i
Understanding The Role of Risk Perceptions as a Barrier
to Climate Change Adaptation: A Study of Cocoa
Farmers in Trinidad and Tobago
Rosanna Morrison
ii Abstract
Abbreviations
CARDI Caribbean Agriculture Research and Development Institute
CRB Cocoa Research Board
DfID Department for International Development GDP Gross Domestic Product
GOTT Government of Trinidad and Tobago
IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development IPCC International Panel on Climate Change
ODPM Office for Disaster Preparedness and Management SDIS Small Developing Island States
SLA Sustainable Livelihoods Approach
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
iii 1. Introduction
1.1 Problem Statement p2
1.2 Research Rationale and Aims p4
2 Theoretical framework p6
2.1 Adaptation p6
2.1.1 Criticism of Rational Decision Maker p7
2.1.2 Barriers to Adaptation p7
2.2 Sustainable Livelihoods Approach p8 2.2.1 Background and Origins p9
2.2.2 Framework p10
2.2.3 Criticism of SLA p11
2.3 Climate Change p13
` 2.3.1Evidence and Effects of Climate Change p13
2.3.2 Climate Change Policy p14
2.4 Perceptions of Risk p15
2.4.1 Climate Change as Risk p15
2.5 Cocoa Farming p16
2.5.1 Cocoa and Climate change p16 2.6 Conclusion p17
3.Setting the Scene p18
3.1 Trinidad and Tobago p18
3.2 Economy of Trinidad and Tobago p18 3.3 Agriculture in Trinidad and Tobago p18 3.4 Cocoa farming in Trinidad and Tobago p19
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3.5 Caribbean Context p20
3.6 Climate Change in Trinidad and Tobago p20
3.7 Climate Change Policy p21
3.8 Research Location p22
4. Methodology p24
4.1 Research Question p24
4.1.1 Main Research Question p24
4.2 Conceptual Scheme p25
4.3 Operationalisation p27
4.4 Ontological and Epistemological Positions p28
4.5 Data collection p29
4.5.1 Secondary Data p29
4.5.2 Semi Structured Interviews p29
4.5.3 Surveys p30
4.6 Unit of Analysis p31
4.7 Sampling Methods p31
4.8 Sample Population p32
4.8.1 Socioeconomic Diversity of Cocoa Farmers p32
4.8.2 Ageing population p33
4.8.3 Gender Differences p34
4.9 Analysing Gathered Data p36
4.10 Ethics p36
4.11 Limitations p37
5. Livelihood Asserts of Cocoa Farmers p38
5.1 Human Capital p39
5.2 Physical Capital p41
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5.4 Financial Capital p43
5.5 Social Capital p46
5.6 Conclusion p47
6. Climate Change and Vulnerability p48
6.1 Existing Knowledge of Climate Change p48 6.2 Experiences of Climate Change p50 6.3 Experience Location and Vulnerability Perceptions p53 6.4 Risk Perceptions and Vulnerability p54
6.5 Landslides p54 6.6 Flooding p58 6.7 Forest Fires p59 6.8 Droughts p61 6.9 Heavy Rainfall p63 6.10 Conclusion p65 7. Adaptation p66
7.1 What Adaptive Measures are Being Taken p66 7.1.1 Water Dispensing/Conservation Systems p67 7.1.2 Improvement and Expansion of Irrigation Systems p70
7.1.3 New Trees p72
7.1.4 Fire Tresses p73
7.2 The Relationship between Perceptions and Decisions to Adapt p75 7.3 Other Barriers to Adaptation for Climate Change p75
7.4 Conclusion p77
8. Main Conclusion p79
8.1 Answering Research Question p79
8.2 Recommendations for Policy p80
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Appendix 1 p82
Appendix 2 p90
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1. Introduction
1.1 Problem statement; Cocoa and Climate Change
Agriculture in Trinidad and Tobago is a small but important sector making up between 0.5 to 1% of GDP, but employing over 3% of the population (CARDI, 2011). The sector is dominated by crops such as cocoa, coffee and sugarcane, most of which are exported in their primary form. This research focuses on the cocoa industry, an important sector culturally and economically. Cocoa in Trinidad and Tobago has a unique taste due to the perfect climate and growing conditions, making it a niche in the global market. Consequently, in the 1800’s, the country was the third biggest exporter of cocoa in the world (Bekele, 2003). However, in recent decades, due to inefficiency and a falling price on the global market, production has significantly declined (Bekele, 2003). Despite this, cocoa still has an important role in the cultural history of Trinidad and its uniqueness has meant that there is still significant demand for it from chocolate producers all over the world. Therefore the Trinidadian government has recently been initiating initiatives to invest money in farmers and in research in order to increase the output and productivity of the cocoa industry (CARI, 2006).
Cocoa farmers in Trinidad and Tobago however, are not just faced with problems of inefficiency and prices, but also with irregular weather patterns and destructive climate events which affect agricultural production and livelihoods within the country. The Caribbean region has been experiencing the harsh effects of climate change over recent decades. Events such as severe storms, sea level rise and salt water intrusion have disrupted both the human and ecological systems (Singh, 1997). These current occurrences and events will impact on agricultural production in the future. The potential effects are shown in the table below.
2 Figure 1;
In order to reduce the risks posed by climate change, farmers need to invest in adaptation strategies. To do so they need to be aware of the risks they face, be willing to adapt and have the resources to invest. Moser and Ekstrom (2010) argue that adaptation is a ‘rational decision’ where the perceived benefits of adaptation must exceed the costs. Therefore, perceptions of risk are intrinsically related to the decision to adapt.
3 1.2 Research Rationale and Aims
This research is inspired by Moser and Ekstrom’s work on barriers to adaptation for climate change (2010). They identify three phases of barriers; understanding, planning and managing. Each of these phases is affected by the ‘crosscutting’ issue of risk perceptions. When applied to climate change, it is suggested that people tend to underestimate the risks, which negatively impacts upon important adaptation decisions and causes adaptation barriers (Moser & Ekstrom, 2010). A study by Belnnow et al (2012) found results which supported this theory, discovering a relationship between ‘seeing and believing’ in climate change and adaptation decisions. This research intends to contribute to the academic literature on climate change adaptation in the agricultural sector and risk perceptions. It aims to understand whether farmers in Trinidad and Tobago are underestimating the risks of climate change and the consequential affect this has on adaption. It will try and propose ways in which adaptation can be encouraged and how barriers to adaptation can be overcome. It will provide insight into what affects risk perceptions and how this can be altered.
