the Iyalode does not oversee daily market activities, instead there are a number of positions below her which carry
out the tasks of administering markets. Figure 1.1 shows Baker’s (1974) overview of the hierarchal structures.
Figure 1.1 Market administration’s hierarchal structure
Source: Baker (1974). 1
The pyramid is based on the descriptions in the study.
The Alaga position was loosely translated by Baker as ‘chairmen’, however, they were and are mostly likely women as men mainly hold honorary positions (Falola, 1994). The title of Iyalode is today commonly referred to as Iyaloja (mother of the market). The holder of this position is the overall head of the market. As mentioned, men have been found in various honorary positions, the main function of including them (up until recently) had been to use their networks to the Iyaloja’s /
egbe’s benefit. However, recent years have seen the introduction of the Babaloja (father of the
market) — a title which is supposed to be the men’s representative in the market leadership. In addition to the Babaloja there are separate male-headed associations active in markets around Lagos. This is because although Lagos is part of the South-Western region, which is Yoruba dominated, it is also one of the most heterogeneous cities in Nigeria. [Traders from all parts of the country and outside the country are found there]. Most of the literature on markets in [South-western] Nigeria have focused exclusively on Yoruba traders. The few studies on ‘migrant’ traders, such as Cohen’s (1965; 1966; 1967 and 1974) seminal work on Hausa traders in Ibadan have tended to focus only on the ‘non-Yoruba’ traders. Studies such as Cohen (1974) and Albert (1997) have been important in documenting how (Hausa) migrant traders establish their own economic monopolies in the South-west, however we know little about how separate forms of market structures cooperate and compete today.
This study seeks to build on existing knowledge on Yoruba market institutions and migrant trading structures, examining their interactions in the contemporary, diverse context of Lagos. Lagos markets mostly use the same structure as the rest of the Southwestern region. However, rapid urbanization means that the city’s traders (to a larger extent than elsewhere in the country) come from different parts of the country with their own market social structures. The aim of this thesis is to examine the interactions between the Iyalojas governing their markets and their traders [of different ethnicities], the [local] government, and male market leaders. It also pays particular attention to the heterogeneous nature of traders in marketplaces: examining how they relate to the Yoruba structure and how the market system incorporates them.
This will be examined in the context of Fafchamps (2003), who set out to “capture essential features of African markets and sharpen our understanding of their inner organizations” (p. 5). Although his work draws on limited empirical studies, but offers theoretical insights which can be replicated in other contexts. His assumptions on network segmentation is of particular relevance to this study. He argues that ‘market interaction’ can ‘perpetuate a lack of diversity in business’ (p. 332), this is because business networks can ‘influence firm entry, survival and investment’ (p. 448). If we
therefore consider the Yoruba women as the biggest network that ‘controls’ markets in Lagos we want to understand how they maintain their dominance and whether we can confirm that the predominantly utilised ‘referral process’ excludes particular groups from markets and certain forms of trade, thus reinforcing segmentation (p. 450).
In addition, despite the illuminating theoretical frameworks submitted by Fafchamps (2003: 444) He concludes his work by saying that:
“The evidence suggests that given the chance, African businessmen and women can learn to play by new, more modern rules and that they can adopt more efficient market institutions. The challenge is to help them do that.”
This shows that while he is trying to convey the dynamic nature of African business people, his framing is based on Western market patterns, a process increasingly recognized as paternalistic and akin to ‘White saviourism’. It suggests that Africans are not actively engaged in institutional market development, which we can refute based on the intricate structures we see established over time and repeated in several markets. While this study draws on his theoretical discussions, it also combines it with discussions in other fields such as gender and women’s studies in order to reveal the nuances inherent in ‘indigenous institutions’, which highlight the autonomy of these systems.
The thesis is named ‘the market is free!’ as a result of interviews with traders who wanted to emphasize that anyone can enter the market and open a shop. Despite their reassurance that identity does not matter, it has been shown that (some) markets in Lagos are closed systems in which networks are important for market entry (Yusuff, 2013). Given the long history of Yoruba women in trading it is therefore not surprising that they make up the bulk of traders in markets. However, other ethnic groups specialize in specific forms of trade, e.g., Hausa firms are strong in agricultural trading, whilst Igbo firms dominate the electronics sections of markets. While this reflects the network segmentation that Fafchamps (2003) described, it should not be taken at face-value as there are nuances in how these associations and networks interact. Thus, while Nigeria has a particular history of ethnic politics which creates cleavages amongst groups, markets are spaces where you find people from all parts of the country engaging with each other on a daily basis.
What this study is seeking to accomplish is thus to provide a case study that examines how identity affects market dynamics, governance and its politics. This means conceptualizing the marketplace as a space with particular sets of rules and regulations, whilst traders may have their own set of expectations of market relations. The focus is therefore on the multiple layers of
‘legacies, linkages and localities’ (Grabher & Stark, 1997) which together form contemporary markets in Lagos. The three Ls encompass the traditions, history, institutions, government, and the specificities of Lagos itself. The argument that this study follows is that ‘indigenous institutions’ such as the Yoruba market system is already changing in Lagos due to the specificities of the context. What we do not understand is how it is changing, to which extent and why? It is important to keep in mind that economists such as Fafchamps (2003) approach the topic from a developmental point of view, with their own set of assumptions and desired outcomes (e.g., market liberalization). However, the proposed changes are outcomes of the writers own aims and therefore diverge from how economists describe transformation.
