Social Ecology of the Neighborhood Commercial Street:
Deleted through Redevelopment?
Comparing the Impact of New Metro Stations on the Sense of Place in
Kennedy Town (Hong Kong) and De Pijp (Amsterdam)
Author: Isabella Rossen
Research Master Urban Studies
University of Amsterdam
October 31, 2015
Social Ecology of the Neighborhood Commercial Street:
Deleted through Redevelopment?
Comparing the Impact of New Metro Stations on the Sense of Place in
Kennedy Town (Hong Kong) and De Pijp (Amsterdam)
ABSTRACT
The establishment of connections between places and spaces is pivotal to the way the urban
landscape is taking shape in the 21st century. Infrastructural connections do not merely facilitate rapid and convenient movement between places, but often encourage redevelopment trajectories which set in motion the identity of spatially based entities such as neighborhoods. This article investigates the impact of a new metro station on the socioeconomic character of the neighborhood commercial street in two very different urban settings, namely Hong Kong's Kennedy Town and Amsterdam's De Pijp. In Kennedy Town a new metro station has opened in December 2014, as part of the extension of Hong Kong's West Island Line. The metro line 'Noord/Zuidlijn' in Amsterdam will include a new station in the neighborhood De Pijp, which is due to open in 2017. In both cases, the construction of the new metro station impacts the street ecology of the neighborhood commercial streets in its vicinity, however to varying degrees and at a different speed. This article analyzes how the redevelopment affects the everyday social space as experienced by residents and retailers. This is done by assessing how locals evaluate the role of the (1) changes in built environment, (2) changing retail/commercial landscape and (3) social fabric. Investigating how urban locals in both Hong Kong and Amsterdam experience the changes in their everyday social space, reveals how built form, economic functions and social activities interact. It sheds light upon the difference in urban dynamics, sense of belonging and moral ownership of city dwellers in these two divergent institutional and cultural settings. Furthermore it shows why one neighborhood's social ecology exhibits more resilience in the face of an exogenous "shock" than the other.
Keywords: neighborhood social ecology, metro station development, sense of place, moral ownership, social resilience
INTRODUCTION
Contemporary inner city space, particularly in global cities, is under a mounting pressure. Besides accommodating an increasing population, it is a lucrative investment destination for domestic as well as international developers and corporations. At the same time, local governments strive to make city centers available to visitors and tourists who arrive in great numbers and commercial activities seek to profit from the liveliness often found in central urban locations. Many demands are thus placed upon the inner city, thereby increasing the need for the development of efficient transportation facilities and the redevelopment of neighborhoods. But what do new metro stations and related redevelopment trajectories mean for the socioeconomic identity of inner city neighborhoods and their streets? And how do residents experience the changes in their living environment? The transformation of inner city neighborhoods and the conflicting interests of different groups of residents, businesses, investors and local governments is discussed as a pressing issue by scholars (Zukin et al, 2016; Sassen, 2014); policymakers (Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau) and international as well as local newspapers (Financial Times, South China Morning Post, NRC Handelsblad, Het Parool). 1
Frequently, the development of new public transport connections coincides with a process of urban renewal (Meija-Dorantes and Lucas, 2014; Rayle, 2015). Although urban redevelopment is generally regarded as uplifting a neighborhood, it can have negative socioeconomic outcomes, damaging "the diversity and vibrancy of neighbourhoods" (He and Wu, 2007, p.195) and favoring a selective group of residents, as is often argued in gentrification debates (Rayle, 2015). The effect of public transportation development on urban localities and the sense of place of their inhabitants, has however not been widely researched (Ye and Chen, 2015; Brown and Werner, 2011; Chow, 2014).
Taking the local urban street as its research unit, this article zooms in to compare two specific neighborhood commercial streets which are in transition. The construction of a new metro connection and related redevelopment of the neighborhood impact the socio-economic character of Catchick Street in the neighborhood Kennedy Town in Hong Kong and to a different extent the Ferdinand Bolstraat in De Pijp in Amsterdam. Both streets fulfill a central role in the surrounding neighborhood as social and economic spaces and host a functional mix of retail spaces and residences. Catchick Street has seen the opening of a new metro station in its vicinity in 2014, and metro station De Pijp located at the Ferdinand Bolstraat is planned to open in 2017. How locals experience the transformation of the two neighborhood commercial streets, triggered by the construction of these new metro stations, is analyzed through ethnographic research and in-depth interviews. The research question central to this article is: how is the sense of place of locals affected by changes in the social ecology of the two selected neighborhood commercial streets? The research involves an investigation of aspects of the built environment, retail landscape and social fabric, which are altered or even deleted through redevelopment.
Firstly, the significance of the neighborhood commercial street for the sense of place of city residents will be discussed and the factors that play a role in how the social ecology of the street is experienced are briefly presented. Thereafter the methodological approach of this research will be explained in order to demonstrate how the sense of place of locals in Kennedy Town and De Pijp has been investigated. This is followed by a discussion of the two case studies, presenting the results of the ethnographic research and an analysis of the difference in impact of the new metro stations on Catchick Street and the Ferdinand Bolstraat. Lastly, the conclusion will reflect on what the changing identity of the two investigated local streets means for locals' sense of place and moral ownership of
1
See for example newspaper articles: Heathcote, Edwin (2015) Cities obliterating reasons for success. Financial Times, 16 September; Sung, Timmy and Cheung, Tony (2014) Kennedy Town MTR station opens but not everyone is happy with the pace of change. South China Morning Post, 29 December; Vermeij, Lotte (2015) De steden groeien maar de kansarmen raken in de verdrukking. NrcHandelsblad, 8 juli; and Oostra, Loeka (2015) Ferdinand Bolstraat wordt straks 'onmogelijk druk'. Het Parool, 1 March.
their urban habitat and how differences between resilience of the two urban social ecologies can be explained.
