University of Amsterdam
Department of Human Geography Bachelor Thesis
June 2017
The Banning of Plastic Carrier Bags: Awareness and
Enforcement
A Case study on Madurai’s Municipal Plastic Waste Management
Picture 1: Corporation personnel seizing banned plastic from shops in Madurai in February 2017 (The Hindu, 2017)
Author: Lola van der Voort Assitant: Syed Ali Fathima Supervisors: Maarten Bavinck & Jaap Rothuizen
Table of contents
1. Introduction………..…3
1.1 Background: plastic pollution as a global environmental problem……….……....… 3
1.2 Objective……….…….………….….…………3
2. Literature review……….…………..…….…..5
2.1 Environmental awareness and behavior……….………….….……..5
2.1.1 Environmental significant behavior……….……….5
2.1.2 Ethical consumption………..……. 6
2.2 Public policy analysis………..….. 7
2.2.1 Policy instruments………..….. 7
2.2.2 Policy implementation strategy………..……….…..……… 8
2.3 Previous studies on plastic bans……….……….…….. 9
3. Research methods……….. 11
3.1 Research design……….. 11
3.3 Interviewing key-figures in the implementation process……… 11
3.2 Interviewing Madurai’s shopkeepers……… 12
3.2.1 Semi-structured survey……… 12
3.2.2 Mapping the research area………. 13
3.2.2 Categorization of business types……….………. 15
3.4 Ethical considerations………. 18
3.5 Critical discussion of sources……… 18
4. Context: plastic waste management in India/Madurai……….. 20
4.1 India’s changing population, economy and waste characteristics………. 20
4.2 National waste management……….……….…..……21
4.2 The city of Madurai……….. 22
5. The case study……….…….. 24
5.1 Qualitative data: The implementation process……… 24
5.2 Quantitative Data: Awareness and enforcement ……….……...……. 29
5.2.1 General Characteristics of Respondents and Area……….………..…. 29
5.2.2 Plastic and Environmental Awareness……… 31
5.2.3 Plastic and Environmental Behavior……….………… 32
5.2.4 Respondents Opinion on Implementation Plastic Ban……….. 34
5.2.5 Experienced Difficulties with Plastic Ban……….……. 37
5.2.6 Conclusions………. 38
6. Conclusion/ Discussion………..…….……. 39
7. Literature ……….………….…….43
1. Introduction
In November 2016 the Municipal Corporation of Madurai, in cooperation with different non-profit environmental initiatives, started an awareness campaign to reduce the use of plastic. Soon afterwards on the 1st of January 2017 the neighbourhood around the Sri Meenakshi Sundareswarar temple in Madurai was made plastic free. The handing out of plastic carrier bags with a thickness below 50 microns is now prohibited. To enforce the regulation, fines are presented to shops that still hand out plastic carrier bags to customers. The ultimate aim is to get all of Madurai plastic-free and to raise public awareness about the environmental damages of the use of plastic.
1.1 Background: plastic pollution as a global environmental problem
In most societies plastic items have become an integral part of daily life (Green et al, 2015). Global production of plastics has increased considerably over the last few decades from 5 million tons per year in the 1960s to 299 million tons per year in 2013 (Franeker & Law, 2015). The majority of this production (almost 50 %) consisted of single-use packaging items. This has created worldwide waste management issues with end of life plastics accumulating in landfill and in natural habitats (O’Brine & Thompson, 2010)
Plastic waste is endangering both marine- and land environments in various ways. It is estimated that little over 10% of the plastic produced globally is transported via wind, wastewater flows and inland waterways and ends up in the marine environment. Once in the ocean, plastic does not go away. It breaks down into small pieces that are ingested by sea life and transferred up the food chain, carrying chemical pollutants from prey to predator
(Gourmelon, 2015). In 2012 it was estimated that the world’s oceans contained around 165 million tons of plastic waste. This substantial quantity of plastic pollution and its durability creates physical hazards for marine wildlife that may ingest or become entangled in this debris (O’Brine & Thompson, 2010).
Between 22 and 43 percent of plastic worldwide is disposed in landfills. These landfills are taking up valuable space, harming land environments and communities (Gourmelon, 2015) . There is a toxicological hazard to plastic waste as it releases harmful chemicals in as well soil and groundwater (O’Brine & Thompson: 2010). Furthermore, the burning of plastic waste in, mostly, urban areas, exhaust polluting gasses into the air. Due to its durability, persistence and abundance, the accumulation of plastic waste is therefore a global environmental problem (Zhu, 2011).
1.2 Objective
For years now there has been a growing political awareness about the damaging effect of plastic (Li, et al: 2010; O’Brine, et al: 2010). Many countries, regions and cities are adopting different types of waste management policies to resist pollution. One of these management options is the banning, or partly banning of plastic carrier bags handed out in stores and other types of businesses. Last years the banning of plastic bags has increasingly occurred in India,
where plastic waste contributes to both ground-, air- and water pollution (Madurai Corporation: 2014; Li et al,: 2010).
In scientific debates there are conflicting perspectives on policies and strategies, such as top-down banning in environmental contexts (Zhu: 2011; Dikgang et al.: 2011; Ayalon et al.: 2009). Some policy experts claim that it is necessary to initiate environmental awareness and conscious behavior. Others think that imposing this by laws will have the opposite effect. Also former studies on the banning of plastic show similar contradictory results.
The aim of this research is to investigate the implementation process of the plastic bag ban in Madurai and its effect on environmental aware behavior of its residents, and more
specifically the shopkeepers in the area. What policy instruments were used and how were they combined? What was the vision behind this form of policy implementation? Which actors were involved and how did they collaborate? And what is the situation now? Are the rules and regulations followed by the public? What do shopkeepers think of the ban? Did it create environmental awareness among them? In short: What is the effect of the way the
plastic bag ban has been implemented by the local governing bodies on the attitudes and behavior concerning the use of plastic carrier bags by the shopkeepers in the Meenakshi Amman area in Madurai?
2. Literature Review
In the following chapter a theoretical framework is constructed for the research of plastic waste management in Madurai. In paragraph 2.1 the concepts of environmental behavior and ethical consumption are introduced. First, Paul C. Sterns theory on ‘environmentally
significant behavior’ is discussed. Second, two views are given on the role and position of the
consumer in ‘ethical consumerism’. Based on the literature of paragraph 2.1, the second part of this chapter will focus on the contextual factors influencing environmental behavior: ‘public environmental policy’. Here an introduction to public environmental policy analysis is given through the concepts of ‘policy instruments’ and ‘policy strategies of
implementation’. Finally, former studies on plastic banning and plastic waste management
will be reviewed to give more insight and provide comparative information. On the basis of these sources, concepts and models of understanding, the data of this research will be analyzed.