The following section will provide overviews on some of the discussions that inform our understanding of where the existing gaps are and which debates this work can be placed in.
1.2 Background
Women as market leaders
The literature on African women has been critiqued for its dichotomous tendencies in which African women are described as being either voiceless, victims, or as ‘feisty, assertive, self-reliant heroines’ (Cornwall, 2005: 1). Western feminist activism in the 1970s and 1980s was concerned with the position of women and their [often] exclusion from the ‘public sphere’. It led to a wide body of literature examining women in governance and politics and “the search for the feminist or porto-feminist underpinnings of women’s collective action” (Cornwall, 2005: 11). This preoccupation with finding empowered women has been particularly evident in writings on Yoruba [market] women.
As previously mentioned, earlier works focused on the position of women by examining the relationship between trading, gender equality, and economic independence (Marshall, 1964; Mintz, 1971; Sudakasa, 1973). However, from the 70s onwards studies mainly focused on their political position. Seminal texts such as Awe’s (1977) study on the Iyalode reconstructed the position of women in traditional Yoruba political systems and showed how titleholders had direct access to political participation and decision-making. Previous to Awe’s study, the Iyalode was mainly associated with the economic sphere, as the head of market women. Her work revealed how
colonialism had substantially decreased the political power of Yoruba women. Subsequent studies on Yoruba women by other scholars have tried to document their importance in history as leaders of colonial opposition and queens (Denzer, 1994; Johnson, 1986), whilst others sought evidence of the longevity of their prowess by, for instance, framing agitation by market women against government policies as indicators of women’s agency (Mba, 1982; Eames, 1988).
Studies on market women’s political activities such as Baker (1974) arguably forced market women’s associations into a political lobbying position by giving examples of how the women respond to policies and rarely advocate for policies on their own. While we can consider a position in which reactionary [as opposed to proactive] actions are considered less strong, this conclusion needs to come from the conceptualization of the studied individuals themselves. This particular case arguably indicates the pervasive quest to find pro-feminist underpinnings in collective action in groups who were not created for the purposes outsiders are trying to place them. The market women’s associations she refers to were created for purposes [economic as opposed to political]which diverged from the definition of power used by scholars leading to conclusions that women leaders had failed to yield substantial results for their fellow traders. This reflects Cornwall’s (2005) remark on how women’s position in governance falls into the dichotomous thinking of either ’women-as-victims’ or ’heroines’ (p. 10).
It is important to consider the framing of market women and their associations in the literature and engage with it in a way which captures nuances to their roles on the basis of their own perceptions of their role and responsibility as market leaders. This is crucial in order to not fall victim to the dichotomous narrative that has been so pervasive thus-far.
‘Migrant’ traders in the South-west
Most of the studies on Yoruba market women have been done in homogenous contexts. The least homogenous cities in the South-West are Ibadan and Lagos. Unfortunately most studies on market women in these two cities have only predominately focused on Yoruba actors to the neglect of minorities. However, studies on ‘migrant’ traders in the South-west do provide some insights into the role of minorities and neglect the role of the women.
Hausa traders engagement in fatauci (long-distance trade) in West Africa has been well-documented (Adamu, 1978). Abner Cohen conducted seminal work on the relationship between ‘custom and political change’, by examining the role of trade and ethnic politics amongst Hausa migrants in Ibadan (1974). His work illustrated how political institutions were useful for economic institutions as the most successful traders were found in cases “when men from the same ethnic group controlled all, or most, of the stages of the trade in specific commodities [through] continual competition or strife with men from another ethnic group” thus leading to political organization in order to collectively protect the interests of their co-ethnics (p. 8). While Cohen’s work focuses on Ibadan, which has been one of the historically most important Yoruba cities, his work largely excludes the existence of Yoruba market women. This is surprising giving their important role in trade in the South-west.
The organizational structure of both Yoruba women and migrant trader groups such as the Hausa have been studied separately, but little has been said about the interaction between both of these groups and their responses to each other. The influx of migrants from different parts of Nigeria to Lagos presents us with the opportunity to see whether these ethnic divisions have reproduced themselves over time as Fafchamps (2003) assumed or if there is more interaction between groups than the literature makes it seem.
1.3. Research objectives
This thesis seeks to understand how two identity markers — gender and ethnicity function in the marketplace. Function, in this regard is the role it plays in issues relating to the control and administration of a market, e.g., the dynamics, the (internal) politics, and vis-a-vis other actors such
as the state government. Does it play a role? And if so how and why? Extant literature (Baker, 1974; Mba, 1994) has presented market women in Lagos as being a particularly cohesive (interest) group, as their studies focused on women specifically. Whilst women have historically been in charge of marketplaces in Southwestern Nigeria, more recent work such as Okome (2013) have pointed to the effects of colonial restructuring of ‘traditional’ market institutions. Okome showed that the restructuring decreased their autonomy by placing more power in local market councils, which are controlled by men. Baker (1974) wrote that “although the Yorubas dominate the city’s trade, some ethnic specialization appears in certain product lines which are favored by particular consumers or are supplied from distant regions” and that ‘immigration’ has not decreased their dominance (p. 225). However, Solaja et al., (2013) argue that the presence of Hausa firms are changing market social structures in the Southwest.