WHERE GLOBAL AND LOCAL MEET: THE STREET
The significance of mobility and networks in our interconnected urban era (Bertolini, 2012; Castells, 2004) has implications for the meaning of place and locality. Time-space compression and
globalization are leading to an intensified meeting of the global and the local: places are inherently dynamic and permanently in the process of becoming but the current supremacy of interconnectivity makes places and their identities increasingly fluid (Mendoza, 2012; Massey, 1994). Zooming in on the street, which is shaped through the day-to-day practices that take place in its locality but also its intricate connections to other urban localities and scales of organization, allows one to research an urban space that is both bounded and connected (Hall, 2013) and constantly in flux. Especially in inner-city neighborhood commercial streets, different uses, practices and meanings coexist and social, political, cultural, economic interests and activities mix and mingle. Therefore the urban neighborhood commercial street - also referred to as local shopping street - provides a telling picture of how
globalization, increased mobility and gentrification processes impact the local identities of places (Zukin et al, 2016). The construction of a new metro station can trigger or accelerate a process of neighborhood redevelopment and as such lead to the transformation of the local identity of
neighborhood commercial streets. Public transportation infrastructure generally uplifts the land value of the surrounding area, frequently causing a rise in rents and related changes in property
development. The latter impacts demography, built environment and the present functions and activities in the neighborhood and hence its socioeconomic character (He and Wu, 2007). Neighborhood Commercial Street as Habitus
The neighborhood commercial street is an inner city street which hosts retail spaces, residences and public space and is central to the neighborhood as social and economic urban space (Zukin et al, 2016; Mehta, 2015; Jacobs, 1961). A sense of belonging to a neighborhood is often connected to neighborhood commercial streets; they play a large role in shaping the identity of a neighborhood and provide city inhabitants a 'civic space'. As residents and retailers can meet on the street or in its public spaces and retail spaces, this gives them the opportunity to build networks and trust. These
neighborhood networks constitute significant social capital (Kearns & Forrest, 2000; Jacobs, 1961). To analyze the complexity of interrelationships that constitute the street, it is insightful to regard the street as a socio-ecological system (Zukin et al, 2016; Mehta 2015). Urban ecological theory brings to the fore this understanding of the city as a complex and dynamic social ecological system and
stresses the value of researching the interactions between people and their environment (Mehta, 2015; Browning and Jackson, 2013; Goist, 1971). An exogenous shock can potentially unsettle the resilience of the system. Social resilience refers to the capacity of a system to experience change but at the same time remain stable (Cote and Nightingale, 2012). By applying resilience theory to a local urban setting one can research which elements of an urban system are crucial in ensuring a balanced development and preserving the 'local' identity of the system. A normative implication of social
ecological thinking is that the coexistence of a diversity of economic, cultural, social activities and forms of usage, people and objects, is beneficial for the health of the "system" (Mehta, 2015). The vibrancy and diversity of the neighborhood commercial street is of importance for the resilience of the urban neighborhood (Beckers and Kloosterman, 2014) as well as the everyday life of local residents and retailers (Mehta, 2015; Jacobs, 1961) and the character of a city as a whole (
G
oldberger, 1996). A street shapes the everyday life-world (Meegan and Mitchell, 2001, p.2171) of its various users, and vice versa the people who use the street shape the streetscape through their activities (De Certeau,1988). The neighborhood commercial street can be regarded as a "habitus" of the people who live their everyday lives in it (Zukin et al, 2016); habitus being Bourdieu's conceptualization of a system which is produced by economic and social conditions and simultaneously produces social practices (Campelo et al, 2014). Applying the concept of habitus to the local shopping street, this research understands the street as a system that is on the one hand produced by its social context and on the other hand (re)produces the practices and lifestyles of its users. It is thus not only the agency of individuals that shape the street; "specific power relations between individuals, collectivities and institutions" (Pred, 1984) largely determine its structure and therefore also make the street a space of contestation. As Zukin, Kasinitz and Chen (2016) write, the story of the local shopping street is written by "...many different "authors", all acting for their own reasons and often fiercely competitive with each other" (p.15). Zukin et al determine three main groups of authors which shape local shopping streets; business owners, building owners, and shoppers. These actors depend on each other, plus operate within a framework which is structured by the local state, media, neighborhood demographics and supply chains. Whilst Zukin et al thus do not regard the residents of a neighborhood as authors of the local shopping street, this research argues for a perspective in which residents are also seen as significant authors. Residents spend time on the street and in local retail spaces and also often own and operate small local stores. They are closely involved with the particularities of life in their street, and therefore their lived experience is a vital part of the story of the local shopping street.
Sense of Place and Moral Ownership
The street is where city inhabitants meet each other and make sense of their urban environment. Based on their activities and daily practices, as well as on social and economic position and individual consciousness, people have diverging associations and feelings of attachment to places. The
neighborhood commercial street is particularly relevant when investigating the sense of place of city dwellers, as it is a place that can "provide the opportunity to accommodate places of meaning near home" (Mehta, 2013, p.175). The close interaction between space and individuals is what makes "sense of place" an interesting phenomenon; it is "...part of the becoming of individual consciousness and thereby inseparable from biography formation and the becoming of place" (Pred, 1984, p.292). People's thoughts and feelings are closely interrelated to their habitat (Amin, 2014); spatial stories of individuals and the identity of place mutually constitute each other. Sense of place captures how individuals experience and understand their environment and "is primarily determined by the
meanings given to it by those whose place it is" (Campelo et al, 2014, p.154). A discussion of sense of place thus involves the question of ownership: for which social group is the street a habitus? For whom does the street offer enabling conditions and an opportunity to take part in its social networks, and who feels excluded from participating in its territory? Indicators of sense of place of locals are sense of belonging, intensity of community feeling (Forrest and Kearns, 2001) and sense of moral ownership of the street (Zukin et al, 2016).
The sense of place locals have of a street is influenced by many factors, but this research chooses to mainly investigate the role of:
(1) The built environment and how physical changes, for example in the design of the street, impact the sense of place (Forrest and Kearns, 2001). The interface "between public street and private house" (Gehl, 1978) plays a significant role in shaping the character of a street, the type of functions it hosts and its liveliness. Besides the design of the street, the age, condition and size of its buildings also greatly determine which enterprises and residents settle there. Jane Jacobs (1961) stressed the necessity of a mixture of old and new buildings in a street and neighborhood, arguing that when new construction replaces all old buildings, this damages the diversity of the residential population as well as enterprises.
(2) The retail landscape, as the presence of businesses does not only signify the economic vitality of a neighborhood, but the retail landscape is also socially significant and has a public role (Hall, 2011).
(3) The social fabric, which is constituted of the relationships between people (Relph, 1976) and thus a neighborhood's social networks (Forrest and Kearns, 2001).