The location of the research, Trinidad and Tobago, is a country which is often overlooked in research despite experiencing harsh effects of climate change. Within the country, a high dependency on oil and gas, coupled with cultural and institutional factors, has affected perceptions of climate change and hindered action against it, both in mitigation and adaptation attempts (Indarsingh, 2014).
Recent global climate change policy has been focused upon adaptation as scientists predict that the effects of climate change in the coming decades are irreversible despite mitigation attempts (Adger, Huq, Brown, Conway, & Hulme, 2003). Knowledge of factors which can encourage or prompt a response to climate change will be important for policy decisions (Blennow, Persson, Tomé, & Hanewinkel, 2012). Research in this area also has contextual importance as the government of Trinidad and Tobago is attempting to diversify its economy by expanding the agricultural sector through investment and incentive schemes (GOTT, 2015). However, with climate change posing a threat to agriculture, an understanding of how to adapt to it and how to encourage people to adapt is crucial to their plan.
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This paper will also focus on individual livelihoods and how small holder farmers are attempting to live sustainably within a vulnerable external environment. This research can therefore provide an understanding of the risks and problems faced by cocoa farmers in Trinidad and Tobago and suggest ways in which these stresses they can be reduced.
Overall, this research aims to understand the role of perceptions of risk on the adaptation decisions of famers. It will analyse what factors affect the formation of risk perceptions, how risk perceptions compare to scientifically calculated risks and finally how farmers are adapting to climate change and what barriers are present in the process.
5 2. Theoretical Framework
In this chapter, relevant literature and theories for this research will be reviewed. These theories provide a basis for the data analysis in chapters 5, 6 and 7 and assisted in the formation of research sub-questions. The theories in this section cover aspects of adaptation, the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA), climate change, and perceptions of risk.
2.1 Adaptation
Vulnerability and adaptive capacity are inversely related; the more you adapt the less vulnerable you are. Therefore, in order to reduce vulnerability, such as that posed by climate change, an investment in adaptation is needed. Developing countries have an ‘adaptation deficit’ and are consequently more vulnerable to climate change (Moser & Ekstrom, 2010). This deficit needs large investments from governments and individuals if it is to be overcome.
Adaptation is either planned or spontaneous (Moser & Ekstrom, 2010). Planned adaptations are carried out in anticipation of a future event. They require a rational decision where the benefits of investing will exceed the costs. Once the decision is made, a point of intervention is identified and a barrier created. However, in order for this to occur, the decision maker needs to be aware of the costs. The UNFCCC (Parry, et al., 2009) identified three costs which are incurred when adapting agriculture to reduce the threat of climate change, these are; extra capital investment along the production chain, the need for better extensive services at the country level and the cost of additional global research.
To understand when adaptation takes place, what assets are used for it and why it occurs, Moser (2008) created an asset vulnerability analytical framework. Within this framework, four phases of adaptation are described;
Long-term resilience
Pre-disaster limitation
Immediate post disaster responses
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These four phases represent the stages at which intervention can occur. Long-term resilience occurs before the event in anticipation. Pre-disaster limitation and immediate post disaster responses occur during the event and are often spontaneous, while rebuilding occurs after the event has happened.
Each stage is reliant on different combinations of the assets present in the SLA. However, the decision to adapt in any of the circumstances is dependent on the institutional context and on the adaptive capacity.
2.1.1 Criticism of the Rational Decision Maker
The concept of a rational decision maker is crucial to Moser and Ekstroms (2010) work on climate change adaptation. In their framework, only a rational decision maker, who is aware that the benefits of adaptation will outweigh the costs, will invest. However, the rational decision maker is a theory which has come under a large amount of criticism in its practicality and application to real life situations.
The theory of a rational decision maker assumes that the individual has access to perfect information and can therefore objectively compare the costs and benefits. In reality there are many barriers to perfect information present and it is unlikely an individual will be able to obtain full knowledge (Ascher, 2001). The barriers can either be present in the availability of information; it may simply not be available, or it may be too hard or expensive to access (Heal & Milner, 2015). For those living in poverty, wasting time and money on gaining such information is impractical and potentially impossible. Similarly, individuals may not have the analytical skills to use the information accessible to them and cannot calculate the optimal decision. They may not even be aware that they do not know the choices, or there that are alternatives available (Hallegatte, Shah, Lempert, Brown, & Gill, 2012).
Therefore, the assumption that the rational decision maker idea will always select the optimal decision is questionable. Individuals may select an acceptable option, not the optimal, if it is hard to access and analyse information.
2.1.2 Barriers to Adaptation
Moser and Ekstrom (2010) define barriers as ‘thresholds beyond which existing activities, land uses, ecosystems, species, sustenance, or system states cannot be
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maintained’. Some barriers are malleable and can be overcome with time, investment and commitment. However, when barriers are present, they are likely to increase the costs of adaptation making it less efficient.
In their paper, Moser and Ekstrom define three phases in which barriers to adaptation exist. These phases are; understanding the problem, planning a response and managing the response. Tables 1, 2 and 3 (appendix) show examples of the barriers faced at each phase.
Outside of these phases, ‘crosscutting’ issues will also affect adaptation decisions. These issues are often extremely influential on an individual’s decision making.
Leadership is important in educating people, initiating the process and sustaining the movement.
Adequate resources must be obtained to invest in the adaptation
Strong communication and information is needed to promote effective transfers of knowledge and increase awareness
Deep rooted values and beliefs which influence perceptions of risk by determining what knowledge and information an individual values.
This research will focus mainly upon risk perceptions as a barrier to adaptation, although other contextual issues such as leadership and communication will also be taken into account.
2.2 The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach
The SLA offers a complex and multidimensional understanding of poverty which holds the poor and their needs at its core. Before the 1990’s policy was directed by the underlying assumption that economic growth would reduce poverty, yet this relationship failed to materialise (Krantz, 2001). It became apparent that poverty could not be solved through market-orientated approaches and that it was a far greater problem than just a lack of income. Consequently the SLA and its holistic approach grew in popularity. SLA looks at all the assets, capabilities and the activities of the poor and analyses the relationship between them. It attempts to understand how these
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relationships can enhance or constrain the ability of the poor to live in a sustainable manner (Ros-Tonen, Zaal, & Dietz, 2005) and also attempts to understand the external context, such as insitutions and vulnerability, and how these can affect livelihoods. By using local people and their knowledge, needs and interests, SLA examines the complexities of poverty and aims to provide a set of principles which can be used to overcome it (IFAD, 2014).