Given the portrayal of market women as being highly organized and homogenous it is possible to assume that there has been push-back against the influx of migrant traders. However, studies have yet to address whether this is still the case and what/how the response of Yoruba market women have been towards the increased competition from traders of other ethnicities and genders. As we can see there is a gap in regards to how gender and ethnicity currently affects the functioning of markets. This study seeks to fill this gap by taking an intersectional approach in examining three selected markets in Lagos. An intersectional approach means being not only gender-aware, but also mindful of the ‘matrix of domination’ (i.e., the intersection of social inequality, for instance in relation to gender and class) (Hill-Collins, 2000). The aim is therefore to present a nuanced analysis of how gender and ethnicity effects marketplaces in Lagos.
1.4 Research questions
In order to take a holistic approach to the line of questioning as regards to authority in the marketplace the following research questions were posed:
Main research question
How do gender and ethnicity function in the marketplace in Lagos, Nigeria?
Subquestions
1. How do networks contribute to the in- or exclusion of traders in markets?
2. How are market governance and market associations organized in Lagos? How do women lead system function in relation to other associations?
3. How do market associations bargain with the Lagos State government?
As previously mentioned, the focal interest of this study is to understand how gender and ethnicity function in a market context. This requires a scope of inquiry which offers room for a layered analysis. The main question focuses on the women leaders specifically, given their de facto authority of market places. Whilst the three sub-questions seek to open up the possibility to examine the question from the perspective of: traders, male market leaders, and the (local) government. The final question seeks to build upon the findings from the previous questions in an attempt to put the findings into perspective with the current challenges facing markets across Lagos.
1.5 Structure of thesis
This thesis is organized as follows. Chapter two is the literature review, which discusses the main theoretical debates on networks. Whilst this debate has mainly centered on economic development and informality, this chapter discusses more recent approaches that highlight the need to move beyond the focus on economic development to understanding the importance of the social and political aspect of markets, and locates the thesis within this debate. The chapter also discusses how intersectionality leads to a more holistic analysis and critiques the often reductionist approaches to the study of gender and ethnicity in African contexts.
Chapter three is the methodological chapter. It discusses the fieldwork, which this thesis is based on. Grounded theory, the use of empirical data to expand on a theoretical framework, was the overall methodological framework during the data collection. This chapter therefore discusses why this choice was made, and emphasizes the need to validate the knowledge of African — or in this case, Nigerian participants. It makes the case that knowledge production on Africa has largely been neocolonial, and that ethnographic authority is misleading considering the amount of assistance foreign researchers rely on during fieldwork. The chapter is a transparent account of how grounded theory allowed for the participants to help steer the direction of the study through insights they provided during the scoping phases. It is at once a ‘thank you’ to my participants and a call for moving beyond merely acknowledging the assistance of others, and writing reflexive accounts towards being transparent in how important participants are.
Chapter four discusses market dynamics and starts by giving an overview of gender and ethnicity in trading and marketplaces. The chapter traces the process of market entry on the basis of gender and ethnicity. It shows that Yoruba women do not necessarily have an overwhelming advantage over ‘migrant’ minorities in Lagos. It then tries to demonstrate the relating and unrelating to ones ethnicity in (economic) networks, by highlighting the strategies employed by various actors to expand their networks and their businesses both on the basis of ethnicity but also on the basis of downplaying its importance. These strategic alliances reveal the importance of intersectionality in accurately portraying market dynamics, as the actors differing bargaining positions is discussed.
Chapter five examines how market governance is organized in Lagos. It discusses how market governance has traditionally been in the hands of women, through titles such as the Iyaloja (mother of the market) i.e., market executive[/leader]. Following the discussion on women in market leadership, the chapter examines male market executives; the male counterpart of the Iyaloja, i.e., the Babaloja (father of the market) and the end of the Lagos Market Women’s association in favor of a dual-sex association. Primarily looking at whether this introduction has shifted or even decreased the overall authority of women. It also looks at Chairmen, who essentially play the same role as the Iyaloja but often belong to other ethnic groups and are in male dominated trades. The chapter specifically examines Hausa Chairmen and uses the case of Arewa Perishable Goods section of Mile 12 market in Lagos. Lastly, this chapter goes into the functioning of market associations. It provides an overview of their services provided to traders, as well as the requirements placed on them. As the chapter will show, market associations have a limited function, which opens up the space for other associations to assist traders in other issues.
Chapter six discusses market politics and focuses on state intervention in the market by examining the developmental turn taken by the Lagos State government and the infrastructural changes taking place. What this chapter shows is that the developmental paradigm coupled with ‘good governance’ is guiding the Lagos state government in its ambitious goal of transforming Lagos into a ‘Mega-city’. This project presents a [potentially] major challenge to markets, which in the view of the government represent the opposite of modernity and orderliness. The chapter therefore examines the political bargaining powers of the markets in the study, and examining how they interact with the government.
The final chapter discusses the main findings of this study. It highlights the lessons drawn in each of the empirical chapters and makes the argument for more interdisciplinary and intersectional work on market traders in Africa generally and Nigeria specifically.