These three aspects of the neighborhood commercial street's system are closely interrelated and play an important part in shaping the sense of place of locals. This article regards the establishment of a connection with the urban metro network as an external factor with impact on neighborhood street dynamics. The reaction of locals to changes in their living environment and the extent to which they maintain a sense of moral ownership, can provide insight into the social resilience of the neighborhood as socio-ecological system.
METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH
Methodologically this research is an interpretive ethnography of space and place. The production of space is understood as a process that consists of the everyday practices of people and the meanings they attach to their environment. This approach is inspired by De Certeau's theory (1988) on how everyday practices shape space, and Bourdieu's understanding of social practices and meanings as fluid and brought about by actors who have their "own discursive knowledge and strategic intentions" (Low, 2014). The anthropological approach of ethnography is a "process-oriented, person-based perspective and allows for agency and new possibilities" (Low, S.2014, p.xxii). This allows one to on the one hand investigate the role of "social structures and political and economic constraints" (Low, 2014) and on the other hand pay attention to the perceptions and practices of urban actors.
Ethnographic research is thus useful when trying to uncover the ambiguities in dynamic urban environments (Hall, 2012).
Qualitative research has been employed to investigate the sense of place of local residents and retailers in both Amsterdam and Hong Kong. The streets that have been selected are both located in traditional working class neighborhoods, situated in the outer part of the inner city. The external factor which triggers a process of redevelopment and urban change in the neighborhood is similar: in both cases a connection to the metropolitan metro network is an important factor causing change in sense of place of locals. A variation in the way redevelopment affects the localities and is experienced by the urban actors in these neighborhoods can be expected as Kennedy Town and De Pijp are located in two very distinct urban settings, where very different institutional and cultural contexts and regulatory frameworks play a role in shaping the street. The case selection strategy is thus a diverse-case method (Gerring, 2006, p. 89); see Table 1 for an overview of the selected cases.
This research employs an abductive research strategy (Blaikie, 2000, p. 25); meaning that a constant interplay between social scientific explanations and everyday meanings as expressed by urban locals during data gathering in Hong Kong's Kennedy Town and Amsterdam's De Pijp has informed an understanding of which factors are of importance for the sense of place of local residents and retailers. Data was gathered firstly through in-depth semi-structured interviews, a common technique when studying sense of place (Mendoza, 2012) and secondly through observations and photography of the neighborhood commercial streets. In Kennedy Town, a total of 19 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted between October 2014 and February 2015, and in De Pijp 10 in-depth interviews were conducted between May 2015 and September 2015. Aiming to generate situated knowledge and draw together a variation of perspectives of neighborhood belonging, interviewees were selected on the basis of their different forms of connection to the neighborhood. The case study thus included long-time residents as well as newcomers to the neighborhood and 'traditional', 'local' shopkeepers as well as owners of new stores and bars. Furthermore several experts - such as community workers and
an architectural historian - and representatives from the local government were interviewed to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the changes in the neighborhood and the variety of urban actors involved. Interviewees in both case studies are listed in Table 2.
The interviews explored the sense of place and moral ownership of locals and how the new metro station and related redevelopment impacted their sense of belonging to the neighborhood. In order to gain insight into these subjective experiences, the interviews addressed the impact of the changes they perceived in their living environment due to the recent redevelopments with a focus on 1) built environment, 2) retail landscape and 3) their sense of community and their activities in social
networks. In the analysis, key themes were distilled from the interviews to gain insight into the sense of place and moral ownership of the locals.
This study is comprised of two extended case studies, a method which aims at understanding the social situation in a given case, rather than generalizing from it (Small, p.20). The trade-off with doing in-depth field research through observations, in-depth semi-structured interviews and extensive context analysis, is that the research is "highly contextualized" (Abbott, 2014, p.53) and thus the breadth of the research is limited. The focus is on within-case analysis rather than cross-case analysis. A comparison between the two selected cases can nonetheless shed light upon why a similar external factor has different effects in the socio-ecological system of the neighborhood
commercial street, and thus provide insight into which factors mostly impact the sense of belonging of city dwellers in Hong Kong versus Amsterdam.
Two neighborhood commercial streets
City Neighborhood Street Location Past
characterization
Present
characterization Hong Kong Kennedy
Town
Catchick Street
Near center Local working class
Upscale 'global' Amsterdam De Pijp Ferdinand
Bolstraat
Near center Local working class
Gentrified and 'hip'
Table 1: characteristics of the two investigated neighborhood commercial streets
Interviewees
Neighborhood Residents interviewed
Retailers interviews
Local experts Local government representatives Kennedy Town 3 elderly female
residents from public housing estate Kwung Lung Lau; 1 elderly resident and social worker; 2 middle-aged residents; 2 young residents; 1 young expat resident 4 owners of new retail spaces (a coffee bar, a new liquor store, an upscale
supermarket and a Japanese restaurant) who did not live in Kennedy Town; 3 owners of old traditional stores (a hardware store, an old furniture store, an old pharmacy) who 1 community worker; 1 employee of a community heritage project 1 representative: the vice Chairman of Central and Western District Council & the Elected Member of Kennedy Town and Mount Davis Constituency Area.