2.2.1 Background and Origins
SLA builds on the concept of sustainable development which was first emphasised by the Brundtland Commission report (1987). It is defined as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future” (1987). The UNDP report in 1990 further promoted the need for sustainable development (UNDP, 1990). However it was not until 1992 that the concept of a ‘sustainable livelihood’ was developed by Chambers and Conway in their paper ‘Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for the 21st Century” (1992). The definition they constructed is still
widely used today.
A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims and access) and activities required for a means of living; a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with and recover from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short and long-term. (Chambers & Conway,
1992, p. 7)
Chambers and Conway’s approach to SLA has been analysed and modified slightly by numerous authors. However, the micro-level analysis and understanding of the complexity of poverty remains its defining and most important feature. Taking its inspiration from Sen’s capabilities approach (1999), SLA attempts to look at ‘what people can do and be’ be’ (Scoones, 1998, p. 6), rather than what they own and their income. In Ian Scoone’s (1998) analysis of the SLA, he notes that individuals aim to pursue livelihood outcomes through certain processes in which they combine and use their assets. These processes are carried out within an external environment, which includes institutions and organisations, and this effects their decisions and ability to undergo livelihood processes. Chambers and Conway (1992) also suggest that this
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external environment can include vulnerabilities which individuals experience. Certain shocks and stresses can be particularly harmful to the poor who have access to limited resources and therefore cannot to reduce their vulnerability.
2.2.2 Framework
In an attempt to operationalise the theory behind SLA, DfID produced a framework which portrays it in a schematic form (DfID, 1999). This framework is shown in figure 1 and has been used to guide development theory, activity and strategies. The framework depicts the main influences and processes which affect poverty, the interactions between different factors and demonstrates how important issues link to one another. It does not work in a linear manner, alternatively DfID emphasised that livelihoods are affected by multiple different factors which are constantly shifting. This framework has been an important tool in the practical use of the SLA for poverty elimination.
The vulnerability context describes the external environment within which people exist (DfID, 1999). It encompasses the shocks, stresses, seasons and trends over which individuals have no direct control. The way in which people undergo livelihood
Figure 2 DfID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework
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processes and activities is heavily affected by the vulnerability context. As the poor have fragile livelihoods and little capacity to adapt, they are the most vulnerable and exposed to risks (GLOPP, 2008). In order to reduce their vulnerability individuals may opt to invest in adaptation. This may require large amounts of capital and strong institutions and therefore may not be a viable option for the poorest people.
Livelihood assets represent the endowments of human, natural, financial, physical
and social capital which individuals possess. These endowments are dynamic and constantly changing. They are combined together in order to achieve desired positive livelihood outcomes. It is assumed that people need a range of these assets to escape poverty (GLOPP, 2008).
Transforming structures and processes are the institutions, organisations, policies
and legislation that shape livelihoods. According to DfID guidance sheets their importance ‘cannot be overemphasised’ (DfID, 1999, p. 17). They play an influencing role at every level of the framework and in every decision made by individuals. They therefore heavily influence individual’s livelihood strategies. Livelihood strategies are the range and combination of activities which people undergo to achieve their
livelihood outcomes.
This research will focus mainly upon the vulnerability context and livelihoods assets.
2.2.3 Criticism of SLA
Despite its popular use, the SLA has come under a variety of criticism. Morse and McNamara (2013) argue that for a ‘people-centred’ approach, SLA gives little consideration to people themselves, instead it attempts to neatly quantify lives into clear categories. Consequently, important issues, such as culture, are ignored in the framework (Daskon, 2010). Cultural differences can have a big impact upon development interventions as they can constrain their effectiveness and prevent existing power structures and inequality from being altered (Morse & McNamara, 2013). The SLA also fails to acknowledge activities undertaken for leisure, as opposed to improving their livelihoods. Leisure is an important aspect of human lives which will greatly impact upon individual’s decisions and therefore cannot be ignored in development interventions.
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Krantz (2010) also highlights how several important social factors are excluded from the livelihoods approach. The issue of ‘social relations’ in causing and confining individuals to poverty is ignored. Informal structures such as these are invisible to outsiders and cannot be addressed through the SLA framework.
Scoones (2009) argued that in order to have more relevance and application to real life situations, SLA needs to address four fundamental themes. These are knowledge, politics, scale and dynamics. In particular, the issues of knowledge and dynamics are especially relevant to this research. The SLA is based on implicit knowledge of what constitutes as a ‘good’ or ‘bad’ livelihood trajectory, however what may be assumed as a ‘good’ livelihood may be undesirable for those who experience it (Scoones, 2009). This is particularly relevant to the cocoa industry in Trinidad. Scoones notes that good progress in agriculture is often associated with being linked to a strong industry ‘driven by entrepreneurship and vibrant markets’ (Scoones, 2009). However, in Trinidad, continued integration with global supply chains has resulted in farmers seeing little of the value added to their cocoa and actually negatively impacted upon their income. In this situation farmers themselves have cited the need to create their own industry within the country and not integrate themselves into the globalising market.
The issues of dynamics is also important to this research. Scoones (2009) notes that changes in things such as the climate cannot be successfully addressed in the SLA. Climate change is treated as a context which in the short run can be adapted against. However, in the long run climate change is a dynamic process at the core of people’s lives. They will need constant long term resilience to be built, rather than intervention and shot term adaptation aimed at reducing the problems they are facing at that point in time.
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Climate change is a persistent change in average weather, typically spanning over several decades or longer. This change can be identified and measured by calculating the mean and variability of climate properties over a length of time (IPCC, 2007). The IPCC determines climate change to be a consequence of both human and natural occurrences, although in its most recent report the human influence on climate change is repeatedly discussed and argued to be the main driver of modern day climate change (IPCC, 2014). It is suggested that the human impact on the world has been so dramatic that we have now entered a new geological era; the Anthropocene (Steffen, Crutzen, & McNeill, 2007). In this era, ecosystems are being impact by human activity, the most concerning being the increase in greenhouse gas emissions as a consequence of the increased use of fossil fuels and deforestation.
Climate change is captured in the vulnerability context within the SLA framework. Individual’s livelihoods are affected by climate change as it poses a threat to their assets and constrains their ability to use them in order to produce positive livelihood outcomes.