2.1 Environmental Awareness and behavior
2.1.1 Environmental significant behavior
In the article: ‘Toward a Coherent Theory of Environmental Significant behavior’, Paul
Stern (2000) develops a conceptual framework for a theory of environmentally significant behavior and what factors are effectively shaping and creating ethical consumption. According to him environmentally significant behavior can be defined as behavior that is undertaken with the intention to change the environment. It’s a very broad and
comprehensive concept subdivided in multiple types of behavior. With regard to ethical consumerism and the municipal banning of plastic bags, we focus exclusively on what Stern calls: ‘Non-activist behavior in the public sphere’. This concept concerns as well more active kinds of public behavior (e.g. petitioning on environmental issues, joining and contributing to environmental organizations) as support or acceptance of public policies (e.g. stated approval of environmental regulations, willingness to pay higher taxes for environmental protection) (Stern, 2000). Although these behaviors affect the environment only indirectly by influencing public policies, the effects may be large because public policies can change the behaviors of many people and organizations at once. The theory is a first step in understanding human significant environmental behavior and ethical consumption. It seeks to comprehend the complex interactive relation between ‘behavior’, and the four concepts of: ‘Attitudinal
variables’, ‘contextual factors’, ‘personal capabilities’ and ‘habit and routine’(Figure …).
According to Stern (2000), Attitudinal factors are the norms, beliefs and values people have. These can also be affected by or based upon non-environmental attitudes. The second causal variable, contextual forces, is external. These include interpersonal influences
(persuasion, modelling); community expectations; government regulations; advertising; other legal and institutional factors; physical difficulty of specific actions; monetary incentives and costs; the availability of public policies to support behavior; capabilities and constraints provided by technology and to build the environment; and various features of the broad
social, economic, and political context. Personal capabilities are a third type of causal
variable. This includes the knowledge and skills of individuals required for particular actions, the availability of time to act, and general capabilities and resources such as money, literacy and social status or power. Because behavior-change often means the breaking of old habits, the final distinct type of causal variable is habit and routine.
The variables outlined above have different causal relations and work in different ways influencing behavior per person and per case (Stern, 2000). Nonetheless, one of Stern’s general findings is that when contextual factors are not beneficial (by being required or tangibly rewarded), behavior change is more difficult, time-consuming or expensive for people to achieve. The dependence on attitudinal factors will therefore be weaker. This suggests the hypothesis that the more important a behavior is in terms of its environmental impact, the less it depends on attitudinal variables, including environmental concern. Instead, successful behavioral change depends on a beneficial context. But according to Stern the most effective behavior change programs by far are the ones that involve combinations of intervention types.
Figure 1: Types of environmental significant behavior (Stern, 2000)
2.1.2 Ethical consumption
A second concept linked to environmental significant behavior is ‘ethical consumption’. This is a type of consumption in which morally justified, ethically produced products are favored and un-ethical products are boycotted. It’s a kind of ‘consumer activism’ based on choices made by consumers. Similar to what Stern suggests, Hélène Cherrier (2006) describes how different studies on public policy, consumer behavior and business ethics
reveal that ethical behavior of consumers can be influenced by public authorities. Public policies, economic incentives and promotional campaigns are found to influence ethical consumerism through the construction of social and moral norms (Thogersen, 2010). The position of the consumer in this is subject of debate between two discourses: the liberal and the conservative one.
The liberal discourse sees ethical consumption as mostly based on individual identities and externally imposed ethical norms do not have dominant power. According to this, consumers follow their own conscience, and dynamic participation of consumers in political and social issues is emphasized. In this respect, we might term ethical consumption behavior as personal actions performed by a singular agency to underline the individual nature of both the ethical act and the reasons of this ethical act. The changing of consumer habits is herein a bottom-up process (Cherrier, 2006).
The cultural conservative view on the other hand, believes in structural interventions. According to this the ethics of consumption, should be externally defined by a higher
authority. It should be prescribed how consumers should consume and how producers should produce. In this approach, consumers are viewed as passive subjects who need to learn and who obey prescriptive ethical norms (Cherrier, 2006).
In this study none of the discourses described above is chosen over the other. Instead both approaches are considered and taken into account together. Like Cherrier 2006 suggests, the premise is that ethical consumption is indeed based upon individual identities, but these identities can be created or influenced by interventions by authorities. From this point of view, my research will be approached. Furthermore, based on the theories described above, the focus of this case study will be on the contextual factors of environmental behavioral change and especially on policy intervention. In the next chapter this will be further defined.
2.2 Public policy analysis
The Policy Design Lab defines public policy as being the detailed guide to action taken by the administrative executive branches of the state with regard to a class of issues, in a manner consistent with law and institutional customs. It is the setting of goals, means and a time path to realise these. According to Cairney (2015) policy implementation and legislation are complex, multifaceted processes which are difficult to study and define. Its analysis is about identifying a complex web of relationships and practices, but also finding a way to simplify that process to make sense of it. This paragraph will introduce some concepts coming from research of public policy implementation, which are relevant for policy analysis concerning plastic waste management in Madurai.
2.2.1 Policy instruments
The techniques or means through which states attempt to attain their goals are called policy
instruments (Linder & Peters, 1990). For policymakers, the choice of policy instruments in
the implementation of a policy is vital for the desired outcome. They can vary in terms of being promoting or restraining, and in terms of being more or less coercive. Policy
instruments have a special place in the study of public policy design because, taken together, they comprise the contents of the toolbox from which governments must choose in building or creating public policies (Policy Design Lab, 2017). In the article: ‘Policy Instruments in
Practice’, Jordan et al (2011) are describing four main categories of policy instruments:
‘Regulatory instruments, informational instruments, voluntary instruments and market-based instruments’.
Through ‘regulatory instruments’ targets are established by governments and then
implemented by themselves and other public and private actors. It’s a relatively prescriptive form of governing, sometimes also referred to as a ‘command-and-control’ style of
governing. Public authorities are directly regulating an industry or activity by legislation that defines what is permitted and what is illegal (Jordan et al, 2011). Hereby standards and targets are being created by a governing authority and enforced upon societal actors or groups through sanctions that may result from non-compliance.
The second type of policy instruments is the informational category. It seeks to provide information to social actors and is aimed at changing their behavior. Public disclosure requirements and awareness or education campaigns may positively affect environmental quality by allowing consumers to make better-informed choices (Jordan et al, 2011). Examples of information instruments include labelling consumer products, information provision programs for firms and public awareness campaigns. Information instruments are often being used to improve the effectiveness of other instruments.