were also residents of Kennedy Town De Pijp 1 long-term resident and active member of 'Bewoners van De Pijp'; 1 long-term resident and owner of local specialty store; 1 resident and owner of bookstore in De Pijp 3 owners old neighborhood stores (a bakery, liquor store, lunchroom); 1 owner of a new coffee/concept store 2 projectleaders /street managers De Pijp 1 representative of the District Council Amsterdam Zuid
Table 2: overview of the interviews conducted in Kennedy Town and De Pijp
INVESTIGATING METRO STATION IMPACT IN HONG KONG AND AMSTERDAM
This chapter investigates the way the sense of place of locals in Catchick Street (Kennedy Town) and the Ferdinand Bolstraat (De Pijp) has been affected by redevelopment. Firstly the case study of Kennedy Town's Catchick Street will be presented and thereafter De Pijp's Ferdinand Bolstraat will be discussed. Both case studies include 1) a brief description of the metro station development and the street and its context; 2) an account of the most significant changes in the built environment and retail landscape based on interviews with locals, observation and photography of the streetscape and literature and 3) an analysis of the sense of place as narrated by local residents and retailers. KENNEDY TOWN METRO STATION
Figure 1: The site where the new metro station in Kennedy Town has been built (Photo Isabella Rossen, February 2015)
After four years of construction works, Kennedy Town's new metro station opened in December 2014. The metro connection to Kennedy Town is part of a larger-scale extension of Hong Kong's West-Island metro line, a project that was officially announced five years ago. Hong Kong's metro infrastructure is owned and operated by MTR (Mass Transit Rail) Corporation, a private company which employs a 'rail + property' development model, integrating rail transit development and property development. The MTR Corporation finances the construction of rail infrastructure through large-scale residential and commercial developments and even makes a profit, which is rare for public transport operators. Construction of metro infrastructure in Hong Kong in general thus goes hand in hand with large-scale property development and as such public infrastructure development is more market oriented than in most other cities (Cervero and Murakami, 2008). In general, redevelopment is driven by land values in Hong Kong. Refurbishment of old buildings rarely takes place; instead old buildings are demolished and replaced by new buildings. Redevelopment through demolition and rebuilding frequently alters the neighborhood's socioeconomic character and leads to displacement. Therefore Ye, Vojnovic and Chen (2015) call it a process of "new-build gentrification" (2015 p.474). As the construction of Kennedy Town's metro station has driven up land values and triggered property-led (re)development, the area's "traditional socio-economic mix and stability " (Cookson Smith, 2006, p.32) have also been affected. Thus, apart from enabling a rapid commute to the centre of Hong Kong - by MTR it takes 8 minutes to travel from Central to Kennedy Town - and providing visitors easy access to Kennedy Town, the new metro connection and the related property-led redevelopment in the neighborhood accelerate changes in the built form, retail landscape and social fabric of Kennedy Town.
Figure 2: The location of Kennedy Town on the Northwestern part of Hong Kong Island (Source: Google Maps)
CATCHICK STREET IN KENNEDY TOWN
Located on the most Northwestern part of Hong Kong island, Kennedy Town is one of the oldest neighborhoods of Hong Kong and was developed at the end of the 19th century as part of Hong Kong's Western district. Due to the absence of a fast connection to Central Hong Kong, land values were low and Kennedy Town came to house many low- or non-profit functions. Industrial functions and manufacturing businesses such as car-repair shops, factories and warehouses were situated in Kennedy Town; there was an incinerator and a slaughterhouse; there were public facilities such as schools, public housing estates and a government housing quarter. There are still a few public housing estates, but lately several have been demolished to be replaced by luxury high-rise buildings (Ye, Vojnovic and Chen, 2015). Industrial functions are also slowly disappearing from Kennedy Town as most car-repair workshops and small-scale local businesses are being replaced by more profitable retail spaces. Until quite recently, mainly low and middle income families lived in Kennedy Town,
performing labor-intensive work. The population was mostly from Chinese origin (Ye, Vojnovic and Chen, 2015), with a relatively large elderly population (Pang, 1996).The neighborhood was quiet, with a slower work pace and the retail landscape was characterized by small local shops at the ground floor of tenement buildings, in which the shop owners often lived with their families.
Figure 3: Snapshot of Catchick Street (Source: Google Maps)
Catchick Street was constructed in the 1880s (Titi, 2009) and is one of Kennedy Town's main commercial streets with many small local stores which catered towards the predominantly traditional Chinese and working-class population. A characteristic part of Catchick's streetscape is the tramline which runs through the street’s center. Furthermore there is a large intensity of bus and taxi traffic in the street. The street is approximately 370 meters long and has intensively used pavements. The built environment used to consist of old tenement houses of 6 to 10 floors, also referred to as Tong Lau buildings. Since the 1980s a process of redevelopment and upgrading of the built environment has been taking place, significantly changing the streetscape. This process has accelerated since the construction of the new metro station commenced in 2010; many old buildings have been demolished and are being replaced by high-rise podium towers. Podium towers are tall and thin skyscrapers with elevated podium levels. The podium, some ten floors above the actual ground, contains amenities such as car parks, gyms, swimming pools and shopping malls. This type of high-rise is so prevalent because it is especially profitable for developers (Roskam, interview 2015).
Figure 5: Catchick Street with old tenement buildings and new high-rise towers in the background, (Photo Isabella Rossen, January 2015)
CHANGES IN STREET ECOLOGY
Built environment: Rebuilding the Street
From observation of the streetscape of Catchick Street - see photographs above - as well as
interviews with community workers and residents, it becomes clear that the built fabric of old tenement buildings is rapidly being replaced by high-rise residential buildings. A community worker in Kennedy Town, who has organized meetings for residents of demolished tenement buildings, states that at least 20 old buildings have been demolished over the past five years. He explains that, "As there is no limit to the height of buildings, old buildings of 6 floors can be replaced by new buildings of 52 floors." In 2014 alone, the development of more than 8 new high-rise buildings has commenced. The community worker and multiple residents point out that the increased height of the buildings affects the
neighborhood's physical environment as the buildings block the view and lead to ventilation problems. Furthermore, residents, retailers, the district councilor and community workers mention an increased population density as a problem brought about by the redevelopment. A middle-aged resident states: "I really find that it's too crowded now, there are so many people." An older resident explains that the increased density is the reason people gather less on the streets. Community workers and residents express their worry that the public facilities and public space cannot sustain the growing population. Apart from the fact that the new residential buildings are much higher than the tenement buildings they replace and that they intensify the density of Kennedy Town, the different building typology also has implications for the streetscape and social fabric of the neighborhood. The old tenement buildings in Catchick Street housed shops on the ground floor facing the street level. Often shop owners lived in the upper floors of the same building. The activities on the street, ground floor and upper floors of the Tong Lau buildings are very closely connected, wherefore these buildings play a special role in the urban fabric of Kennedy Town. As a young resident of Kennedy Town explains, "....if those Tong Lau's disappear, that means the old shops are gone as well". An elderly resident of the public housing estate Kwun Lung Lau states that she misses the restaurants that have closed as a consequence of the demolition of old buildings, as these were the places people from the neighborhood would gather in the mornings. She states that usually, "... the Chinese have tea in the mornings, but now the buildings have moved away, the people don't gather". Interviewees' narratives thus indicate that there used to be a close relationship and interaction between the built form, economic functions and social activities in Kennedy Town.