2.3.1 Evidence and effects of climate change
The IPCC stated that the ‘scientific evidence for warming of the climate system is unequivocal’ (2007, p. 2). The impact which this may have on the biological systems, the environment in which we live and on human lives is hard to predict. In a report by NASA titled ‘Vital Signs of the Earth’ (2015) the evidence for climate change is presented. They discuss many indicators showing that the earth’s climate is heating dramatically. The sea level has risen by unprecedented levels in the past decade and is continuing to accelerate. Global surface temperatures have been at a record high, with 10 of the warmest years since 1880 being recorded in the previous 12 years. This increased heat has resulted in ocean temperatures also rising. There has been growing incidences of extreme weather events, such as intense rainfalls and droughts. Without a dramatic reduction in our greenhouse gas emissions, scientists argue that temperatures will continue to rise for decades (Earth Sicence Communications at NASA, 2015).
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The impact of climate change will undoubtedly affect delicate ecosystems and cause more extreme weather. The exact consequences are impossible to predict, however it is thought that developing countries will disproportionately experience the negative effects (Vidal, 2013). The IPCC predicts increasingly frequent occurrences of wildfires, droughts, flooding and sea level rise (IPCC, 2014).
Climate change therefore poses a large threat to developing countries. For many of the poor, their livelihoods are dependent on agriculture and delicate ecosystems. The potential effects of climate change on agriculture are shown in figure 1 in chapter 1.1. The irregular rainfall and unpredictable weather makes farming in these conditions difficult and can destroy livelihoods.
2.3.2 Climate Change Policy
Climate change policy is focused upon two main strategies; adaptation and mitigation. Climate change mitigation is dedicated to reducing or preventing greenhouse gas emissions. Global policy on climate change mitigation is a contentious and difficult area of legislation. Imposing restrictions on emissions and setting targets can be extremely expensive for countries and can negatively affect their political and economic environments (Burniaux, Château, Dellink, Duval, & Jamet, 2009). Consequently, there has been limited progress in the implementation or commitment to climate change issues.
In recent years, the focus of policy on climate change adaptation has grown. Strong scientific consensus states that the effects of climate change will be experienced in the coming decades regardless of mitigation attempts (Adger, Huq, Brown, Conway, & Hulme, 2003). Therefore adaptation in order to deal with these effects is becoming increasingly important. Typically adaptation is focused only upon adapting our human systems, while the vulnerability of ecosystems and the environment is not addressed (Mann, 2014).
14 2.4 Perceptions of Risks
Risk is the potential loss which can occur due to a certain event. Perceptions of risk are formed by the individual and determine what the individual believes the probability of an event occurring to be and potential loss as a consequence. An individual’s perception of risk is formed through their own personal experiences (including what they hear from others and the media) and knowledge. Cultural theorists suggest that personal experiences include the social values and world views which the individual is exposed to, as these determine their behaviour, social, cultural and political attitudes and their responses to certain situations (Leiserowitz, 2005, p. 49).. Within this social context, the individual will evaluate their level of risk in the view of the information which they have personally received, experienced and can recall. The actual calculated level of risk is likely to be overshadowed by these experiences and knowledge (Reser, Bradley, & Glendon, 2012).
Perceptions of risks influence decision making as a rational decision maker will only opt to adapt when they perceive the risk they face to be greater than the cost of adaptation.
2.4.1 Climate Change as a Risk
Climate change is as an environmental risk and according to Moser and Ekstrom (2010) many different external factors have resulted in a tendency for the public to underestimate the threat it poses to their livelihoods.
In a study on climate change adaptation, Blennow et al (2012) found a strong correlation between people’s beliefs and personal experiences of climate change and their decision to adapt. They suggest that this is because those with the greatest knowledge and personal experiences of climate change perceive the risks to be greater as they are more acutely aware of them. These findings have been supported by several similar studies ((see (Whitmarsh, 2008) (Norton & Leaman, 2004))
15 2.5 Cocoa Farming
The cocoa crop is grown throughout the Tropics, from South America to Africa (The International Cocoa Organisation, 2013). Originally it was used as a spiritual grain, ‘black gold’ and remained within the countries it was harvested in for centuries. However, after the Spanish colonisation of Latin America, the cocoa bean reached Europe and elites in the region were introduced to chocolate (The International Cocoa Organisation, 2013). The demand for cocoa beans then boomed during the Industrial Revolution in the 1700’s as developing industries meant chocolate could be mass produced and available to everyone (The International Cocoa Organisation, 2013). Demand for cocoa beans and chocolate products has increased since this time and supply is maintained by farmers in many developing countries.
90 to 95% of the world cocoa production is done by small-holder farmers (ADCI/VOCA, 2015). These small holders sell to large companies, such as Hershey’s and Cadburys, who then process the beans and make chocolate (Kaplinsky, 2004, p. 22). The value added remains in the industrialised companies and large corporations who process the chocolate and very little of it reaches the farmers (Goodyear, 2014). Consequently, cocoa farming can be an unprofitable job and poorly paid job.
2.5.1 Cocoa and Climate Change
Research into the impact of climate change on cocoa growing is mainly focused on countries such as Ghana and Nigeria as the West African region produces nearly 60% of the world’s cocoa (The International Cocoa Organisation, 2013). However, many of the issues of problems which farmers in this area face will also be experienced by farmers in Trinidad and Tobago.
Cocoa production can be affected by climate change in numerous ways. Cocoa is a climate sensitive crop; at all 3 stages of cocoa production, the seedling phase, the establishment phase and the processing phase, changes in climate can have negative effects (Oyekale, Bolaji, & Olowa, 2009). The cocoa crop is sensitive to droughts; their pod size can be reduced, the mortality rate of newly planted trees increases and soil conditions can change reducing the quality and the flavour (Oyekale, Bolaji, & Olowa, 2009). Similarly, too much rainfall can encourage the
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spread of new diseases, attract new pests and create problems with the drying out and processing of cocoa. Therefore, cocoa is planted in pattern which matches the rainfall and maximises harvests. This pattern is getting harder to predict due to climate change (Oyekale, Bolaji, & Olowa, 2009).
2.6 Conclusion
This section has presented the theories which this research will be based upon. Each of the theories are interlinked, as shown in the conceptual scheme in chapter 4.2. Climate change is captured in the SLA framework in the vulnerability context. In order to reduce the vulnerability caused by climate change, cocoa farmers need to adapt. Adaptation is largely dependent on have the adaptive capacity (assets) and being able to perceive the risks which the farmers face. There are other barriers to adaptation, such as governments and institutions, which will not be a central focus of this research.