Voluntary policy instruments are agreements between public authorities and particular target groups to achieve a particular goal. Hereby actors voluntarily agree to take action. These include activities that are internationally enumerated or standardized and which are implemented by businesses on a voluntary basis outside the scope of legislation (UEAPME, 2017). Examples of this are agreements on environmental performance negotiated with industry or public programs in which firms can volunteer to participate.
Finally, market-based instruments can be used to achieve public policy. This are
instruments that use markets, price, and other economic variables to provide incentives for - for example - polluters to reduce negative (environmental) externalities. It seeks to address the market failure of externalities by incorporating the external costs of production or consumption activities through taxes or charges on environmental unfriendly processes or products. Examples include surcharges and subsidies, environmentally
related taxes, environmental labeling laws, emissions trading and other tradable permit systems and economic property rights (Linder & Peters, 1990).
2.2.2 Policy implementation and strategy
Scholars have engaged in a long and on-going debate about which combinations of policy instruments are the most preferable (Danielsson, 2017). For example, some claim an
emphasis on information provision is necessary to achieve successful policy compliance. Other scholars state that information provision is not successful on its own and this is illustrated by the concept of the ‘action gap’ existing in many societies. The value-action gap is a concept associated with environmental geography, relating to people’s
attitudes and behaviors concerning environmental issues. It is a gap that occurs when the attitudes or values (cultural and personal) of an individual do not correlate with his or her behavior or actions. It’s the difference between what people say and what people do.
Commonly attitudes affect behavior, but according to Blake (1999) the opposite often seems to be the case for environmental values and attitudes. The outcome of his study is that currently among many people a disparity exists between the extensive concerns people express for their natural environment and the relatively limited action that is taken individually to tackle environmental problems.
In recent years, researchers and policy makers have investigated how to approach the value-action gap. They often try to explain the value-value-action gap with the ‘information deficit
model’. This model seeks to achieve positive environmental behavior through the
communication of information from environmental experts to non-experts. They attribute public skepticism or hostility towards technology and science to a lack of understanding. However, according to Blake (1999) the value-action gap cannot be simply overcome by applying an information deficit model.
Blakes research suggests that policy must be sensitive to the everyday contexts in which the intentions and actions of individuals are affected by socioeconomic and political institutions. According to him greater emphasis must be given to the negotiation of partnerships that are sensitive to these variations and that involve a more equitable distribution of responsibility between different environmental stakeholders. Therefore Blake (1999) and others state that there are no blueprints for optimal policy frameworks. During policy instrument selection aspects of the social, political and economic context of an area must be taken into account (Blake, 1999; Howlett, 2004; van der Doelen, 1998).
Policy analyst, van der Doelen (1998) has a similar view concerning research on successful environmental policy implementations. He advocates for a combination of stimulative and repressive policy instruments for general policy success. According to him authoritative orders and prohibitions seem effective in theory, but often prove to be unsuccessful in
practice due to the resistance that these kinds of regulations commonly meet from individuals and the industry. He claims that the effectiveness of a state intervention depends on its
legitimacy. Legitimacy in this case is understood as the degree to which a certain policy is accepted by citizens. A policy strategy in line with this view is the ‘three E’s strategy’: education, engineering and enforcement. This strategy implies increasing degrees of
coercion, the idea behind it being to gradually reduce the resistance of the groups of citizens that are against a specific policy (Danielsson, 2017). The combination of stimulative- and repressive policy, education and enforcement, an increasing degree of coercion, and sensitivity of socio-economic and political institutions, may be effective in creating successful environmental policy compliance.
2.3 Previous studies on plastic bans
In order to create a better frame of understanding, some previous studies of plastic bag management have been analyzed. These studies have taken place in different parts of the world and socio-economic and political contexts, so the outcomes vary. Still these results are
relevant to bear in mind for this study in order to bring broader perspective to it’s outcome. A study released in 2011 by Qunfang Zhu about the results of a plastic-ban in Beijing two years after implementation, revealed a relatively successful outcome. It had been gradually accepted by more and more people and consumers had developed a habit of providing shopping bags for themselves. Charging substantionable for plastic bags in supermarkets has successfully reduced plastic bags usage by two-thirds (Zhu, 2011). But the ban was still not accepted everywhere. On farmers-markets plastic bags were still frequently handed out because of its convenience and low cost. In these areas, the law was also not supervised nor enforced sufficiently. Zhu (2011) therefore suggests that these bans need to be fully
implemented and strictly supervised. Moreover extensive information and awareness must be spread among civilians in order for them to gain sufficient understanding for the motivations behind the ban.
A second study by Dikgang et al. (2012), was carried out in South Africa. Here the government tried to control waste problems by applying fixed prices on plastic shopping bags. However, this market-based policy instrument only had a short term success in
decreasing plastic bag usage. At first, because the price was seen as ‘high’, it was depressing the demand. But this caused the relative costs of a plastic bag to drop. So when the price was set at a lower level and people became accustomed to paying for bags, the demand continued to climb. Eventually, the low levy has resulted in people absorbing the charge into their grocery budget (Dikgang et al., 2012). Therefore the authors consider the market oriented policy to have failed. A second point they make is that when market instruments are used to control environmental impacts, a common concern is the welfare losses that might follow. In principle, lowering levels of negative externalities should enhance welfare. However
environmental quality then appears to be a ‘normal’ good (Christiansen and Smith, 2008). If the instrument is a ‘lump-sum tax’, the overall impact could be regressive, hurting the poor and benefitting the rich. So the real cost of plastic bag use cannot be implemented in a limited one price cost per bag (Dikgang et al., 2012).
A third research done in Israel by Ayalon et al (2009) found that two billion carrier bags are used there annually. The study indicates that litter in public open spaces is the major
environmental problem related to the plastic bags. A survey revealed that 6% of these bags (120 million bags annually) were used for outdoor activities (such as carrying picnic food) and might become litter if left outside and not disposed of properly. However, none of the authorities mentioned that litter caused by the bags is a significant nuisance relative to other types of litter. Therefore it is not possible to precisely evaluate the amount of damage plastic bags actually does. Ayalon et al (2009) therefore claim the plastic bag legislation in Israel is mainly an easy way for the government to make it seem as if they are effectively tackling environmental problems, when the effects remain in reality very small.
3. Research Methods
The material this study relies on is based on a one-month field study in April 2017 in the city of Madurai in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, India. In total, five in-depth interviews and 64 semi-structured surveys were performed. In addition observations and literature study made it possible to create an integral portrait of the case. In this chapter the research methods of the study will be explained and justified. The chapter layout will be as followed: In
paragraph 3.1 a description of the research design is given. Paragraph 3.2 explains the research methods used for the qualitative interviews and paragraph 3.3 for the quantitative ones. Finally ethical considerations (3.4) and limitations of resources (3.5) are discussed.