CHAPTER TWO
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Introduction
The study of markets in Africa has long been dominated by the informality paradigm, but has gradually lost traction as an increasing number of scholars have started to seek new ways to understand how regulation works in so-called ‘informal economies’ (e.g., Lund, 2007). Meagher (2010) critiqued the overemphasis on informality because it overlooks the numerous ways in which ‘informal’ institutions operate through internal regulative authority (e.g., market associations), but also in relation to the formal — namely, the state and private sector. Similarly, Lund (2007) argued that “institutions that exercise legitimate public authority, but do not enjoy legal recognition as part of the state, are out of focus” (p. 3). In the case of markets in Lagos, there is an ambiguous relationship between the state and the markets. Oyelaran-Oyeyinka’s (2014: 19) study of Computer Village in Otigba (one major market in Lagos) showed that Otigba:
“is viewed as informal by the state government because it is a residential zone converted into a business district by private individuals. On the other hand, it is recognized by the same state government, which relates with it through the umbrella association – the Computer and Allied Products Dealers Association of Nigeria (CAPDAN) – and collects taxes from the firms”
All three of the markets that are part of this study has a leadership that is legitimized by the government — both at local and state level. This means that the informality paradigm would obscure the legitimized status of the Iyalojas’ position(s) as heads of market associations and their regulative authority over their respective markets. Therefore, this thesis uses the concept of networks instead.
As Meagher (2009) argued, “networks offer a useful conceptual tool for the analysis of non-state forms of economic and political governance”, while emphasizing the importance of using the concept in an ’empirically grounded’ manner. This is in order to not essentialize networks and the actors within them but instead to “problematize the social as a regulatory force” (Smith, 1994 in Meagher, 2009: 25). This requires the application of the concept in tandem with a ‘multi-stranded’ approach that factors the context specific interaction between culture, institutions and localities.
Yoruba market organization. However, as this study will show this does not mean that the market institution is static, but rather it has evolved in relation to its context and actors within and outside the institution such as the state government. This thesis makes references to history in order to illustrate the dynamic nature of networks and to explain the contemporary structures which determine the ways market associations and its leadership are able to operate as an authority over market spaces. It therefore takes a constructivist approach in tracing factors which have impacted the present, and interrogates gender and ethnicity in relation to market structures as to avoid essentializing actors or referring to identity as being primordial. This requires an interdisciplinary approach. As the discussion in this chapter will show, various disciplines have approached markets with their own set of assumptions and aims. On the one hand, you have economists who examine market entry in order to understand how to make the market more ‘free’; whilst on the other hand, you have anthropologist who sought to find proof of women’s agency by examining their role in leadership positions. While the desired outcomes in the two fields differ, combining their discussions assists us in creating a holistic picture of the various processes occurring within markets, i.e., if we only concern ourself with equalizing market entry for multiple traders, we might overlook how market liberalization destroys the function of market associations, which may result in increased economic hardship for women. This approach has been used by other scholars (see Sylvanus, 2013) and it has provided a nuanced account of the lived realities in markets.
First, this chapter will present network theory as an appropriate framework in order to explain the research questions. ‘Networks’ is a diffuse concept, so the focus has been narrowed down to social and migratory networks as the two complement each other. Second, the concepts of gender and ethnicity will be presented and discussed in relation to intersectionality (and related to that is: agency and power). Third, a multi-stranded approach to networks will be presented by discussing legacies, linkages and localities. This approach reinforces the importance of the three supplementary concepts of gender, ethnicity and intersectionality. Finally, the conclusion of this chapter discusses consequences of the theoretical choices and how the different concepts together form a holistic approach, which is necessary in order to avoid relying on cultural determinism in the analysis.
2.2. Networks: social and migration network theory
The literature on networks can be divided into three main approaches: structural, instrumentalist, and institutional. The structural approach to networks uses the basic conceptualization of networks in which individuals are nodes and relationships are links in a web of (social) interactions (Fafchamps, 2003: 293). The instrumental approach is agency-oriented as it focuses on uncovering how networks enables actors to use their (social) capital in the ‘pursuit of individual interests’ (Meagher, 2009). These approaches have been critiqued for their neglect of the institutional aspects of networks by overemphasizing ‘patterns of ties’ (Meagher, 2009). Scholars have therefore suggested that “the remedy of the apparent primacy of method over substance in network research is to bring the content of ties, rather than merely the structure formed by these ties, back in” (emphasis mine, Powell and Smith-Doerr, 1994 in Meagher, 2009: 10).
The institutional approach frames networks as “informal forms of organization that shape economic behavior on the basis […] of the social relations and practices embedded in network ties” (Meagher, 2009: 10). Meagher (2009) emphasizes how this approach directs us to ‘the specific relations and practices taking place within networks in a given context’ (p. 10). This means that while studies examining the clientelist ties between market associations and politicians are examining networks from an instrumental approach, they neglect to explain how these relationship are embedded within larger structural and institutional frameworks. However, this is not to say that we should abandon structural and instrumental approaches in favor for institutionalism, instead it is to show the need to consider all three approaches and how they contribute to explaining the content
of ties. Essentially, in order to be holistic this study uses a combination of the three approaches.
This study is examining traders and their connection to each other within informal economic networks, which in this case refer to marketplaces where trading takes place. The structural approach helps us in identifying ties and how traders are related to each other. However, what we want to understand is whether the existence of ties plays a role in trader’s abilities to use networks to their own benefit. The structural and the instrumental approach are in that sense interlinked, as the patterns of ties determine the trader’s level of agency. These two approaches are necessary, as the relations extend beyond individual marketplaces. However, the marketplace and its specific set of rules and regulations requires an institutional approach as well. As already mentioned, markets cannot be understood merely through the informality paradigm because they are linked to ‘official’ or recognized institutions. Thus, if we do not look at the institutional framework that market associations and leaders are embedded in, we fail to understand how they function.