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This chapter provides contextual information on the location, policies and climate change issues relevant to this research. It looks first at the country of Trinidad and Tobago, focusing on its economy and agriculture, then it examines the effects of climate change in this region. This provides background information for the research.
3.1 Trinidad and Tobago
The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago is a twin island nation in the south of the Caribbean Sea. It sits on the South American continental shelf and is situated south of Atlantic hurricane belt, although it often experiences severe storms and bad weather as a result. The country covers an area of 5,128 km2, with Trinidad being the larger island having an area of 4,768 km2 (TDC, 2015).
3.1.1 Economy of Trinidad and Tobago
The economy of Trinidad and Tobago is heavily reliant on oil, gas and petroleum exports. This has resulted in it having the second largest greenhouse gas emissions per capita in the world (Kowlessar, 2012). The reliance on fossil-fuel exports has meant the country is vulnerable to extreme price shocks and Dutch disease, where the currency appreciates so much that other exports are uncompetitive on the global market. Both of these factors have contributed to impeding the development of Trinidad and Tobago. Tourism, manufacturing and agriculture are also important industries on the island in both the internal and export economy (The Commwealth, 2015).
3.1.2 Agriculture in Trinidad and Tobago
Agriculture has previously been a vital sector in the economy of Trinidad and Tobago. However, the growth of the energy sector in the 1960’s and 1970’s resulted in a labour shortage, polluted air and water and a decline in other exports due to Dutch disease (World Facts, 2008). These all had negative impacts on productivity of agriculture and consequently, since the late 20th century, the agricultural output of the country has
declined dramatically. In 2001, agriculture accounted for 2% of GDP (Encyclopedia of the Nations , 2014). However, the sector employs over 3% of the labour force and uses over 16% of the land area (CARI, 2006). Agriculture is therefore a socially important sector.
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In recent years, the government of Trinidad and Tobago has been attempting to diversify its economy (Longmore, Jaupart, & Cazorla, 2014). They have taken steps to redevelop the agricultural sector and emphasised the need to increase productivity, profitability and competitiveness. The policies they have promoted include the adoption of improved technologies and new commodities, the improved effectiveness of marketing, agricultural health and food safety systems and the strengthening of linkages with the agro-industry (CARI, 2006).
3.1.3 Cocoa Farming in Trinidad and Tobago
Cocoa is the second largest crop in Trinidad and Tobago. It is considered to have a unique flavour and therefore maintains a niche sector in the global market. However, due to world cocoa prices falling and inefficiency in production, cocoa exports have dramatically dropped, as shown in figure 2 below.
Figure 3; Trinidad and Tobago Cocoa Production
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In an attempt to revitalise the cocoa industry, the Trinidadian government has introduced policies to increase yields and promote investment. These policies have included the establishment of the Cocoa and Coffee Industry Board and various incentive programmes, such as providing money to rehabilitate abandoned cocoa (Bekele, 2003). However, these attempts have done little to improve the cocoa sector and without further intervention the industry may find it hard to survive.
3.2 Caribbean Context
The Caribbean region is comprised largely of two dozen Small Developing Island States (SDIS) which are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change (UNEP, 2008). The region is heavily reliant on the natural resource base, ranging from fossil fuels to fauna. Collectively, the Caribbean has a population of over 39 million people and with 70% living in coastal cities, the region has developed advanced harbours to export its goods (UNEP, 2008). The geography of the Caribbean islands has presented many problems which have affected its development. These include
An inability to achieve economies of scale
High transportation and communication costs
Vulnerability to natural disasters
Scarce land (UNEP, 2008).
Due to the small size of Trinidad and Tobago it struggles to achieve economies of scale in my sectors, including agriculture (Ocampo, 2002). There is limited competition in the region resulting in efficiency and productivity initiatives failing to be adopted. Similarly any exports need to be transported off the island, which can be costly and reduce the efficiency and competitiveness of produce.
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The country is also extremely vulnerable to natural disasters and climate change, as discussed in the next section.
3.3 Climate change in Trinidad and Tobago
The ODPM for Trinidad and Tobago proposed the effects of climate change on the region to include;
More intense and frequent disasters or novel ones altogether
Increased coastal flooding and salt water intrusion into fresh water aquifers (a major issue in light of sea level rise).
Heat waves and drought, which have accompanying hazards such as forest fires, are predicted to become more commonplace
Higher rainfall in the wet season and more regular, powerful storms which can exasperate flooding concerns
Altered hurricane tracks so that islands such as Trinidad and Tobago may be forced to cope more regularly with this natural disaster.
Taken from (ODPM, 2013)
The country has already suffered many of these negative effects of climate change in recent years and several of the country’s main sectors have been impacted as a result. Agricultural yields have declined due to higher temperatures increasing soil acidity and creating the climate for new pests and disease. Human health has suffered due to higher temperatures increasing the spread of insect-born disease. Increased precipitation and sea level rise has also resulted in a rise of waterborne diseases. Flooding and storms have destroyed human property and settlements (ODPM, 2013).
3.3.1 Climate Change Policy
The government of Trinidad and Tobago has introduced several policies to promote mitigation of greenhouse gases, adaptation to climate change and to ensure the protection of natural areas (GOTT, 2013). The government has also signed many international treaties, though none of them have been legally binding.
In 2006, the National Environmental Policy was introduced which attempted to address both mitigation and adaptation to climate change. It promoted the
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enhancement of natural sinks, the use of clean technology and the conservation and protection of natural resources. The nation’s main policies on climate change where published in 2011. The major objectives of it were; to reduce or avoid greenhouse gas emissions, enhance carbon sinks, protect the natural environment, conduct vulnerability assessments and implement adaptation options, educate the public on potential impacts of climate change and adaptation strategies and to enhance agricultural production and food security (GOTT, 2013).
The government of Trinidad and Tobago has identified agriculture as a priority sector for investment in adaptation. They have promoted strategies such as deliberate crop selection, changes in land use, application of new technologies and the teaching of water use efficiency techniques (GOTT, 2013).
Despite such policies on climate change being promoted and discussed, visible action and changes are yet to present themselves.
3.4 Research Location
The location of my research is the country of Trinidad and Tobago. This is located in the south of the Caribbean Sea, as shown on the map below.
Figure 4: Map of Caribbean
Source; google maps
Cocoa farmers in Trinidad and Tobago are generally based on mountainous terrain near rainforest, or thick forest, cover. Through speaking to participants, I discovered
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that farmers identified themselves as being located within one of three locations; the Northern Range, the Central Range and the Southern Range. These are the three ranges of hills, the ‘trinity hills’ which form the island of Trinidad. This research therefore assigns each cocoa farmer one of these locations. On the map below, areas within the blue box are considered to be the Northern Range, within the red box are the Central Range and within the green box are the Southern Range.