3.1 Research Design
As mentioned before, the aim of this study is to investigate how Madurai implemented its plastic carrier bag ban and how shopkeepers in the area respond to this. More specifically, this thesis seeks to discover which combinations of policy instruments were applied, which actors were involved and if any contextual factors mattered in the outcome of the ban, especially from the perspective of Madurai’s shopkeepers. The study therefore has a descriptive approach, aiming at closely describing the implementation process. For this reason it does not aim at drawing any normative conclusions as it is primarily a case study on the implementation of Madurai’s plastic ban.
In order to gain the information required, quantitative and qualitative research methods were being combined in a ‘mixed methods research design’ with a qualitative driven approach. This means that the research is qualitative at its core with emphasizing on the findings gained from in-depth interviews. In addition semi-structured surveys were conducted from shopkeepers in the research area to check and clarify the data obtained from the
qualitative interviews and to explore possible unexpected outcomes. Finally, participant observations were done in addition to the interviews.
3.2 Interviewing key-figures in implementation
In order to understand the implementation process of the plastic waste management of Madurai, five in-depth interviews have been conducted with three officials from the
municipal corporation, and the head of Dharshini foundation. Two of the five interviews were done with Health officer: Dr. K. Parthipan, one with a member of his team, one with Head Commissioner: Sandeep Nanduri, and finally an interview with founder and chairman of the NGO: Enlight Trust and the Dharshini Foundation: miss Rajadharshini. Four of the five interviews took place at the Madurai Corporation office and one at miss Rajadharshini’s home. The duration of these interviews varied from15 minutes up to one hour. Fathima and me conducted the interviews together in English.
Before interviewing some key questions were composed to structure the interview to some extent. But during the interview, deviation from these questions occurred when interesting turns to the conversation occurred. The questions were mostly aimed at painting a detailed
picture of the policy implementation process, and of the instruments and strategies that were used. Also questions regarding different actors involved: the role they played in the
implementation; obstacles they met; future prospects they have, as well as questions about their connection to other parties like the state, national government and industries were asked. To select respondents for the in-depth interviews, a combination of purposive sampling and snowball sampling was used. Some of the respondents were selected on the basis of the judgement of the research assistant and translator, who was already familiar with the structure of the Madurai Corporation. Subsequently, some of the respondents selected by purposive sampling recommended others and helped to facilitate next interviews.
3.3 Interviewing Madurai’s shopkeepers
3.3.1 Semi-structured survey
To gain knowledge about the functioning of the plastic bag ban and the awareness and behavior among shopkeepers, a semi-structured survey was done. This means a combination of closed and open questions were asked to the shopkeepers in a written survey. All surveys were done in Tamil by research assistant and translator Syed Ali Fathima. Instead of
respondents filling in the form themselves, Fathima asked the questions and then filled out the answers on site, in the way the risk of misunderstanding of questions and answers was minimized.
The survey was split into five topics: ‘General information of respondent (1), Information provision and knowledge on the plastic ban (2),Awareness and conceived problems
concerning (plastic) pollution (3), Attitudes concerning the plastic ban (4),Interaction with customers concerning the plastic ban (5). The aim of this survey is to get an idea of the effect the ban has shopkeepers, as well as to gain information about their opinions towards it. In the first topic the respondents gender, age, religion, family size, schooling and income were noted. The questions under topic 2 served to find out if the respondents were well informed about the ban. Their knowledge about the implementation, plastic type, the reason for the ban and about information about the ban supplied by the municipality was tested. Under topic 3 questions concerning the problems that were experienced because of plastic waste, the extent of concern the respondent has about this subject and the value they attach to the environment around Madurai. Topic 4 asks about the current use of plastic bags by the respondent, their experience with fines regarding the ban, the extent to which they experience difficulties with the ban and their attitude towards authorities. The final subject is about the way the respondent conceives the attitude of their customers and if they found alternatives to plastic bags. The full survey can be found under appendix 1.
Because of the big size of the research population and limited time and resources available for the research, the respondents were selected through non-probability sampling. This type of sampling does not rely on the use of randomization techniques to select members. Through the technique of purposive sampling, members were selected on the basis of the researchers judgement of representability and relevance. In practice this meant that the researchers
walked around in the research area to select respondents themselves. During the selection the researcher kept in mind the general division of gender, age, business types and street patterns around the shopkeepers. In order to increase the representability as much as possible a
zonation of the research area and a classifications of business types were made. These will be discussed in the next two paragraphs.
3.2 Mapping the research area
For this study the area surrounding the Sri Meenakshi Amman Temple as far as the Masi street circle seen in picture 6, was selected. This surface covers approximately 1 km² and because the city of Madurai is historical build around and connected to the temple this is the center district of the city. Within this area there are differences in the use of space and of economic activities. Because these differences might also be effecting peoples use of plastic bags, the research area will be divided in four different zones.
Picture 2: Souvenir shop in Temple zone
Temple zone
The first zone is the space inside the walls of the Sri Meenakshi Aman temple. To get here people have to leave their bags and shoes in
special storing facilities, as in every Indian temple. Visitors mainly come here for religious and tourist purpose so the shops are focused on that. You will find exclusively special food stands that sell traditional dishes and sweets, and souvenir shops selling all different kinds of products linked to the temple (Picture 2). Because of the fact that the temple is mostly a place to practice religion, these shops are located and clustered together in special designated spaces inside the temple.
Picture 3: Street in Chitrai zone Chitrai zone
The second zone consists of the Chitrai street and a few connecting streets directly
surrounding the temple (Picture 3). Most of the zone is motor vehicle free and therefore busy with pedestrians. Visitors of this zone are mainly international or domestic tourists or locals who are on their way to visit the temple. Apart from this people come here to earn their daily income from these visitors. Businesses vary from individuals walking around and selling all sorts of products in baskets, to mobile market stands or barrows to fixed shops in buildings.
Shops can be find in all shapes and sizes selling different products, but in general the shops are directed towards tourists and recreational visitors from outside the city.