The building typology of the high-rise podium towers on the other hand, which replace the Tong Lau buildings, does not encourage a lively interaction between building and street. As one of the
interviewees, an architectural historian, states: "With high-rises the street life tends to be interiorized, because those high-rises tend to be podium towers." The increase in podium tower high-rise flats is indeed experienced as having negative implications for the street life and social interaction within the neighborhood. People have to actually enter the building and go to the podium level in order to do their shopping. As the economic functions and amenities are indoors and do not have a shop front facing the public space of the street, this building typology is not beneficial for the liveliness and diversity of street life.
Figure 6: An old hardware store that has been located on Catchick Street since 1945 (Photo Isabella Rossen, February 2015)
Figure 7: A new upscale supermarket in Catchick Street (Photo Isabella Rossen, October 2014)
Social function of Retail spaces
Residents describe how local shop such as old tea houses, traditional Chinese restaurants and handicraft stores selling craft paper or bamboo steamers disappear. Both young and older
interviewees miss the old local shops and regard them as at the core of the neighborhood's identity. Interviewees who feel strongly connected to Kennedy Town relate this connection to their memories of the old stores and the personal relationship they sustained with the shop owners. Elderly residents recount childhood memories related to the old stores, as a resident describes, "...there were many shops selling those local foods such as noodles, porridge, dimsum and snacks which are really the kind of things we got as kids. So it's really the traditional character, which we have in the old district." These statements indicate that locals miss the goods sold by the old stores. The local neighborhood shops are also felt as important for socializing by all interviewees. Also younger residents and retailers regard these old shops and the personal service they offer as having a significant social function. Herbert, a young retailer who has recently opened his 'modern' coffee shop in Catchick Street, thinks the friendliness and interpersonal communication between neighbors and shopkeepers is what defines the atmosphere of Kennedy Town. Even though he is part of the newcomers in the neighborhood, he appreciates the unique social fabric of Kennedy Town and fears that an increased business will damage this.
Figure 8: A traditional Chinese congee shop (Photo Isabella Rossen, January 2015)
Figure 9: A new coffee shop, opened in August 2014 (Photo Isabella Rossen, January 2015)
Locals currently experience the retail landscape as being taken over by new, more expensive 'western' bars, restaurants, supermarkets and stores, which cater towards younger, wealthier people and foreigners and offer less personal service. One middle-aged resident and social worker describes himself as "too traditional" for the new bars and pubs in Kennedy Town; “It's quite strange for the old residents... many bars and Western restaurants we see today. I mean, these are quite trendy, but they don't have the old flavor ... and not quite represent the district's history."
Social fabric: disintegration?
Numerous people in the neighborhood point out that what tended to be social spaces for local Chinese residents are being replaced by commercial spaces for newcomers to the neighborhood, such as expats and young professionals. A young resident narrates how he has observed changes in the streetscape of Kennedy Town the past five years: "There used to be collections of people who would gather along the Kennedy Town Praya, there were series of mahjong tables set up next to the auto repair shops. Those have all disappeared." This quote illustrates how social activities such as mahjong are connected to the old shops and the possibility they offer for interaction with the street.
The sense of community in Kennedy Town is thus closely related to the retail landscape of the
neighborhood - which is in its turn closely connected to the built structure of tenement houses - and its extension to the street. A resident describes the relationship between tenement building, retailer and neighborhood as having "a close interaction." As mentioned earlier, the structure of the newly
constructed podium tower buildings hinders a connection between the activities within the building and the neighborhood's street level. Both shopping facilities and open spaces for leisure activities are inside of the podium tower high-rises. The interiorization of these economic and social functions means that an interaction between residents and other people in the neighborhood can be minimized. The value of the street as space for interaction between different groups of people thus diminishes. Furthermore, the new retail landscape is less connected to the neighborhood as "...almost all the new shops, the staff may live in another district... they might not be the owner of the shop, they just go for work in another district. So that's kind of... quite a loose relationship with the district." Multiple residents describe that service in the newer stores is less personal. There is a feeling amongst residents that new retail stores do not offer a place for interaction, due to several reasons. Firstly, there is a generational difference between the residents and the mostly young employees in the stores
and cultural differences as many are foreign to Kennedy Town. Secondly the businesses are often large-scale and very busy and thus do not offer the space for a conversation or the possibility to ask for advice when buying a product. The changing retail landscape thus reduces the opportunities for community bonding. Besides this, the influx of new residents with a different lifestyle is, mainly by older residents, experienced as leading towards a division between old and new residents. This division can be explained by several factors: new residents have a higher income and different lifestyle from the more traditional residents, and thus they visit different stores. In addition, they are less attached to the neighborhood as they often do not work in Kennedy Town but commute to Central. According to community worker Edmond, it is indeed difficult to build a community identity with two very different groups of residents that hardly communicate due to cultural barriers and differences in lifestyle. The lack of public space or shared retail spaces for interaction to take place also does not facilitate the establishment of a strong social network.
SENSE OF PLACE OF LOCALS: MORAL OWNERSHIP?
"The streets feel as more foreign" is how an elderly resident who has lived in Kennedy Town for 62 years, described the change in his feeling of belonging to his living environment now that Kennedy Town is "developing into part of the city center". He values the neighborhood for its social cohesion, mainly based on his relationships with other residents and with shop owners, but feels that there is less of a connection between the new retail spaces and the neighborhood. A middle-aged resident is of the opinion that, "Kennedy Town will no longer be Kennedy Town, because the new people come in this community and the original people who live in this area, move out." He thinks that the community will disintegrate, as for newcomers the community will "no longer be a home for people. It´s just for the bedroom for most of the people." His narrative of life in Catchick Street indicates that he feels that he is losing grip over his living space, stating that he does not feel at home anymore due to the many unexpected changes. He mainly refers to changes in population, which affects the social network: people used to know each other and feel committed to each other, but "nowadays, you can´t... you can´t chat with a stranger and talk about the weather....". He expresses a sense of alienation and the loss of moral ownership over his neighborhood.
Whereas most residents of Kennedy Town used to operate neighborhood businesses and as such constitute a socially cohesive community, this network is increasingly spread out. New residents mostly work in other areas of Hong Kong and vice versa: new businesses are operated by people who do not live in the neighborhood, but commute from elsewhere. The case study of Kennedy Town and Catchick Street thus illustrates how an increased fluidity of place, spreading out people's everyday life over various spaces, can lead to a diminishing strength of community networks and the role of local social networks in people's lives.
