The influence of culture on the utilization
of traditional leafy vegetables among
VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of
Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga Province
KT Kock
orcid.org 0000-0003-4472-9920
Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the
degree
Master of Indigenous Knowledge Systems
at the
North West University
Supervisor:
Prof SA Materechera
Co-supervisor: Dr TKP Saurombe
Graduation ceremony: July 2020
Student no: 25836587
ABSTRACT
The aim of the study was to compare how the culture of the Ba-Pedi and Tsonga women influences the utilization of TLVs. The study was conducted in New Forest and GaBoelang villages, which were selected because most of the Vatsonga and Ba-Pedi women who reside there are knowledge holders in TLVs. A qualitative approach was used to gain more understanding of the influence of culture on the access, utilization, processing and preservation of TLVs among the Tsonga and BaPedi. In-depth face-to-face interviews focus group discussions and observations were employed for data collection using purposive and convenience sampling to select participants.
The results of the study showed that there are several TLVs that are utilised by both cultural groups. The local names used for these TLVs are influenced by how the cultural groups interact with their surrounding environment and how they interpret environmental events during their search for food. The study found that leafy vegetables are not only consumed for pleasure, but they have medical, nutrition and economic benefits. The participants are dependant on these TLVs for households’ food security and income. Furthermore, the study found that the processing and preservation methods of TLVs was influenced by cultural beliefs, for instance, among the Vatsonga, shade drying was known to most households as knowledge acquired from elders (ancestors), while among the Ba-Pedi culture, it was only sun drying that was known.
Among others, the study concluded that the culture of the two cultural groups (Vatsonga and BaPedi) play a very critical role in influencing how TLVs are planted, harvested, used (such as medical, marketing and nutrition), consumed, prepared and preserved. Furthermore, the study concluded that the Ba-Pedi cultural group has a strong connection with the spiritual world than the Vatsonga cultural group. It is recommended that future studies should research more on the local names of TLVs to protect and preserve the indigenous knowledge around these names. It is also recommended that awareness campaigns about the importance of these TLVs as nutritionally balanced food, source of medicine and as a direct or indirect source of income, particularly for rural communities, must be included in the national development plan and agricultural policy.
Key Words: Culture, TLVs, Indigenous Knowledge, VaTsonga, Ba-Pedi
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DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my parents Blessing Tonono Dibakoane and Christinah Nomasonto Kock. My sisters Zenzile Suzette Kock, Lukhanyo Michelle and Luleka Irene Mkhonto and my brother Tonono Welcome Kock. Finally, yet importantly, I also dedicate it to my niece Noluthando Jessica Mavundla, and my nephews Thabiso Zwelihle Mogane and Siyamthanda Clifford Madonsela.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The undertaking of this study was made possible with the support, cooperation and dedication of several individuals. I therefore wish to express my sincere gratitude to all who encouraged, mentored and sponsored me in my studies.
First and foremost, I thank God who kept me alive and gave strength. I would like to thank Almighty God who kept me alive and gave me strength and wisdom throughout my studies.
Kuligugu kimina njalo ukwaz’ ukuthi nginomhlobo, ongek’ angishiy’ um’izinsuku zinzima, ohlal’ekhona uma ngidinga ngempela. With heartfelt gratitude, I wish to acknowledge my
supervisors Prof S.A Materechera and Dr T Saurombe for providing guidance, invaluable inputs, suggestions and the encouragement throughout the period of my studies. This journey came with a lot of challenges, when I even thought of giving up, but you both encouraged and pushed me to do better because you wanted what is best for me, hence I will forever be grateful. I am very grateful to the NRF and NWU bursary for funding my masters’ studies for 2 years; I really appreciate your financial support.
I wish to thank all Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga participants who took their valuable time to participants in the data collection and during the pilot study. This study would not be successful without your patience, understanding and effort. I am also grateful to the Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM) and the community’s leaders (Nduna Theko and Mashile) in Ga-Boelang and Morolo villages for granting me permission to conduct my study in their communities. My appreciation goes to Mr Mphakane, who was there to support and introduced me to the chiefs in Ga-Boelang and Morolo villages, thank you so much also for your guidance during the data collection process. A big thank you goes to the following people Mr Lesley Mashego, Mothusiotsile Maditsi and Olefile Mogotsi, and lastly Ms Thelma Molokwa as I always ran to you when I was facing some challenges during the data collection process and the write up of my dissertation, your support really means a lot to me and it is much appreciated. I will also like to thank the IKS staff especially Ms Lesedi Makapela and Salvation Tumane for always making it possible for me to see Prof Materechera in time when I had to consult, I am very grateful for your patience. I am aslo grateful to Bett member of the NWU geography department for the beautiful study area that he made for me, I am very much grateful for your patience and understanding, you tolerated me even when I was becoming too much and expecting the map to be perfect, however you delivered without any hesitation.