Avani zone
The Avani zone is the third and biggest zone in the research field (Picture 4). It consists of the Avani circle and connected streets reaching till Masi street. Most of the streets are small and narrow, full of shops and busy with traffic. The zone differs from the former zones because the space is also used by local Madurai residents. It represents a shopping center for everybody. People come to collect their
groceries and herbs in small food shops, they buy their fabrics and garments in small or bigger clothing stores and collect pots and pans,
medicines, jewelry in specialized shops. In between shopping people stop to drink chai or a juice, eat a snack in a food stall or walk into a restaurant for lunch. Everywhere people are walking, driving motorbikes or taking rickshaws from and back to their homes. Towards the north of the temple the streets here are more
quiet and most buildings are residential. Picture 4: Street in Avani zone
Masi Zone
The final zone consist of the North, East, South and West Masi streets (Picture 5). These encircle the temple and connect it to the rest of the city. The broad streets are busy with two way traffic and on both sides there are small
sidewalks buzzing with commerce. The shops in these streets are typically clustered together by type of commerce. On the west side there is a cluster of furniture shops, in the south are mainly jewelry and gem shops. In the east one finds establishments selling or repairing technical
hardware, and in the north there are onion and fruit stalls and a cluster of different workshops. In between those shops you sporadically find shops selling food or products for daily use. This zone is not orientated towards tourism and people come
Grey zone
Some streets in the research field were not included in the research. Some were clustered area’s for wholesale shops and not relevant for the plastic shopping bag ban. In other streets, mainly the northern streets in the Avani zone, were only residential and not relevant for the research.
Picture 6: Mapping of subzones and survey respondents in the research area around the Meenaksji Amman temple
3.3
Categorization of business types
Besides the different zones, there are also many different shops and businesses in the research area. Shops and their merchandise can differ in the way in which wrappings are used or needed. Therefore a categorization of business types is made to investigate possible
differences in outcomes.
Small scale various goods shop
Because the surface of a shop does not per se represent the scale of commercial activity
same time. If the number is three or lower it’s defined as a small scale shop. A small scale various goods shop is a shop on a fixed location in a fixed building with three or less employees working at the same time selling various goods. This can be any type of goods except food, souvenirs, services or items only used
for religious purposes. A shop like this can sell a mixed set of products or be specialized in only one product.
Large scale various goods shop
A large scale various goods shop (picture 7) is a
shop on a fixed location in a fixed building with more than three employees working at the same time selling various goods. Like the former type this can be any type of goods except food, souvenirs, services
or items only used for religious purposes. Picture 7: Large scale various good shop Small scale food shop
A small scale food shop (picture 8) is a shop on a
fixed location in a fixed building with three
employees or less working at the same time selling only food or beverages. This can vary from a small supermarket selling different food items to a shop selling only sweets. If a shop like this is also selling some non-food products it’s still considered a food shop.
Picture 8: Small scale food shop Large scale food shop
A large scale food shop (picture 9) is a shop on a
fixed location in a fixed building with more than three employees working at the same time selling only food or beverages. If a shop like this is also selling some non-food products it’s still considered a food shop.
Various market stall/mobile stand
A various market stall or mobile stand (picture 10)
consists of a shop without a fixed location or building. It can be someone selling goods from a cart, a basket, a cloth or in any other moveable way. Also a stall on a market is included in this type of business. The market stall or mobile stand can have any scale and can sell as well food as various products except religious items, souvenirs or services.
Religious stall/shop
A religious shop can be as well a fixed shop as a market
stall or a stand selling products mainly for religious purposes. This often entails specific foods that is used as an oblation inside the temple. Although the temple is considered a religious hot spot, there were not many religious stalls or shops found in the area.
Picture 10: Various market stall/mobile stand Souvenir stall/shop
A souvenir stall/shop (picture 3) can be fixed or portable and sell sells souvenirs for tourists visiting the temple. The shops can be found all sizes and price ranges selling all sorts of products. From little sculptures, jewelry, paintings, keychains, umbrella’s, dolls, robes to candy and incense. Some are mainly directed towards
Indian tourists, others on foreign tourists. Service stall/shop
A service stall or shop can also take any form or scale but providing mainly services to customers. This can involve tailors (picture 11), shoe shiners (m/v), hairdressers, barbers, computer repairers and so on. Service shops were predominantly found further away
Restaurant
In this categorization of businesses multiple eating or drinking facilities belong to the
concept of ‘restaurant’. This includes indoor restaurants on a fixed location like in picture …. But also outside tea-, juice or snack stalls which offer seats to consume foods or beverages (picture 12 & 13).
Picture 12: Tea stall Picture 13: Restaurant
3.3 Ethical considerations
Before and during the interviews and observations respect and integrity was cared for as much as possible. Regarding the survey respondents and people being subject of observation, their anonymity was secured at all times and there was no obligation for them to answer questions. This was communicated to them before the interviews. Also we offered clarity and honesty about the subject and purpose of the research during interviews as well as during observations. We made sure people could decide to co-operate for themselves without any press ion of misinformation.
3.5 Limitation of sources
Being myself a young woman from a western country, my own position and attributes may have affected how I was perceived by the interviewed, and as a consequence, the answers to my questions may have been affected by this. Also the subject is relatively sensitive because it regards a law and violations of this law may lead to a penalty. Although we made sure to begin each interview with a explanation of our open-minded and entirely discrete approach, in order to communicate that we were there only to learn, I had the impression that this did not entirely convince some interviewees. They may have given desirable answers regarding their use of plastic carrier bags and their environmental behavior. Nevertheless many survey respondents seemed to feel safe enough to express criticism towards the municipality so this should not have affected large parts of the interview.
The municipal officials and the head of the Dharshini foundation seemed to be very open about their work. They shared with us their successes as well as their struggles and the limitations of their policy implementation. They directly answered the questions and seemed
genuinely interested in the outcomes of the research. My general impression was that the team operating on waste management program consists of young, hardworking and highly educated people, genuinely motivated to improve the cities living environment. Yet, there have only been a few meetings.
A second limitation of the research is the type of sampling that was used. Purposive
sampling is known for the possibility of uncontrolled variability and bias in the estimates the researcher makes to select respondents. This may have caused limited representativeness of the sample in comparison to the research population and thus the generalizability of this research. Also the sample of 64 respondents is very small in comparison with the thousands of businesses in the area. However, due to limited time and resources there was no other choice then to use the methods described in this research. Therefore the survey data was chosen to play a secondary role in the research.
Finally this study took place only six months after the implementation process of the plastic waste management started. This means only the short-term effect has been explored and no conclusions can be made on the long-term effects of the policy.
4 Context: Plastic Waste Management in India and
Madurai
In the following chapter a brief context is outlined before entering the data of this study. First, recent economic and demographic changes and its effect on waste-issues are described in the case of India (4.1). Secondly, national waste regulation and recent policy goals
concerning waste management are outlined (4.2). Finally, general characteristics of the city of Madurai and recent municipal developments concerning plastic management are explained (4.3).