Even though significant elements of the built environment and retail landscape are deleted, and as such the social fabric of the neighborhood is affected greatly, there is a general feeling that the changes in Kennedy Town and Catchick Street are part of a natural process of urban change. Multiple residents state that it's "a trend, people can't do much about this". There is thus a sense of
acceptance; many interviewees say that it is normal in Hong Kong that places get more crowded. A young resident summarizes this widely felt sentiment: "to get more dense and crowded..is kind of the standard style for development in Hong Kong." Locals do not feel that they can make their voice heard or influence the developments in their neighborhood. Their only option is accept the changes or move away. On the one hand, this sentiment signifies a lack of trust that residents can influence the
development and the state of their living environment and negotiate with powerful actors such as developers and the government. It also indicates that there is insufficient social and cultural capital for residents to organize themselves as a group and make their voice heard towards the local
government. As a consequence, the social ecology of Kennedy Town is not resilient and many aspects of neighborhood life are deleted through redevelopment.
DE PIJP METRO STATION
Figure 10: The site where station De Pijp is being constructed, with an entrance at the crossing of the Ferdinand Bolstraat and Ceintuurbaan (Photo Isabella Rossen, June 2015)
In Amsterdam, the decision to build the Noord/Zuidlijn; a new metro line connecting the North of Amsterdam to the South was taken in 2002. Construction works in De Pijp, where one of the new stations will be located, started in 2003 and currently the prognosis is that the metro line will go into operation in 2017. The metro line runs underneath the Ferdinand Bolstraat. The station De Pijp will have entrances where the Ferdinand Bolstraat crosses the Ceintuurbaan and at the crossing of the Ferdinand Bolstraat and Albert Cuyp. The municipality of Amsterdam has the aim to transform De Pijp and in particular Ferdinand Bolstraat from a shopping street with more small-scale independent businesses and neighborhood stores, towards a "high quality shopping area" (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2009). Apart from the construction and anticipated opening of Station De Pijp, project De Rode Loper has an impact on the streetscape of the Ferdinand Bolstraat. Project De Rode Loper entails the redevelopment of the public space and streetscape from the Central Station southern towards De Pijp. The Ferdinand Bolstraat has been under construction for 12 years now, a process that has greatly affected the businesses and street life of this neighborhood commercial street.
FERDINAND BOLSTRAAT IN DE PIJP
De Pijp was planned by the municipality of Amsterdam in the second half of the 19th century as a southward extension of the city. De Pijp was traditionally a working-class neighborhood (Dorfler et al, 2006) consisting of mostly small apartments with relatively low rents, of which many were poorly maintained. There was a large elderly population and a significant proportion of social housing. Since the 1960s the neighborhood has housed an increasing number of students. A renewal process of De Pijp took flight from the 1980s onwards, initiated concomitantly by individual homeowners and by the local government who stimulated market-oriented development. The subsequent displacement of low-income residents points to residential gentrification (Kauko, 2007). The investments made in the built environment and the changing composition of the population signify residential gentrification, and this is often linked to a process of commercial gentrification, as middle-class residents have different consumption habits (Zukin, 2009). Especially in the past decade, these processes of gentrification, together with an increase in tourism in Amsterdam, are leading to an outward expansion of the city centre towards De Pijp, which brings with it a changing retail landscape and the overall socio-economic character of De Pijp (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2009).
Figure 12: Snapshot Ferdinand Bolstraat on the map of Amsterdam (Google Maps)
The Ferdinand Bolstraat was constructed as major road connecting the city centre with new districts in the south of Amsterdam (Mulder, 2012). At the end of the 19th century it functioned as a main
thoroughfare to and from the city centre, but the street has lost this function as a large part of the street has been car free for several decades now. Before the construction works for the Noord/Zuidlijn started, there was a tram running through the Ferdinand Bolstraat, which will return once the
construction works are completed. The Ferdinand Bolstraat is approximately a kilometer long and can be divided in three main parts. The northern part of the Ferdinand Bolstraat hosts mainly bars and cafés, especially around the Marie Heinekenplein and Albert Cuyp market. The middle part is a shopping street with both independent businesses and chain stores, and the southern part is mainly
residential. Altogether, the Ferdinand Bolstraat hosts the primary functions of housing and commercial as well as public facilities.
CHANGES IN STREET ECOLOGY
Figure 13: Houses adjacent to one of the entrances of new metro station De Pijp (Photo Isabella Rossen, September 2015)
Figure 14: Hannibal's lunchroom on Ferdinand Bolstraat (Photo Isabella Rossen, September 2015)
Built environment: Upgrading the Street
The built environment of the Ferdinand Bolstraat is being upgraded, mainly through the renovation of old houses and the construction of a few new buildings. Adjacent to the two entrances of the new metro station, the old houses have been demolished and new enlarged houses, in a similar style as the old buildings they replace, will be erected. Interviewees do not mention changes in the buildings of the Ferdinand Bolstraat as having a significant impact on their sense of place. Residents do express the concern that enlarged buildings will house chain stores, as the rent of these larger retail spaces will be too high for small businesses.
More than with the type of buildings lining their street, locals seem to be concerned with the redesign of the public space and the street itself. A group of residents who felt left out of the decision making and design process of De Rode Loper have formed the action group 'Bewoners van De Pijp' which currently has approximately 40 members. Interviews with three residents who are actively involved in this group, point to two main issues of concern to local residents: the accessibility of the pavements and the 'bicycle parking problem'. One of the residents states, "the backbone of a neighborhood is having pavements which are accessible". The lack of space designated as parking place for bicycles also causes distress amongst residents. All three residents fear an increased business and
crowdedness of the neighborhood. They mainly point to the fact that the side streets of the Ferdinand Bolstraat will lack sufficient parking space for bicycles and cars. Retailers on the other hand look forward to an influx of tourists and visitors, as they hope that it will be good for their business.