Social networks
Bestor (2001) defined markets as “the web of relationships, institutions and distinct geographical spaces that enable economic transactions” (in Marfaing & Thiel, 2013: 649). Thus, what we are trying to understand is how gender and ethnicity function in marketplaces, but essentially within the networks that together create these spaces.. Marfaing & Thiel (2013) explain how social norms function in markets:
“market order is seen as the empirical expression of the normative sense making that regulates interactions between economic actors, practices and institutions. Norms possess regulatory potential because of their existence above and beyond the individuals who obey them. In their collective recognition, social norms as a rule reproduce and reinforce established orders – in that they convey the moral justification for their enactment. As such, social norms reproduce the practices from which they are themselves derived, and vice versa. Norms of interactions in the market do not, then, derive from judicial codes, but are the result of lived habits and social practices” (p. 662)
If we consider the ‘collective recognition’ that Marfaing & Thiel (2013) mentioned, it helps us relate back to the issue Fafchamps was concerned with, namely market entry. It is harder for traders outside networks to enter markets because there is no proof of them adhering to the social norms of business. Marfaing & Thiel (2013) argue that the sociality of norms makes it malleable and that while market order is mostly consistent it remains ‘permeable’ (p. 662). This raises questions as to how traders outside of established networks enter markets. In order for us to understand how and why some actors are in a better position to acquire social capital and make use of it, we need to use “institutionally-sensitive perspectives that reconnect social networks with issues of history, power, and institutional process” (Meagher, 2005: 224). In Fafchamps (2003) work we see that internal and external ties have ethnic origins which can be related back to history. In the case of Lagos, it is a combination of ethnic and gendered historical origins, which has impacted the patterns of networks we see today. It is therefore helpful to think of migratory networks as they to a large extent influence the social networks individuals build.
Migration networks
Barnes (1975) conducted a study on associational activity in Lagos according to ethnicity, and highlighted that the city was overwhelmingly indigenous Lagosian Yoruba in the 70s as they constituted between sixty to seventy percent of the population. She found that this was an important factor in relation to associational participation as:
“for migrant Yoruba whose cultural compatriots largely control local governmental councils, the process of integrating themselves into the Lagos community is eased by familiarity. Once they have found alternative outlets, the supportive willingness of Yoruba to settle permanently in Lagos also bears witness to these facts” (p. 86).
What this tells us is that while Lagos is a metropolitan area, it has never been a blank slate. The city has been influenced and shaped by its many Yoruba inhabitants. It also shows that it was relatively easy for Yoruba migrants to enter established networks. Osaghae (1994:40) considers migration in Nigeria to be shaped by a set of ‘peculiarities’:
“These peculiarities, which are mainly political, derive from the entrenched system of regionalism which defines the patterns, attitudes and tendencies of migrants and their host communities. As each region struggled to be self-sufficient, migrant settlers suffered structural discrimination which engendered peculiar associational ethnicity, part of which gave birth to what we call migrant ethnic empires.”
Because of Nigerian history of regionalism, civil war, and rampant ethnic political discourse there is a rift between people on the local level. That is to say, we may be discussing networks within one country, but social history have many conceptualizing ethnicities and regions in a way akin to nationalism. As Uchendu (1970) argued, the main ethnic groups in Nigeria can be seen as nations. Studies such as Osaghae (1994) showed how Igbo traders in Kano sought to establish themselves in the North by adapting Hausa types of leadership institutions. He framed their new-found association as a ‘migrant ethnic empire’ and showed how permanent migrants “pursue their constitutive interests through the (re)creation of centralized political authority. Unlike conventional ethnic unions, migrant ethnic empires involve ‘traditional’ loyalties and ties which have a ‘king’ or ‘chief’ at the centre. Such emergent empires bring together migrants from related sub-groups to forge a new unity based on cultural and customary practices” (p. 41). Similarly, Abner Cohen’s studies (1965; 1966; 1967 and 1974) on Hausa traders in the South-west showed how they created their own leadership institutions and sought to remain outside of Yoruba institutions. The pattern that
emerges is thus that trading, networks and politics are intimately related, and that those deemed as ‘outsiders’ have sought to create their own institutions.
Given the ease of integration for Yoruba migrants to Lagos, they are essentially not considered ‘migrant’ traders, with the phrase reserved for those who are considered as outsiders to the region. Thus a Yoruba migrant from Oyo is not perceived as a migrant in Lagos, while a Hausa trader who is a second generation Lagosian will be considered a migrant. This has an impact on not only access to networks, but also willingness to seek out networks deemed as ‘foreign’, i.e., traders may choose to join networks that were created by co-ethnics because they deem others as closed to them. This is also because migrants are often already part of a network when they move. Migration network theories, thus explains the process of settling in in new contexts and what networks migrants use in the process. Since migratory networks may influence the formation of social networks in new contexts it is likely to influence the way migrants relate to ethnicity and how that in turn, may limit or facilitate the formation of new networks.
2.3 Intersectionality: focus on gender and ethnicity
The theoretical concept of networks is supplemented by three concepts, namely gender, ethnicity and intersectionality. The application of the three concepts goes beyond mere textbook definitions, but instead seeks to uncover the various interpretations the research participants have of e.g., gender, but also the interplay in individuals’ understanding, and larger societal ascriptions, in which case intersectionality is helpful in the analysis. The following sections therefore presents a discussion on gender, ethnicity and intersectionality and how it has been employed in the study. It ends with a discussion on power and authority, as it informs our understanding and analysis of how identities operate along the multiple-axes highlighted in the discussion on intersectionality.