Figure 5: Map of Trinidad and Tobago
Within the 62 survey respondents used in this research, 24 were located in the Northern Range, 22 in the Central Range and 16 in the Southern Range. There is no information about the exact locations and distribution of cocoa farms across the country and therefore it is not possible to say whether this sample is representative.
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However, this sample is spread out across the locations and therefore can provide an insight into the differences between them.
The respondent who participated in the semi-structured interviews were similarly spread across the island. Interviewees 1,5,6,7,8 and 10 were located in the Northern Range, while, 2,3,4 and 11 were in the Central Range and 9 and 12 were located in the Southern Range.
4. Methodology
This section explains how this research was carried out, the location of the research and provides information on the sample of respondents.
4.1 Research Question
The aim of this research is to understand how farmers are adapting to reduce their vulnerability to climate change shocks, to understand the role of perceptions of risk in motivating farmers to invest in adaptation and to identify any other barriers which are prohibiting the process.
4.1.1 Main Research Question
How do cocoa farmers in Trinidad and Tobago perceive the risks of climate change related shocks on their livelihoods and what adaptive measures are they
implementing to reduce their vulnerability?
The main research question will be answered through the following sub questions;
What livelihood assets do Cocoa farmers possess?
What are farmer’s previous (past 10 years) experiences of climate change related shock?
How do farmers perceive the threat of climate change related shocks on their livelihood assets?
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How do perceptions affect the decision to invest in adaptation against climate change?
How are farmers adapting to protect their livelihood assets from climate change related shocks?
What barriers are present that prevent farmer’s from adapting?
4.2 Conceptual Scheme
The conceptual scheme shown in figure 3 shows the relationship between the concepts discussed in my theoretical framework and other external/contextual factors. Those within the circle are the concepts which this research will mainly be focused
Figure 6; Conceptual scheme
Livelihoods of Cocoa Farmers (Destruction and loss)
Government and
Institutions
Location
(Small Caribbean island)
Climate Change Shocks
Experience and knowledge
Adaptation Livelihood Assets (Adaptive capacity) Increases Decreases Dependent upon Perception of risk
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upon, while those outside the circle are the external factors which will be discussed, but are not central to the research. The factors which may act as a barrier to adaptation are green.
The location of the research, a small Caribbean island, means it is susceptible to climate change shocks. As the SLA explains, these shocks will increase the vulnerability of the poor and will have a direct effect on livelihoods of cocoa farmers by causing the destruction and loss of assets. This will limit the livelihood strategies a person can undertake and may act as a barrier to adaptation. However, the negative impact of climate change shocks on livelihoods will create an incentive for people to adapt, which will reduce their vulnerability and assist them in securing a more sustainable livelihood. Experiences of loss and destruction due to climate change will increase people’s knowledge of climate change shocks and perceptions of how vulnerable they are. Low risk perceptions and a lack of knowledge can prevent adaptation. Experience is therefore likely to create an incentive for people to adapt to climate change. However, adaptation is dependent on the presence of other barriers, such as having the assets and capacity to adapt.
Farmers live within the context of governments and institutions, which will affect their knowledge, perceptions and adaptive capacity and therefore impact upon their decisions to adapt, either in a positive or negative way. Existing institutions, such as the government and the CRB, can educate people on climate change, increasing both knowledge and perceptions. They can also encourage people to adapt to climate change shocks and potentially provide them with certain assets and the capabilities to carry out the adaptation.
Adaptation, if carried out, will allow people to have more sustainable livelihoods by reducing their vulnerability.
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4.3. Operationalization
In order to conduct this research, three main concepts were identified. These are;
livelihoods assets, perceptions of risk and adaptation. These concepts form the
basis of this research and are the base components of the data analysis in the following chapters. In order to conduct research, these concepts have been divided up, through a process of operationalisation, into dimensions, variables and indicators. This makes them easier to be measured and analysed. An operationalization table is shown in table 4 in the appendix and displays how concepts have been separated. The concept of livelihood assets is important in understanding farmer’s lifestyles and the potential they have to improve their quality of life. This concept is taken from DfID’s work on SLA (DfID, 1999). It. It has been divided into 5 dimensions, as listed in the SL framework, these are; human capital, social capital, natural capital, physical
capital and financial capital. As this research is focused on cocoa farming, the
variables and indicators are focused on aspects relating to this. Physical capital is divided into two variables; owning property and owning the cocoa estate. Human
capital has been divided into three variables, these are education level, health and number of years spent cocoa farming. They provide an indication into the skills and
capabilities of the farmers. Natural capital has been divided into the dimensions of
soil quality and the climate for growing cocoa. Social capital will be measured
through the dimensions of having a farming community and being in regular contact
with other cocoa farmers, while financial capital will be measured through income, savings, debt and access to credit or loans. These variables can be answered
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farmers?’ by the farmers themselves and by observations carried out by the
researcher.
The concept of perceptions of risk is based on work by Leiserowitz (2005). It is divided into the dimensions of previous experience, perceived level of risk and
knowledge. Previous experience is divided into the variables of certain climate
change events; droughts, floods, heavy rainfall, forest fires, new diseases and landslides. This can be measured through bivariate questions asking whether or not an individual has experienced the event. Level of risk is also divided into the same variables relating to specific events and can be measured through a question using a Likert scale in which farmers will rate the level of risk they feel. Second hand data can also be used to show scientifically calculated levels of risk. The dimension of
knowledge is divided into the variables knowledge of climate change, knowledge of the effects of climate change and government information of climate change.
These can all be measured through closed questions and informal interview questions, such as ‘are you aware of the term climate change?’ and ‘what does the term climate change mean to you?’
The concept of adaptation will be measured based on Moser and Ekstroms work (2010). It is divided into the dimensions before the event, during the event and after
the event. Each of these dimensions are then divided into the indicators actions taken, assets used and funding source. This will be measured through open ended
questions, such as ‘what motivated you to invest in this form of adaptation?’ and ‘was this action carried out before or after the event?’
The operationalization table in table 4 in the appendix shows the indicators and types of questions which will be used to measure each concept.