Figure 15: Bakery Venekamp, a traditional family business, which has been located on the Ferdinand Bolstraat for 100 years (Photo Isabella Rossen, June 2015)
Figure 16: Brazuca Coffee, a new coffee bar on the corner of Ferdinand Bolstraat and Ceintuurbaan (Photo Isabella Rossen, June 2015)
Hippification of the Retail landscape
Before the construction works for the Noord/Zuidlijn commenced in 2003, the retail landscape
consisted mainly of small-scale independent businesses, neighborhood stores and a few chain stores such as HEMA. A current snapshot of the businesses located on the Ferdinand Bolstraat shows a mix of old-fashioned family businesses like Hannibals's lunchroom (located on Ferdinand Bolstraat for 30 years), liquor store Slijterij Boorsma (31 years), bakery Venekamp (more than 100 years), and new hipper cafés such as Brazuca (approximately one year) plus chain stores such as Coffee Company and Starbucks. The owners of the older stores have suffered a great loss in business due to the construction of the new metro station, as the street has been blocked for pedestrians and traffic for more than 12 years. Retailers report a loss in revenue of 20 to 40 % due to the construction works. In order to support these businesses, the municipality has set up a damage compensation scheme, which entailed that all businesses on Ferdinand Bolstraat received financial compensation for the losses they suffered due to construction works. Every business located along the Noord/Zuidlijn in 2002 has been granted a contribution towards their profit, calculated on the basis of the profit gained the 5 previous years as registered at the Dutch Chamber of Commerce. This has made it possible for businesses to survive despite the decrease in traffic and thus loss in revenues. Both interviewed street managers point towards a side-effect of this compensation scheme, namely that some that businesses that would have otherwise disappeared due to the economic crisis or a change in consumer habits, managed to stay put. The retail landscape of the Ferdinand Bolstraat has thus not changed very much since the construction works started in 2003. However, residents report that the type of stores in the side streets of the Ferdinand Bolstraat has changed. The municipality's policy focuses on
redevelopment of the main shopping street (Ferdinand Bolstraat itself), whilst according to 'Bewoners van De Pijp' the effects on the side streets and surrounding area is neglected. They feel that the neighborhood is not sufficiently regarded as a totality.
The past decades, neighborhood stores such as bakeries, butchers and milk stores in De Pijp have disappeared and have sometimes been replaced by upscale specialty stores, but mostly by cafés and bars. Locals describe the new coffee places and bars in the neighborhood as mostly as 'hip',
rather than a product or personal service. The manager of the recently opened café Coffee and Coconuts states that rather than location, concept is central to his business, whereas neighborhood stores such as Bakkerij Venekamp, Slijterij Boorsma, and Hannibal's lunchroom, which have all been located on Ferdinand Bolstraat for over 30 years, have a strong connection to the neighborhood and a focus on personal service. One of the older retailers stresses the importance of giving customers personal attention and friendly service.
Three of the residents describe a decrease in neighborhood stores in De Pijp as loss, as they value the neighborhood stores and their role in forming the identity of the neighborhood. As one resident states, "such a small bakery is typical for Amsterdam" and she thinks that small stores are important for the atmosphere of the neighborhood. Another resident also states that the retail landscape is getting monotonous. All of the residents interviewed complain about the influx of bars serving alcohol and nightlife-oriented businesses, which disturbs the quietness and peace in their living environment. It does not seem however that the retail spaces are as fundamental to their social life and sense of place as is the case in Kennedy Town.
Social networking through action groups
Several interviewees voiced their regret that the diversity of the neighborhood is decreasing. They state that a decrease in social housing and increase in rents have led to a less diverse population. Residents expect the livability of the Ferdinand Bolstraat and side streets to be damaged by this loss in diversity and the loss of neighborhood stores. As a residents states, "neighborhood stores make this a neighborhood...to have a butcher and cheese stores and bakery here, that makes the area livable". Their sense of community however is more related to cafés and their action groups, than to the neighborhood stores and therefore it does not seem that the social fabric is greatly affected by the changing retail landscape. Another factor which is of significance for residents’ feeling of attachment to the neighborhood is he atmosphere: “success is not just money, it is also a good atmosphere and a beautiful living environment”, as a local states. She explains her feeling of belonging to Amsterdam as related to the small scale of the city, which has many small streets and stores.
Furthermore, residents complain about the number of bars and cafés opening in their neighborhood as they feel that the neighborhood is becoming a tourist destination rather than a residential
neighborhood. Residents from 'Bewoners van De Pijp' mention the loss of availability of open space, overcrowded pavements plus lack of parking space for bicycles as factors affecting the quality of the public space and of their living environment. There is thus tension between the municipality, which aims to guide more tourists into De Pijp, and residents who prefer living in a quiet neighborhood with sufficient public space. It is also striking that the action group 'Bewoners van De Pijp' has enlarged a sense of community and attachment to the neighborhood. One resident states that since she joined the action group, she knows her neighbors much better and feels more connected to the
neighborhood. The redevelopment of the Ferdinand Bolstraat and the surrounding streets has in a certain way thus contributed to an intensification of contact within the community of De Pijp. There are furthermore multiple Facebook pages that perform as neighborhood platforms in which residents state their opinion about developments in De Pijp.
SENSE OF PLACE LOCALS: MORAL OWNERSHIP?
A resonating sentiment throughout the interviews with locals from De Pijp is that De Pijp is “a residential neighborhood, where visitors pass by, but not a tourist neighborhood with an occasional resident”. Another local resident also stresses that residents should be prioritized, as she states: “residents make the city.” These statements clearly indicate a feeling of ownership of the city. This feeling of moral ownership expressed by the interviewees is also demonstrated by their willingness to take action once they disagree with the redesigning or redevelopment plans of the local state. An interviewee who is a resident and owner of a bookstore in De Pijp states his disagreement with the
local politicians who “claim to know what to do here; which is a pity.” In other words, he thinks that the residents themselves know much better how to shape their living environment than the political party currently in charge. Residents feel that the local government prioritizes facilitating business and tourism over sustaining the quality of life of residents from De Pijp. The influx of tourists and bars influence their sense of place as they experience a disturbance of balance between residential needs – accessible pavements, parking spots for bicycles, quietness during the night – and commercial development. Furthermore the disappearance of neighborhood centers or amenities with a low threshold for participation has a negative effect on residents' sense of belonging to the neighborhood. In order to make known to the local government that they disagree with numerous plans, several residents of De Pijp have mustered their knowledge and ideas and formed an action group. They have developed counter plans and designs and contributed to discussions about the redevelopment of the area. These activities, in which knowledge is shared between residents to improve their living environment signify a capacity to employ social and cultural capital in order to affect the shaping of their living environment. Participation in the action groups such as ‘Bewoners van De Pijp’ group has also intensified a sense of belonging and moral ownership of the participating locals. Besides the fact that changes in the built environment and retail landscape are more gradual and less drastic, the empowerment of locals, who participate in debates concerning the development of their living
environment, contribute to a more resilient social ecology. In de Ferdinand Bolstraat, rather than being rapidly deleted, one social class' habitus is gradually being altered and locals try to take part in the shaping of the future street.