Gender
Writings on African women’s relative social position on the basis of sex has historically been rather problematic. Many anthropological studies either maintained that women are severely marginalized or altogether absent (Galletti et al. 1956), whilst others misread social contexts by analyzing social relations mainly through Western feminist frameworks (Mintz, 1971). For instance, Galletti et al. (1956) who studied cocoa farmers in Western Nigeria considered only men as being farmers, while women were categorized as farm hands. However, the burgeoning literature shows that progress is being made. More recent work such as Farnworth & Colverson (2015) has shed light on how the lack of gender awareness [and arguably, reflexivity] in the study of gender obscures reality as it relies on a gender dichotomy that negates the importance of one party, which often is women. They pointed to the fact that farm work consist of collaboration between the genders, but that this is not reflected in the discourse due to a ‘conceptual lock-in’. A conceptual lock-in arguably stems from the lack of contextual specificities, and an over reliance on externally developed theoretical frameworks and concepts. The very definition of gender is that it is a social construct that creates and justifies differences and discrimination between men and women. It is therefore highly contextual, and requires us to acknowledge that as a social construct it will be “made and remade in everyday interactions and by institutions” (Oyewumi, 2002: 2).
West African market women have received much scholarly attention for their high participation in economic activities and positions of power in market governance. Mintz (1971) wrote that “probably no people on earth has institutionalized women's rights to engage in trading activity so fully as have the Yoruba. […] Yoruba women not only have a wholly acknowledged right to trade and to use their capital largely as they see fit, but they also dominate the internal market system” (p. 260). She was seemingly impressed by their generally high participation in economic activities. However, she is arguably conflating economic activity with empowerment. Indeed, other scholars have pointed to how other occupations were deemed ‘unfit’ for women or how gender dynamics related to family structures played significant roles in enabling and justifying women’s activity in trade (Denzer, 1994 , Johnson 1986 and Olasupo et al., 2012). Writings such as that by Mintz (1970), nonetheless inspired other scholars to study Yoruba market women as they were “renowned for their economic independence and their almost total association with the public arena of the marketplace” (Eames, 1988: 82). The marketplace in Southwestern Nigeria, had effectively come to be considered a matriarchal space and Nigerian market women synonymous with empowerment. While scholars such as Eames (1988) admitted that she was “guided by an
optimistic Western feminist discourse” in her choice to “live and work with Yoruba women” her work still relies heavily on her interpretations of power and authority (p. 82). As argued by Adamako-Ampofo and Arnfred (2009) feminist knowledge is ‘rooted in experience’ and has to be ‘situated’ (p. 10). The question we must ask is whose experience counts as knowledge? Indeed the question becomes an epistemological (and methodological, see chapter 3) one as it challenges the foundations of the prevailing theoretical and conceptual frameworks which have dominated the discourse on African women. Oyewumi (2002: 4) argues that:
The difficulty of applying feminist concepts to express and analyze African realities is the central challenge of African gender studies. The fact that western gender categories are presented as inherent in nature (of bodies) and operate on a dichotomous, binarily opposed male/female, man/ woman duality in which the male is assumed to be superior and therefore the defining category, is particularly alien to many African cultures. When African realities are interpreted based on these Western claims, what we find are distortions, obfuscations in language and often a total lack of comprehension due to the incommensurability of social categories and institutions.
While Oyewumi (1997) has argued that gender in its Western conceptualization does not apply to Yoruba societies, many have challenged her (Bakare-Yusuf, 2003 and Boyce-Davies, 2015). Thus, while Oyewumi’s work ‘The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourse’ may have inadvertently (in the words of Boyce-Davies, 2015:85) presented “an undifferentiated and static Yoruba society or perhaps an essential Yoruba identity”, what we should take away is her critique of both the over reliance on Western concepts, but also their uncritical application. The fact that much of the theoretical writings on gender originated in the West does not make them obsolete in African contexts. Colonialism meant that Western gender norms were transported to African countries, and severely impacts gender relations today. Moreover, the work of numerous Nigerian women studies scholars (e.g., Mama, 1997; Pereira, 2002) and the Women in Nigeria (WIN) movement and the establishment of the Network for Women’s Studies in Nigeria (NWSN) are a testament to the need to continue to examine gender and not reduce the discussion to a rejection of Western concepts. However, we should be mindful in how we ‘import’ theoretical toolkits and how they influence our analysis by (often) bringing us to normative conclusions.
If we take the work of Mintz (1971) for instance, if we consider Yoruba women’s participation in economic activities as a sign of their independence from men and empowerment are we creating blindspots to the gendered challenges they may face in other spheres? The literature suggest that this is the case. Afonja (1980) showed that not only were Yoruba women often considered oluranlowo (‘a helper who is able to help the husband attain high status in the community’) (p. 99), but women traders whose incomes surpassed subsistence had to perform rites
to become accepted ‘since she was regarded as a threat to the men in her household’ (p. 99). Other Nigerian scholars also reject the widely accepted categorization of Yoruba women as autonomous because it is common that Yorubas are “socialized into believing that man is superior to woman, a nor[m] which affects male-female relationships in all spheres of activity” (Ajisafe, 1926 in Afonja, 1980: 96). This indicates the need to be contextually sensitive while using ‘foreign’ concepts. While Ake (1988, in Nnaemeka, 2004: 376) was discussing development, his perspective on ‘the indigenous’ is useful to consider in this discussion as well:
“The indigenous refers to whatever the people consider important to their lives, whatever they regard as an authentic expression of themselves. We build on the indigenous by making it determine the form and content of development strategy, by ensuring that developmental change accommodates itself to these things, be they values, interests, aspirations and or social institutions which are important in the life of the people”
Similarly, Ezumah (2009) defines women’s studies as “the study of women, which is geared towards reflecting women’s realities in various spheres of life by addressing the socio-cultural, economic and political constraints that have been engendered by gender inequality in the society” (author’s emphasis, p. 188). What these two perspectives show is the need to center the experiences of the individuals that are being “studied” and building our theoretical frameworks on empirical data instead of the other-way around.