I also express my sincere gratitude to my parents who gave me life, nurtured, taught and dressed me, fought for me, but mostly importantly, who love me unconditionally. Your support, love, prayers and encouragement were amazing throughout this difficult journey. I will also like to express my gratitude to my siblings, I say thank you for listening to me as I constantly bounced my ideas off you. I really appreciate your patience with me, as I constantly wanted to talk about nothing else but my research when you would have liked to be discussing something else. You are part of my story.
In addition, many thanks must go to Matete Mokgotho whose encouragement and support greatly motivated me. Thank you so much for believing in me and for always being my shoulder to cry on, you have really touched my life in a remarkable way. My cousin Nomthandazo Mokoena, God knows I cannot thank you enough, therefore I think it will be best to thank Godinstead, for blessing me with someone like you in my life. I thank God that for making you the young God-fearing woman that you are today. Thank you for the spiritual support, prayers and encouragement, I will forever be grateful. My sincere gratitude goes to my grandmother children (Anna, Beatrice, Wilson, Dingaan, Bernard and Banele), and the rest of the Kock’s family, thank you for your support and prayers throughout my studies I consider myself the luckiest in the world to have such a supportive family, standing behind me with their love and support. My acknowledgement will never be complete without the special mention of my best friend Julia Mashego, you been nothing but what people call a genuine friend for the past 12 years. Thank you for being with me through the thick and thin of life, I am very lucky to have a friend like you.
vi Table of Contents Abstract ... i Dedication...ii Declaration ...iii Acknowledgements………...………...iv List of Figures………...………....xi
List of Tables ...xiii
List of Appendice……….xiv List of Abbreviations………..………..xv Chapter 1: Introduction ... 1 1.1 Background... 1 1.2 Rationale ... 3 1.3 Problem statement ... 4
1.4 Aim and objectives of the study ... 4
1.5 Guiding research questions of the study... 4
1.6 The significance of the study... 5
1.7 The researcher’s positionality to the study ... 5
1. 8 Organisation of the dissertation ... 6
Chapter 2: The role of indigenous knowedge systems in the utilization of traditional leafy vegetables (TLVs) within African cultures ... 7
2.1 Introduction... 7
2.2 Definition of important concepts and terms used in the study ... 7
2.3 The role of culture and its role in traditional foods of African communities ... 9
2.4.1 Cultural aspects (norms, rules and taboos) influencing the food systems in African
communities ... 12
2.4.2 Cultural rituals/ ceremonies influencing the food systems in African communities ... 13
2.4.3 The cultural knowledge of traditional foods botany (the indigenous calendar) that influence food systems in African communities... 14
2.5 The concept of food security ... 18
2.5.1 The status of food security in South Africa ... 19
2.5.2 The status of food security in mpumalanga province (mp) of South Africa ...20
2.6 The role of traditional leafy vegetables in ensuring food and nutrition security in African communities... 21
2.6.1 The use of traditional leafy vegetables for household food security ... 22
2.6.2 Medical uses of traditional leafy vegetables ... 23
2.6.3 Nutritional value of traditional leafy vegetables ... 24
2.6.4 Distribution and marketing of traditional leafy vegetables ... 25
2.7. The concept of gender in African cultures ... 29
2.8 The role of gender on food systems in African communities ... 30
2.9 The influence of culture on the livelihoods of African communities ... 33
2.10 Indigenous knowledge systems and its relation to culture and food security ... 34
2.11. The indigenous methods of food processing and preservation, and their contribution to food security in African communities... 35
2.11.1 Shade drying... 36
2.11.2 Sun drying... 37
2.12 Chapter conclusion... 39
Chapter 3: The indigenous philosophical underpinnings of the study ... 40
3.1 Introduction ... 40
viii
3.2.1 African indigenous worldviews and paradigms ... 40
3.2.2 African indigenous cosmology ... 42
3.2.3 African indigenous ontology ... 44
3.2.4 African indigenous epistemology (ways of knowing) ... 45
3.2.5 Indigenous research methodologies that underpins this study ... 47
3.2.6 The use of indigenous languages among indigenous communities... 49