CONCLUSION
As Zukin et al (2016) state: neighborhood commercial streets "present a strong visual message about neighborhood change" (p.13). A change in the type of stores and the built form of a street says a lot about which actors exert an influence in the neighborhood and to which social class the street is catering. In order to grasp how the transformation of a neighborhood is experienced by locals, we have to look beyond the streetscape as presented to us when walking through it. Therefore, this research has employed ethnographic methods to question the resilience of the existing socio-ecological system in Kennedy Town in Hong Kong and De Pijp in Amsterdam.
The construction of the new metro station and related redevelopment of Kennedy Town, has led to significant changes in the socioeconomic character of Catchick Street. Many old tenement buildings are replaced by new high-rise towers, which leads to "new-build gentrification" (Ye, Vojnovic and Chen, 2015, p.474): with this transformation of the built environment, the retail landscape and the composition of the population are also shifting. In Catchick Street, the population density has
increased, but at the same time the social function of the streetscape is diminishing. Locals experience the new building typology of the high-rise podium towers and the disappearance of neighborhood stores as greatly affecting their sense of place and social fabric. Confirming Jan Gehl's argument (1978), the changing interface between building and street level indeed impacts Catchick Street's socioeconomic character and liveliness. Furthermore the replacement of old structures by new construction leads to a disappearance of small businesses, as theorized by Jacobs (1961). The retail landscape used to play a significant role in the sense of community and identity of the neighborhood: the old stores were spaces where the community would meet and interact. The new Western-style supermarkets, bars and cafés that are taking over the retail landscape, feel alien to many locals, since they are too expensive and offer goods, such as coffee and liquor, which they do not consume. The replacement of old stores by new stores reduces locals' opportunities for social bonding and affects their sense of belonging to the street. An integration between the old and the new community is not very likely, as the built fabric of podium towers as well as the more individualized and 'fluid' lifestyle of
new residents does not facilitate community bonding. Locals do not express a strong sense of moral ownership of the street, to the contrary, their only possible reaction to the redevelopment seems to be passive: either they undergo a reduced quality of life or they leave Kennedy Town.
The upgrading of the built environment of the Ferdinand Bolstraat is taking place gradually through renovation and the development of a few new properties next to the entrances of the new station. Furthermore the streetscape and pavements are being renovated and made uniform as part of the municipality's project De Rode Loper. Locals do not experience a radical transformation of the built environment nor of the retail landscape of the Ferdinand Bolstraat. They are however critical of the redevelopment as they experience an increase in tourism and fear that the neighborhood will become even denser once the metro station opens. Furthermore, they feel that the municipality's policy is geared towards facilitating tourists rather than residents. According to locals, the retail landscape of side streets of the Ferdinand Bolstraat has changed significantly due to a changing demography in De Pijp and shifting consumer habits. These changes however do not seem to affect the social fabric of De Pijp as drastically as it does in Kennedy Town. Interestingly, redevelopment in some ways has triggered a stronger sense of community. A group of residents has intensified contact in order to voice their demands as residents and try to reach the local government with their proposals for the
neighborhood. Local residents of De Pijp convey a relatively strong sense of moral ownership of their living environment. They find it vital to express their opinion and needs as residents and bring them under the attention of the local politicians through their action group and online forum.
It can be concluded that in Hong Kong's Kennedy Town, property-led redevelopment is leading to new-build gentrification. The construction of the new metro station has accelerated the redevelopment process and also triggered commercial gentrification. As a consequence, Catchick Street is
transformed from a local shopping street with a closely knit lower to middle income community, into a more upscale Westernized commercial street for professionals and expats. Ethnographic research indicates that the habitus of Catchick Street is not very resilient and possibilities for adaption are limited for local residents and retailers; they do not identify with the newly established "global" culture in the street and thus their feeling of belonging diminishes. The experience of locals in Kennedy Town clearly indicates that they feel a reduced ownership over their neighborhood commercial street. Furthermore rising rents point towards a residential displacement of lower income residents. A new social class - young professionals with a higher income - is taking over the habitus of Catchick Street and current locals express little belief in the possibility to influence this process of change. The lack of resilience of the socio-ecological system of Catchick Street can be explained through the large influence of powerful property developers, which also support the MTR Corporation, and the lack of intervention of the local state, which does not restrict commercial development and offers little opportunity to the local community to participate in the planning of their neighborhood.
In Amsterdam's De Pijp, commercial and residential gentrification have been taking place for over a decade and the construction of the new metro station plus renewal plans put into practice by the municipality reinforce this development. Gradually the Ferdinand Bolstraat is changing from a lower to middle-class neighborhood commercial street into a 'hip' tourist destination. However, regulations implemented by the local state to protect small-scale businesses and minute zoning laws to a certain extent mitigate the effect on the habitus of local residents and retailers, or at least slow down the process of change. Furthermore, interviews with locals suggest a resilient attitude, as locals voice their opinion about the redevelopment plans and approach the local government with their own plans and suggestions for the redesign of the neighborhood. Their attitude also indicates a strong sense of moral ownership of the neighborhood; residents are of the opinion that the local state should put the
interests of the residents first since it is primarily their habitus.
All in all, the extent to which redevelopment uproots the sense of belonging of locals of a
neighborhood street ecology, depends greatly on the way redevelopment is carried out as well as the resilience of the existing social fabric . In Kennedy Town, a new build strategy of capital investments
without opportunities for local participation combined with a closely-knit community, which lacks the social capital to make their voice heard, lead to drastic changes in the social ecology of Catchick Street. In De Pijp, piecemeal renovations, mitigating policies of the local government and opportunities for participation of local retailers and residents, combined with a sense of moral ownership and empowerment amongst numerous residents, make for a more resilient street ecology of the Ferdinand Bolstraat - a street that, though in a less rapid motion, is also moving towards the centre of the city.
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