4.4 Ontological and Epistemological position
This research is based on a critical realist approach. It holds ontology and epistemology as separate entities. There exists a subjective reality and this is important in understanding the human construction of the world, therefore it is heavily linked to the concept of constructivism. However, it also believes that there is a ‘real world’ out there, independent of our social constructs which can only partially be
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captured. We can only gain an insight into the objective world through subjective views. Individuals construct their own view of the world based on their perceptions and experiences of it and therefore this can never be objective.
Based on a critical realist approach, this research uses mixed methods approach with both quantitative and qualitative research methods. An exploratory sequential design is used (Creswell, 2014, p. 139). Initially, qualitative methods are used to gain an insight into the perceptions and complex cases of participants in the research. This provided an understanding of their subjective reality and allowed an inductive approach to be used to formulate the quantitative stage of the research. The quantitative stage provides data which will be used to make generalisations and identify relationships within the sample population and about the population at large. The use of a mixed methods approach assists with the triangulation of data (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011, p. 285)
4.5 Data Collection 4.5.1 Secondary Data
This research uses secondary data provided by the ODPM in Trinidad and Tobago (ODPM, 2013). The ODPM is a division of the Ministry of Defence and seeks to raise public awareness of disasters to create resilience. The data taken from this source is information with regards to real calculated risks of climate change, the effects of climate change and adaptation. This provides the research with a more objective perspective of risks than those provided by the farmers. The benefits of using secondary data in this way are numerous. The amount of time and money spent on collecting and gathering the data is much greater than what I could afford, or have the ability to carry out, during my time in the field (Johnston, 2014). The data is likely to be more reliable due to instruments used and scope of the research (Atkinson & Brandolini, 2001). However, it must be noted that secondary data may is not free from subjectivity and bias. Institutions such as the ODPM may perceive high risk as different from an individual farmer as it is a subjective concept, while they may also have their own motivations to over, or under, exaggerate risk.
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4.5.2 Semi-structured interviews
To gain an in-depth insight and understanding of the issues involved in this research, 12 one-on-one interviews were carried out with farmers. These interviews assisted in developing an asset profile, addressing experiences of climate change and perceptions of risk and in understanding adaptation strategies. They provide rich detail, information on contextual factors and the basis for the rest of the research (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004). The interviews initially adopted an inductive approach, focusing on the interviewee’s perceptions and understanding of climate change shocks in order to gain insight into their own knowledge. They then proceeded to addressing specific events, if not previously discussed, such as drought and floods. The interviews were semi-structured and used an interview plan which provided consistency between interviews. This assisted with the comparing of data from different locations. Due to practical issues, such as these interviews being carried out outdoors on farmland, they were not recorded, instead in-depth details and notes were be made.
4.5.3 Surveys
After the semi-structured interviews were conducted, an inductive insight into the complexity of farmers and their adaptation towards climate change was gathered. To triangulate any findings and to make generalisations and identify relationships, a survey was created and distributed amongst Cocoa farmers. A total of 62 surveys were collected from a variety of farmers. The respondents were not those who I had previously interviewed.
Initially a piolet survey was created to ensure that the questions were understandable, answered in the way I wanted them to be and also that the survey was not too short or too long. The pilot survey was carried completed by 6 Cocoa farmers who then provided me with feedback about what they felt needed changing. I also looked through their answers and myself identified areas for change. Once the survey was adapted and a final copy made, I was able to begin collecting responses and gathering
data. A copy of the final survey is shown in appendix 2.
The survey used mainly closed questions. These were either bivariate, where the respondent had to answer yes or no, or a Likert scale, were the respondent had to
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select their perceived level of risk on a scale from 1 to 5. The use of such closed questions allows the data to be statistically analysed. Some open questions were used when discussing forms/types of adaptation and barriers to adaptation. Open questions were used as closed question answers would not provide in depth information on the complexity and variety of problems farmers were facing.
As all but 4 of the interviews were carried out by myself, I was able to make additional notes and ask further questions with regards to any extra information which was provided by farmers. 4 of the interviews were completed over email. Administering most surveys myself ensured consistency.
4.6 Unit of Analysis
The unit of analysis for this research is the individual farmers. The conclusions of this research are therefore drawn at an individual level. The individuals interviewed were all, or had previously been, Cocoa farmers, from different locations and backgrounds. One interviewee was no longer a Cocoa farmer and instead was managing the Cocoa farmers’ cooperative. The aim of the research is to understand individuals risk perceptions and therefore the farmers themselves are the focus of analysis.
4.7 Sampling methods
This research used non-probability sampling methods (Babbie, 2014, p. 199). Both snowball sampling and convenience sampling were used to find interviewees and survey respondents.
Snowball sampling is a sampling method which is used when research subjects are hard to locate and contact. In Trinidad, the details of cocoa farmers were not readily available and they could not easily be approached. I therefore initially relied on a method of snowball sampling, were my primary contact put me in touch with more subjects whom she knew (Babbie, 2014, p. 201). My initial contact in the field was with a cocoa farmer whom I had some previous contact with before leaving. She was the first interviewee and offered to assist in finding more farmers for my research.
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Using this method of snowball sampling may have created a community bias in my research, with the first participant having a big influence over the sample of interviewees (Atkinson & Flint, 2004). This may have provided an inaccurate portrayal of all cocoa farmers in the region as certain communities may not have any links to the individuals I interviewed and therefore will have been excluded from my research. After the interviews were completed, I had gained enough insight, knowledge and contacts within the cocoa farming community to then conduct surveys using a method of convenience sampling (McCormack & Hill, 1997), although the snowball technique was also used on a few occasions. Convenience sampling is the process through which the sample population is drawn from those who are close at hand and convenient to approach (McCormack & Hill, 1997). Convenience sampling was used as I was able to attend several meetings were a variety of cocoa farmers were also in attendance. This provided me with the opportunity to conduct many surveys within a group I had easy access too. The surveys were carried out at a CRB meeting where many stakeholders, farmers and others involved in the industry attended, here I gathered 26 surveys, I also spent 2 days at the Monserrat Cooperative surveying farmers who came to sell their Cocoa produce where I gathered a further 27 surveys. Some of my surveys were done through snowball sampling, for example one cooperative member I met arranged to meet at a later date and took me around estates by his own to conduct surveys.
Convenience sampling does not give an accurate portrayal of the profile of the group being studied. It is likely to provide a certain type of respondent, with certain characteristics (Farrokhi, 2012).
Therefore, the non-probability sampling techniques which are used in this research may not provide an accurate portrayal of the actual profile of cocoa farmers. This means that generalisations made from this research may not be applicable to whole populations.
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This section describes the characteristics of the sample population of farmers used for both my survey and interviews. Data gathered from the period of fieldwork is used to present information on the sample.