4.1 India’s changing economy, population and waste characteristics
Picture 14: Plastic waste in outer Madurai
Over the last decades India has rapidly shifted from an agricultural-based nation to an industrial and services oriented country. About 31,2% of its population is currently living in urban areas (Joshi & Ahmed, 2016). India has recently seen a strong growth in plastic production due to the increasing population and the growth of manufacturing sector in the country (Gourmelon, 2015).
High population growth rates, rapidly changing waste characteristics and waste production patterns, growing urbanization and industrialization make it imperative for waste
management to adapt in order to deal with social, economic and environmental issues that arise (Kaseva & Gupta, 1996; Misra & Pandey, 2005; Schoot Uiterkamp, Azadi, & Ho,
2011).
Because there is a lack of availability of primary data on per capita waste production and inadequate data on the characteristics of the waste being produced, different reports give different outcomes and projections. Yet the Planning Commission Report of 2014 revealed that 377 million people living in Indian urban areas generate 165 million tons of waste annually. During the last decade, solid waste generation has increased 2.44 times (Joshi & Ahmed, 2016). The table shown below represents the change in composition of solid waste in India in the last decades and it reveals that the use of plastic has increased tenfold since 1996.
Table 1: Change in composition of municipal solid waste in time (Planning and Commission Report, 2014)
The consequences of an accumulating urban population are more noticeable in ‘developing countries’ as compared to ‘developed countries’ (Joshi & Ahmed, 2016). It is anticipated that India’s population will be about 1,823 million by 2051 and about 300 million tons of
municipal solid waste will be generated annually (Planning and Commission Report). That will require around 1,450 km2 of land to dispose it in. However, the implementation of government regulations is often disappointing and nowadays still 30% of all waste is being disposed of randomly anywhere in the country by people themselves. As described in the introduction, both types of waste dumping are causing negative effects for both humans, animals and the floral environment (Schoot Uiterkamp et al., 2010). These are negative effects that need efficient management and legislation.
4.2 National waste management
Professor in international politics Yeshi Choedon (2015) claims that where the West prefers a ‘bottom-up’ or market oriented approach to policymaking, India prefers more top-down approaches. Although being a democracy, the state of India is authoritarian in its legislation. Regarding waste management in India, regulation is governed by the Ministry of
Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEF), the Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD), the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI), the State Pollution Control Boards (SPCBs) and ground level implementation responsibility lies with Urban Local Bodies (Joshi & Ahmed, 2016).
In October 2014 the Government of India launched a campaign called Swachh Bharat
Abhiya (English: Clean India Movement). It is India’s largest ever cleanup program with 3
million government employees, and especially school and college students from all parts of India, participating in the campaign. It’s objective is to clean the streets, roads and
infrastructure of cities and towns by providing individual, communal and public sanitation facilities, sustainable solid and liquid waste management, and education and communication activities. Altogether, there is a growing political awareness of the importance of waste management in urban and rural areas (Joshi & Ahmed, 2016).
As a consequence, many acts and regulations aimed at protecting the environment have come into force. The most recent plan concerning plastic waste, was implemented in 2016 under the name of ‘Plastic Waste Management Goals 2016’. One of the goals included an increase of minimum thickness bags being banned from 40 to 50 microns. Also a fee for producers of plastic carry bags and vendors selling them was introduced in order to enforce the waste management system. Other goals include the promotion of useful recycling systems like the use for plastic waste for road constructions. The ultimate objective is to completely substitute plastic in all uses by eco-friendly product materials. These substitute materials have in most economic areas yet to be found and therefore a complete ban of the use of plastic wrapping was not implemented. According to the Ministry of Environment and Forests (2016) the real challenge for now is to improve plastic waste management systems. The Municipal Corporation of Madurai has answered the call of the central government and is actively engaged in this.
4.3 The city of Madurai
The city of Madurai is situated in the southern part of the Tamil Nadu state. With a population of
approximately 1.5 million people in 2011 and an area coverage of about 148 km2, it’s estimated to be the 25th largest city in India. Because of its central location in the southern part of the country, it is an important logistical and transportation hub. Due to its 24 hour traffic buzz Madurai is known in the region as ‘the city that never sleeps’. Moreover it has been densely inhabited for centuries and this historical footprint is visible in both the street patterns and its historical sites. The ancient city is built around the Meenakshi Amman Temple, which is an important geographic and ritual center for the metropolitan area and the surrounding region. Due to these factors
Madurai attracts many visitors. Picture 15: Eentrance to theMeenakshi Amman temple 4.3 Smart City Challenge
Because of its geographical and cultural significance, Madurai has joined 100 other Indian cities for the ‘smart city challenge’. Although there is no universal definition for a ‘smart city’, it can be described as an urban development vision integrating information and communication technology in a secured way to manage the city’s assets (Madurai
Corporation, 2016). These assets include schools, libraries, transportation systems, hospitals, power plants, water supply networks, law enforcement and waste management. The city is being encouraged to use urban informatics and technology to improve the efficiency of its services. Smart city applications are developed to manage urban flows and allow for ‘real-time’ responses. A smart city may therefore be more prepared to respond to challenges than one with a simple "transactional" relationship with its citizens (Joshi & Ahmed, 2016). India’s smart city challenge functions as a way to stimulate city governments and
municipalities to develop their cities in a sustainable way. Cities wanting to participate have to comply with specific conditions that prove they are approaching smart city characteristics. Hereafter they propose their smart city plan. When this plan gets approved by the Ministry of Urban Development, funding and advice is supplied in order to implement it. In September 2016 this was the case for Madurai, which is now carrying out its smart city agenda. And one component of this agenda - plastic waste management - is the focus of the following research.
5. The case study
I
n the following chapter the information obtained from both the interviews and the observations are presented and explained. Because this case study is more driven by the qualitative data obtained by the in-depthinterviews with key figures, these are discussed first. Their answers on the questions about the policy implementation process, the policy instruments used, their strategies, and their vision are described. In the second paragraph data gathered in the surveys will be presented on the basis of 17 tables. In chapter 6 the data from both interview styles will be integrated and conclusions will be made.
Picture 16: Information board in Chitrai area
5.1 Qualitative data: The implementation process
In order to get a coherent and extensive understanding of the motivation and implementation of the plastic ban by the municipality of Madurai, four officials were interviewed in depth. These were Dr. K. Parthipan health officer of the Municpal
Corporation, Mr Sandeep Nanduri Head Commisioner of the Municipal Corporation, Miss Rajadharshini founder and chairman of NGO Enlight Trust and the Dharshini Foundation. All four were more than willing to share their knowledge and the interviews were held in an open and cooperative manner.
On the basis of these interviews an account is given of the official political perspective of the policy and of the implementation process. In order to present this data along the lines of the actual interviewing technique, the
account is structured by several questions and answers. These questions were in some cases not the actual questions put to the respondents, but they were thus formulated to unify the outcomes of the separate conversations.