While this study centers women’s lived experiences in the marketplace as it relates to dynamics, governance and politics it pays much attention to the role and experiences of men. The term gender has almost become synonymous with the feminine gender. However, in seeking to understand the lives of market women, it is necessary to factor in the position of men — especially so because markets are not as matriarchal as the literature make it seem. Markets in Lagos are often to a large extent dominated by women in numerical terms, but there is still a substantial amount of male traders. Moreover, as reflected by the works of Awe (1974); Eames; (1988); Marshall (1965); Mba (1982); Mintz (1970); and Suardakassa (1973) the form of market governance and social structures which is mainly dominated by women is specific to Yoruba peoples. However, Lagos is one of the most heterogeneous cities in Nigeria, and this diversity is highly visible in the marketplace where you find people from all over the country.
Many of the more visible non-Yoruba groups in the marketplace are the Igbo and the Hausa. While Igbo women are active in trade as well (and to a lesser degree Hausa women), the most visible of both groups are men. The previous studies which laid the foundation for the study of
Yoruba market women are old and thus do not fully match the contemporary situation, especially not in Lagos. The changes in market composition corroborates the need to ground the theoretical framework on empirical data. Igbo men, for instance are a dominant group in the import of fabrics, and ready-made clothes, while Hausa men run the biggest depot for agricultural products in town — both of these are things which the Yoruba women traders sell. Given that men are in charge of the two, how does that position women traders? The bulk of traders are Yoruba women. The market administrative system in Lagos is largely shaped by the ‘traditional’ Yoruba way to structure markets. These factors raise questions as to whether ethnicity plays a role in the power (a) symmetries between different groups? It is not possible to merely define marketplaces (in Lagos) as being synonymous with Yoruba women, instead studies are required to consider the role of ’new’ actors.
Ethnicity
Ethnicity is a fluid concept as it changes depending on contexts, and depending on user, but generally refers to a “process by which people make claims based on their identification as members of an imagined community” often on the basis of culture and language (Bender-Shelther, 2015: 3). In utilizing the concept in this study, it is necessary to consider three things: 1) the conceptualization of ethnicity in network literature, 2) ethnicity in the study of networks in Nigeria, and 3) gender in the literature on ethnicity.
The literature on economic networks in Africa has been dominated by a focus on ethnicity. The way much of the literature describes ethnicity on the continent has been to champion the primordial which creates misleading conceptualizations of ethnicity in networks. Brautigam (2003) argued that “indigenous African business networks are segregated by ethnicity as well as by social-economic status, and that African businesses seem less likely to be linked to other groups outside the region that could provide important models, ideas and resources” (p. 452). Whilst Fukuyama (1995) argued that ‘it would appear that in many contemporary African cities, older political structures and family ties have broken down with rapid urbanization but have not been replaced by strong voluntary associations outside of kinship” (p. 94). These assertions stem from a belief that culture is ‘the key regulatory principle of economic networks’ (Meagher, 2009). In contrast to Brautigam (2003) and Fukuyama (1995), Fafchamps (2003) claims that “the relationship between ethnicity and business networks remains loose even when business networks are ethnically concentrated” (p. 308). This is because ethnic groups are so large that the majority of ‘coethnics’ are
not in the same occupation. Moreover, he argues that “ethnic concentration […] seems to result from nothing else than historical accident and socialization patterns that are reinforced by the practice of business itself” (p. 308). This is reflected in other studies as well, which argue that “socio-cultural identities provide a basis of trust and reciprocity in inter-firm relations […] That is to say a regulatory mechanism for inter-firm relations emerges from within the community and socio-cultural identities” (Nadvi & Schmitz, 1994 in Meagher, 2009: 12).
The work by Fafchamps (2003) on ethnicity in African markets is important as it challenges what Meagher (2009) considered the tendency for the literature on economic networks to rely on cultural determinism. Fafchamps (2003) looks at the relationship between business networks and community. Community, in the way he uses it can be used interchangeably with ethnicity. His argument is that ethnic concentration is the result of referrals from friends and family when new actors or firms enter markets (p. 293). While he highlights that the argument is based on limited empirical evidence, his work on information sharing, (informal) contract enforcement and trust is what has led his work to deem networks within specific communities to be the best way for economic actors to minimize transaction costs (p. 293). This essentially means that as the practice of business requires actors to make decisions which best ensures low transaction costs and security, the basis for staying within (ethnic) networks is not because of a low awareness of opportunities outside the in-group, which is what Brautigam (2003) seem to suggest, but rather the result of weak institutions which can ensure that contracts are enforced. What happens when general [mis]trust in business practices are coupled with a troubled past marked by a gruesome civil war as in the case of Nigeria?