4.8.1 The socioeconomic diversity of Cocoa Farmers in Trinidad and Tobago
Cocoa farmers in Trinidad and Tobago are a diverse group with different motivations, incomes and drastically different livelihoods. To gain a full understanding of the group being studied, an inductive approach was adopted in order to gather information and direction from the farmer’s themselves.
There are two distinct groups of Cocoa farmers present in Trinidad and Tobago. These were identified by Interviewee 1. The first group, which she placed herself within, are those who had begun Cocoa farming in later life as a ‘passion’ or a
‘hobby’. These individuals usually use Cocoa farming to supplement their main
income and are generally a well-off, income secure group. Farmers such as these tend to live in urbanised areas and not on their Cocoa estates. The second group of farmers are those who rely solely, or mostly, on Cocoa for their income. They often live in rural areas, near or on their estates. Interviewee 1 stated that usually these farmers have a long family tradition of Cocoa farming which they have inherited.
Therefore they have often been involved in Cocoa farming for all, or most of their life. This observation was confirmed through survey responses, were out of the 73% of respondents who inherited the farm from family members, a large proportion had cocoa as their main form of income. For all of those who had no family history of farming, cocoa was a supplementary income. A statistically significant relationship was found between a family history of farming and having alternative forms of main income (Pearson Chi Square: 10.269, S.L; 0.001). There is also a statistically significant relationship (Pearson Chi Sqaure; 21.565, S.L 0.000) between having a family history of Cocoa farming and being in the lowest income bracket (earning less than 6000 US$ a year).
Through my own observations while conducting interviews and surveys and whilst talking to farmers, the differences between the two groups was clear. Estates in remote, rural areas, such as Gran Couva, tended to be less developed, with limited
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modern amenities. In contrast, estates owned by more economically well-off individuals were usually well looked after and close to the urbanised areas where they lived.
4.8.2 The ageing population of Cocoa Farmers
Cocoa farmers are an aging group, with new, younger workers being attracted by the high wages and more ‘respectable’ jobs (Interviewee 3) which are offered in the oil and gas industry. This was an issue which arose in several interviews. Interviewee 1 suggested that Cocoa is viewed as a ‘poor persons profession’ which educated or skilled people do not want to join. This is due to their being an association with working in the Cocoa industry and the slave trade and therefore it being viewed as a low status occupation. As educational obtainment increases and more people are gaining a higher level of education, as is happening in Trinidad and Tobago (World Bank, 2015), the more likely it is that they will chose to participate in jobs in the tertiary and secondary sectors. Similarly, interviewee 6 stated that he would rather have a job in a different sector where he could earn more money, but farming is all he is trained to do.
The mean age of Cocoa farmers surveyed was 52. The youngest farmer surveyed was 29, who stated he wanted to Cocoa farm in order to follow the family tradition, despite having a high level of education (completed secondary school). The oldest farmer was 85 and despite having 4 children, all had chosen to follow different career paths rather than take over the Cocoa estate. The total distribution of ages is shown in the histogram below.
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Agriculture in Trinidad and Tobago is historically a male orientated industry. Data from the last quarter of 2014 (Government of Trinidad and Tobago, 2015) shows that in the agricultural industry, 145,000 of those employed were male compared to 11,000 being female. This was reflected in the survey results, were 94% of respondents were male.
The female farmers interviewed and surveyed were often well-off, professionals in other career paths and joined the Cocoa profession later in life. They all lived in an urban environment, had other main forms of income aside from Cocoa and had no history of Cocoa farming in their families.
The domination of men in the agricultural industry is largely due to the gender stereotypes still dominant in rural areas of the country. While these stereotypes are still present in urban areas, they may not be so extreme and as woman have more opportunities to gain an education, access different career paths and earn a decent income.
Overall, the participants in this research represent two distinct groups of Cocoa farmers; those who participate later in life as a ‘hobby’ or ‘passion’ and those who have
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a long history of farming in their family. Cocoa farmers are generally an ageing group, and is a professional mostly dominated by men,
In order to research the sub-questions and main research question, a new variable was created within the dataset. This variable has three groups. The first is called ‘farming history’ and includes farmers who have a family history of cocoa farming as well as cocoa being their main form of income. 20 farmers are in this group. The second group is the ‘no farming history group’. Those included in this group are new to the profession and have alternative main forms of income.16 farmers are in this group. The third group is ‘other’ and includes farmers who do not exclusively fit into either category above. 26 farmers are in this group.
4.9 Analysing the Gathered Data
The process of data analysis allows relationships, trends and patterns to be identified within the information gathered. This research uses several different methods of data analysis in order to understand and analyse the gathered data.
Initially, the notes and quotations taken from qualitative interviews were typed up and coded using atlas.ti software. Reoccurring themes and relationships were then identified in the qualitative data.
Quantitative data was analysed statistically using SPSS. Relationships were identified and then tested for using Pearson Chi Square tests. The results, along with related quotations, is shown in the data analysis chapters.
Secondary data was used as a comparison for findings from both the qualitative and quantitative data collections. It provided a point of references to understand how
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individuals subjective views compares to a more objective reality. However, the objectiveness of secondary data must also be questioned.
4.10 Ethics
The ethical considerations of my research were limited due to the non-sensitive nature of my topic and the willingness and eagerness of respondents to take part in my research. I frequently found that farmers would want to introduce me to others in their community, as well and their families and friends, which made finding respondents relatively easy and was also encouraging for my research. Many of the farmers I spoke to took pride in their work and were eager to discuss problems and issues, and also relished the opportunity to voice their criticisms of the government. All the respondents were willing to be named in this thesis and through my main point of contact on the field, have asked to my final work when completed. One ethical consideration I did come across however was having to make it clear to the participants that I was not in the position to help them or offer any change and that my position there was purely for research and not to improve their livelihoods.
4.11 Limitations
Due to the time constraints involved my research was limited in the number of respondents and interviewees. Wile 64 surveys were gathered, which provides enough information for statistical tests and relationships to be identified, I found that when conducting some tests, the cell count was less than 5 and therefore the results invalid.
The sample population and sampling technique used also provides limitations to my research. The non-probability methods used mean that I cannot be sure my sample is representative of the population; it is just those who I was able to be in contact with. Due to the difficulty in located farmers and getting in touch with them, this method was the only one I could reasonably use in my timeframe. Also, the surveys were collected at a Cooperative meeting and the CRB. These were meetings which farmers had to