What exactly is banned?
Since, the 1st of January 2017 plastic carrier bags below a thickness of 50 microns have been banned by the Municipal Corporation of Madurai in a 1 kilometer radius around the Sri Meenakshi Amman Temple. As mentioned above, a total ban on plastic bags is not yet possible for the municipality to implement. As a consequence a boundary is set of plastic below a thickness of 50 microns because especially plastic below a thickness of 50 microns is non-recyclable, hardly reusable and therefore often carelessly ends up the environment.
How did the process of implementation work?
Prior to the start of the ban a process of implementation took place. This started around September 2016 with an extensive awareness campaign. When the ban was being effectuated from the 1st of January, a two month warning period was declared. In this time shopkeepers were given opportunity to switch from plastic
bags to other options. The municipality also started different cleaning expeditions
throughout the area to cease the banned type of plastics and dispose of it. Only on repeated violation of the new regulation, when
shopkeepers kept handing out the plastic after having been warned, fines were presented. So in first two months following the period of the awareness campaigns, the ban was enforced by frequent surveillance and monitoring but with a flexible attitude towards violations.
Picture 18: street view Chitrai street with waste containers In what way is the ban being regulated now?
At the moment the ban is in full force and shopkeepers in the Meenakshi Amman Temple area are fined around 1000 rupees on violation of the ban. Inspections in different parts of the area by the health police are frequent. The flower and fruits shops are inspected regularly (on a daily basis) and the bigger shops are checked once a week. To provide disposal
opportunities, waste bins are placed (including a few plastic waste bins for recycling purposes) throughout the area. In addition, waste of the shops is collected on a daily basis. The plastic ban is part of the‘Smart City’ agenda of Madurai in line with this also interaction with the public is sought by the municipality to help in its regulation. Via a special telephone hot line and a WhatsApp account people can give feedback on the ban or give information about violations of it.
Which specific policy instruments were used?
From the in depth interviews is apparent that multiple policy instruments were used in different ways. The plastic ban is of course a regulatory instrument and is as such part of a top-down prescriptive form of governing that can be placed in a command and control style policy. Another expression of this is the system of inspections that are taking place to enforce the ban. Alongside this enforcing way of policy also many informational instruments have been used. Awareness campaigns, information provision and behavior change
communication were involved. The exact way these instruments were applied will be discussed later. Also a voluntary agreement has been reached between the municipality and plastic industry in the area. the industry did not agree with a complete ban, but agreed to exclusively produce plastic bags above 50 microns, which is more recyclable and reusable. Market-based instruments have not been used yet. In the future the municipality wants to collaborate with private waste recycling companies and to facilitate them to be part of the waste management system and to make a profit that way. These plans have not yet been concretized.
What did the awareness campaign consist of?
To increase awareness concerning the problems of plastic waste and the ban on plastic carrier bags a remarkably broad campaign was started consisting of several initiatives and activities. Of course the conventional media were involved and frequent ads and items appeared on the radio, the tv and in newspapers. This was extended to online initiatives and publications on social media. Further campaigning involved the public area, there where flyers being handed out to the public, banners (not made of plastic, as we were informed) decorated city center streets with slogans such as “MY MADURAI, I SUPPORT PLASTIC BAN”, “I CARRY MY OWN SHOPPING BAG” and “HELP SAVING HEALTH BY KEEPING ENVIRONMENT CLEAN”. On occasion a zeppelin attracted attention in the air with a similar message about waste reduction.
These media activities coincided with school programs and various events such as a ‘replacement competition’ whereby young people were encouraged to come up with new alternatives to plastic carrier bags. There were awareness meetings with plastic
manufacturers and an army of volunteers visited many shop owners to encourage them to collaborate. Shop owners were given flyers and posters to indicate that they were taking part in the initiative. The town center around the Meenakshi Amman Temple was
designated as “NO PLASTIC ZONE” and for this signs were put up. And since illiteracy is still an issue of importance in India, there was a film made and a mime-group browsed the street informing spectators about the plastic waste reduction plans.
The collaboration of the Municipal Corporation of Madurai with the Enlight Trust and the Dharshini Foundation of miss Rajadharshini seems to have had a decisive influence on the impact of the campaign. The foundation takes care of the basic needs in all kinds of
communities in Madurai and the villages surrounding it. As such it can be seen as an extension of the public services in the area, providing for, for instance, public toilets, orphanages and projects to stimulate social cohesion. The foundation is
specialized in bottom up small scale social projects and can mobilize more then 500 volunteers. It is said to having
approached the municipality itself to assist in the enrolment of the Smart City goals and offered awareness program ideas and the hard work of its volunteers. With this private stimulus the information campaign by the municipality seemed to have evolved in a public movement advocating for plastic use reduction.
Picture19 : Shopkeeper states he supports the plastic ban on flyer hanging in his shop
What is de vision behind this way of implementation/regulation?
One of the underlying beliefs of the approach towards the plastic waste problem is the
importance of enforcement. Without it people will not be encouraged enough to change their behavior and experience has proven that only afterwards people realize the necessity and importance of the regulation. Enforcement, however cannot be successful without
provisioning of relevant facilities, nor without a level of consent and contribution from the public and the private sectors that are concerned. Out of these prerequisites an emphasis on idea of ‘management’ as opposed to ‘enforcement’ evolved. The ban on plastic bags is as such a central but relatively small component in the management of the problem of plastic waste.
Another starting point for the regulations is the fact that the municipality has only limited influence on the suppliers and manufacturers of the plastic products, as they are for a large part located outside the area of influence (c.q. too far from Madurai). So the best approach was felt to be focusing on the usage of the plastic product. The objective of the campaign and the regulations was not to abolish the use of plastic entirely. Plastic has its obvious
advantages over materials as paper or cloth because of its weight and its sanitary qualities. Furthermore the alternatives for plastic - such as paper - have in turn a negative influence on the environment as well. So the objective of the Municipal Corporation of Madurai is was to regulate and manage the usage of plastics as ‘ecofriendly‘ as possible.
How did the cooperation between the municipality and the NGO take place?
The Municipal Corporation of Madurai was obviously the main initiator in the plastic waste
management project and took the lead in the planning and the communications. Also it supplied the central facilities such as the public waste bins and the garbage collection services. And of course it is responsible for the plastic waste ban and its enforcement. The role of the Dharshini Foundation of miss Rajadharshini was predominantly (but decisively important) supportive. It produced the necessary fieldwork, it helped in
coordinating the activities, it supplied hundreds of hours of volunteer work to create the awareness with the public and the shop owners, to assist them in the transition process to non-plastic usage and to execute the monitoring of the compliance to the plastic waste ban. Miss Rajadharshini expressed her appreciation of the: “(…) excellent support from the
corporation, it gave full freedom and trust, was very fast and good in communication, also, while monitoring, when someone wasn’t obeying”.