There has been many studies on ethnicity in Nigeria, often with a focus on conflict. The overwhelming focus on studying the negative affects of ethnocentricity (e.g., in politics) is understandable given the unfortunate, reoccurring violence that has ravaged large parts of the country, and led to civil war between 1967 - 1970. However, understudied topics are cases of intra-ethnic contestations, but also inter-intra-ethnic cooperation. As previously mentioned, Lagos’ markets are heterogeneous and while the three major ethnic groups (Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo) are seemingly in charge of different parts of trading networks there is cooperation between all three actors. Osaghae (1994) argued that “the academic study of associational ethnicity is that notwithstanding its popularity, much of it is undertaken within ‘worn-out’ theoretical frameworks which have dated empirical bases. This has limited the robustness of theories on associational ethnicity” (p. 1). Similarly, Ukiwo (2005) argues that “the assumption that […] ethnic groups were always at each others’ throats for no just cause tailored studies towards examining instances of ethnic conflicts and competition to the neglect of numerous instances of harmonious inter-ethnic cooperation” (p. 16).
These critiques d not mean that we should stop considering the role of ethnicity in relation to various aspects of lived realities, instead as Ukiwo (2005) reminds us there are important factors to consider in relation to ethnicity: 1) ethnicity is a product of social actors, 2) ethnicity can be manifested in contexts of cooperation too and 3) ethnicity is the result of both self-identification and external categorization (p. 5). If we relate this back to our discussion on migrant networks, it becomes evident that ethnicity is a sensitive matter which in many cases has lead to the establishment of separate networks.
In the case of Hausa traders in Ibadan, Cohen (1967) showed that the choice to remain exclusive was partially made by the colonial government, but also advocated for by Hausa traders themselves, who considered it to be a way to maintain trading monopolies. This has been observed in other studies in Nigeria as well and it shows it stems from calculated “employment or mobilization of ethnic identity and difference to gain advantage in situations of competition, conflict or cooperation” (Osaghae 1995:11in Ukiwo, 2005: 4) Similarly, Nnoli (1976) noted that “the most crucial factor for the emergence of ethnicity in the contact situation is the degree of socio-economic competition involved” (p. 7). This was reflected in Peil (1972) study on ethnic attitudes, which found that “the Yoruba of Ajegunle were more prejudiced against strangers than other ethnic groups in Ajegunle or Yoruba living elsewhere”, the study attributed this to the Yoruba being a minority in Ajegunle. The economic situation following the civil war is also considered important as it may have contributed to the results in which the Yoruba had strong feelings against the influx of Igbo migrants.
If we look at ethnicity within the context of Lagos, we see that the city has always been predominately Yoruba (Adefuge et al., 1986 in Peil, 1991). In 1968 the census placed 16% as non-Yoruba (Mabogunje, 1968 in Peil, 1991). The city is also considered to be part of the “non-Yoruba homeland and has been largely shaped by Yoruba migrants” (Peil, 1991). Indeed, early census figures show that roughly an equal amount of ‘local’ Yoruba and migrant Yoruba from neighboring states made up the bulk of the population. There were many wars between Yoruba people and for a long time there was no pan-Yoruba identity. The contemporary conceptualization of Yoruba is the result of decades of strategic essentialism and political agitation in light of nation-building post-independence in 1960. While Lagos remains Yoruba dominated until today, it has nonetheless become a centre where a plurality of Nigerian ethnicities interact. In fact, at one point “ethno-militant groups like the Ijaw National Congress (INC), the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and the Arewa Peoples Congress (APC), all [had] vibrant branches in the congested and multi-ethnic neighborhood of Lagos” (Agbu, 2004: 19). However,
Peil (1991) argued “the Yoruba see Lagos as their city (or their farm), and want to reap most of the benefits for themselves” (p. 44). This makes it seem as if there is no cooperation between ethnic groups. It is important to not make such generalizations. Solaja et al., (2013) writes that “Hausa ethnic group have dominated many grocery markets in southwestern, Nigeria. Thus, most of the duties assigned to market bureaucrats are being carried out by Hausa executives in the market” (p. 45). By not looking at how Hausa networks are related to Yoruba networks it creates dichotomous categorizations (e.g., Hausa migrant and Yoruba locals) which obscures the reality of networks which cut-across ethnic boundaries. Relating back to Ukwio’s (2005) points, ethnicity exists in instances of cooperation too.
Bender-Shetler (2015) argues that the literature on ethnicity in Africa has been dominated by male perspectives and that it is ‘time for women’s role in the process of ethnic formation to be given analytical priority’ (p. 3). The approach he applied in doing so was ‘gendering ethnicity’. By acknowledging that both gender and ethnicity are social constructs that are contingent on actors and contexts, he sought to illustrate the ways in which an individual ‘chooses to assert a particular identity depends on the specific historical context and concerns of that individual’ (p.4). By defining our participants solely according to ethnicity, we fail to account for their agency in choosing how to relate to it. Thus, by giving primacy to the fluidity of these concepts we allow ourself to make a break with the cultural determinism that so often dominates the debate on gender and ethnicity.
Intersectionality
The term intersectionality was first coined by Kimberlee Crenshaw (1991) and refers to the intersection of oppression, i.e., issues of race, class and gender are not separate categories of oppression or privilege but they intersect and together create subjective positions of individuals. The concept is of outmost importance in any analysis of power (a)symmetries because it moves away from a single-axis framework towards the incorporation of the multiple facets that make up individuals and subsequently affect their (social) positions. Osaghae (1994) argued that 2
“recognition of multiple identities has been referred to as the social network approach which ‘avoids analysis of attitudes and actions of individuals in terms of specific bounded groups, acknowledging instead that individuals are enmeshed in a web of social relationships that lie within
Intersectionality was reintroduced and made more defined by Hill-Collins (2009) through her
2