What is the effect of the ban now on peoples behavior?
According to the Healthoficer mr. Parthipan, the use of disposable plastic carrier bags in the
temple area of Madurai city center has been reduced by 80%. This is considered to be a success and the main reason for it is the success of the
awareness campaigns and the close monitoring by the health police who, whilst enforcing, play a big role in extending education.
What obstacles were met?
The success could have been 100% of plastic carrier bag
reduction, but some efforts were met with complaints and opposition. One of the advantages of plastic is that it is very cheap compared to alternatives and for the small shops and stands the transformation to a less plastic waste producing way of working is endangering business success. Another issue that was of influence is the fact that plastic carrier bags are still supplied and available to the
shopkeepers. So the source of the problem is still flowing. A final factor that tempered the success was that the positive effect seemed to wear off after a while. After a period of compliance the usage of plastic carrier bags was picked up again. So continuous efforts were necessary to
inform the people and to enforce the ban. Picture 20: Plastic recycle bin
What is the vision for the future?
Following the plastic ban and the campaigns around it, the Municipal Corporation of Madurai is planning further regulations to extend the effect of the plastic waste management project. For starters, the Temple area is seen as a testing ground for the program and there are plans to extend it to other metropolitan area’s. Furthermore ideas are being developed to facilitate the development and supply of bio degradable plastics as an alternative to the banned products. Another initiative focusses on the recycling side of waste management. The objective here is to aim at 100% waste segregation and to use the none recyclable plastics as
a source of energy or fuel. This waste segregation will also - in stead of shop keepers being the focal point of the plastic ban and its legislative consequences - have regulative
consequences for consumers. Mr Parthipan“As they are the actual waste ‘generators’, we
will distribute different waste bins to them and once a week it is collected. So the waste will be kept in house and because people store the waste at home they will want to reduce the amount and so they will start to consume less or differently”
5.2 Quantitative data results: Awareness and behavior among shopkeepers
In the following the data results of the survey will be presented. On the basis of 17 tables the outcomes of the interviews are analyzed and interpreted. The paragraph is grouped in six subparagraphs divided over different survey topics and ending with a general conclusion in 5.2.6.
5.2.1 General characteristics of survey respondents
In Table 3 a division is outlined of the survey participants per subzone of the research area. A large number of the respondents in this survey (39.1%) was located in the Avani zone and so this area occupies the biggest part of the research field. The smallest share of respondents (7,8%) was located in the temple zone, because in that specific area a limited amount and limited types of shops are located. The Chitrai zone (26.6%) and Masi zone (25%) both cover one fourth of the research.
Table 3: Quantity of survey respondents per subzone in research space
Subzone Interviewees Percent
Valid
Percent Cumulative Percent
Temple zone 5 7.8 7.9 7.9 Chitrai zone 17 26.6 27.0 34.9 Avani zone 25 39.1 39.7 74.6 Masi zone 16 25.0 25.4 100.0 Total 63 98.4 100.0 Total 64 100.0
Table 4 shows the division of survey respondents per business type. Most of the shops can be characterized as ‘large scale- and small scale various goods shops’ (25% & 21.9%) and most businesses in the area can be subdivided in these two types. Next in quantity are the ‘small scale food shops’ (14.1%) and the ‘various goods market stall/mobile stands’ (14.1%). The remaining types are less focused on in this survey because they are in relatively lesser numbers located in this area.
Table 4: Quantity of survey respondents per business type
Business type Interviewees Percent
Valid
Percent Cumulative Percent
Small scale various goods shop 14 21.9 21.9 23.4
Large scale various goods shop 16 25.0 25.0 48.4
Small scale food shop 9 14.1 14.1 62.5
Large scale food shop 2 3.1 3.1 65.6
Various market stall/ mobile stand 9 14.1 14.1 79.7
Religious stall/ shop 1 1.6 1.6 81.3
Souvenir stall/ shop 5 7.8 7.8 89.1
Service stall/ shop 2 3.1 3.1 92.2
Restaurant 5 7.8 7.8 100.0
Total 64 100.0 100.0
The division of gender among the survey respondents is shown in Table 5. The clear majority of them are male (79.7%) because they cover up the main body of the labor population in this research area. Not many woman are working in shops in the Meenakshi Temple district, and consequently they are in lesser extent included in the survey (18.8%).
Table 5: Gender division of survey respondents
Gender Interviewees Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent
Male 51 79.7 79.7 81.3
Female 12 18.8 18.8 100.0
Total
64 100.0 100.0
5.2.2 Plastic waste and environmental awareness
In Table 6 the division of answers are shown on the question: ‘Is there currently a
problem with plastic waste in the city of Madurai?’. According to the biggest part of
thought plastic waste was ‘a problem’. Finally 3 out of the 64 respondents consider plastic waste as ‘a small problem’ and 2 out of the 64 respondents didn’t consider plastic pollution a problem at all.
Table 6: Extent in which respondent considers plastic-waste as a problem in Madurai
According to respondent it is: Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent
A big problem 36 56.3 56.3 57.8
A problem 22 34.4 34.4 92.2
A small problem 3 4.7 4.7 96.9
No problem 2 3.1 3.1 100.0
Total 64 100.0 100.0
Even though respondents think there is a plastic pollution problem in Madurai, the majority of them (60,9%) answered that they never experience problems with plastic waste in daily life themselves. Roughly 11% of the people almost never experience problems and 18.8% sometimes experiences problems with plastic pollution. Only 5 out of the 64 respondents experience problems often. All of the people experiencing problems mainly explained these were health issues due to the smoke of burned plastic waste. Nonetheless, what has to be kept in mind in this questions is that people might not be aware of indirect problems they
encounter regarding plastic waste.
Table 7: Extent in which respondent experiences problems with plastic waste in daily life
Experience problems: Frequency Percent
Valid
Percent Cumulative Percent
Often 5 7.8 7.8 9.4
Sometimes 12 18.8 18.8 28.1
Almost never 7 10.9 10.9 39.1
Never 39 60.9 60.9 100.0
Total 64 100.0 100.0
With regards to the environment in general, more than halve of the respondents (59.4%) worries about the environment around Madurai often, as is shown in Table 8. About 20% of the respondents ‘sometimes’ worry about the environment and people worrying ‘never’ or ‘almost never’ covered both 9.4% of the people. Nearly all people explained worrying especially about drought, water availability and water quality around Madurai.