3.2.7 Application of indigenous theories in research on iks ... 51
3.2.8 The importance of indigenous axiology (ethics) including cultural protocols on research in IKS………...……….…53
3.3 A conceptual framework of the study... 56
3.4 Theories underpinning the study ... 59
3.4.1 Cultural identity theory (cit) ... 59
3.4.2 Componential theory of creativity ... 59
3.4.3 Community food security theory ... 60
3.5 An introduction to the study area ... 60
3.5.1 Location of the study area ... 60
3.5.2 Population characteristics of the study area ... 62
3.5.3Physiography of the study area... 62
3.5.4 Cultural background of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi ... 63
3.6 Chapter conclusion ... 65
chapter 4: Methodology ... 66
4.1 Introduction ... 66
4.2 Research paradigm, design and approach... 66
4.2.1 Research paradigm ... 66
4.2.1 Research design and approach ... 67
4.4 Sampling procedure and sample size ... 68
4.5 Data collection tools... 68
4.5.1 In-depth interview schedule ... 68
4.5.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) schedule ... 68
4.5.3 Participant observation schedule ... 69
4.6 Data collection methods... 69
4.6.1 In-depth interview ... 70
4.6.2 Focus group discussions (FGDs) ... 70
2.6.3 Participant observation ... 71
4.6 Data analysis methods... 72
4.7 Ethical considerations... 74
4.8 Validity and trustworthiness of the study ... 75
4.8.1 Validation of the research tools... 75
4.8.2 Trustworthiness... 75
4.8.3 Transferability ... 76
4.8.4 Dependability... 77
4.9 Delimitations of the study... 77
4.10 Chapter conclusion...77
Chapter 5: PRESENTATION AND DATA ANALYSIS……...78
5.1 Introduction...78
5.2 Socio-economic characteristics of the participants ...78
5.3 The results of the thematic analysis………..……….79
5.3.1 Theme 1: The cultural meanings and significance of local names of the traditional leafy vegetables used by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women ... 79
5.3.2 Theme 2: The influence of culture of the utilization of traditional leafy vegetables among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women... 90
x
5.3.3 Theme: The influence of cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, norms and ritual/ceremonies) on access and consumption of traditional leafy vegetables among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga
women... 95
5.3.4 Theme: The role of indigenous knowledge and technologies in the preparation, preservation and storage of traditional leafy vegetables by Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women ………...100
5.3.5 Theme: The influence of culture on the ways of acquiring and transmitting indigenous knowledge of traditional leafy vegetables among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women ... 103 5.4 Chapter conclusion……….………...109
Chapter 6:Discussion, Conclusions and Recommendations... 110
6.1 Introdution…………..………110 6.2 Discussion ...110 6.3 Conclusions ... 118 6.4 Recommedations………..…...119 References……….…...120 Appendixes………...146
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1: African women selling TLVs at their informal markets………28
Figure 2.2: An African woman harvesting TLVs from the field………..……31 Figure 2.3: An African woman from fetching water for home chores such as cooking………...………32 Figure 2.4: Types of leafy vegetables preserved on the shade, (A)Tinyebi, (B) Guxe and (C) Tinyawa……….38 Figure 2.5: Traditional leafy vegetables that are preserved through the sun, (A) sun dried pumpkin leaves and (B) sun dried beans leaves………...38 Figure 3.1: Young children at the maundwane being taught how to cook by their age mate who pose as the mother………47 Figure 3.2: The conceptual framework of the study……….………..58 Figure 3.3: Map of the study area showing the district municipalities and villages. (A) The location of MP within SA, (B) the district municipalities within MP and (C) the location of the study villages within BLM……….…..61 Figure 4.1: The six steps that were followed in the analysis of the data from the
study………..……...72 Figure 5.1: Different fruits of the nkaka leafy vegetable that are known in the two cultural
groups. Green on the left is Tsonga nkaka while red on the right is pedi nkaka………..….……88 Figure 5.2: A woman selling fresh traditional leafy vegetables in Bushbuckridge town while these traditional leafy vegetables were still in season………...95 Figure 5.3: These traditional leafy vegetables died because a woman entered the garden while she was on her periods……….………..96 Figure 5.4: A Tsonga woman showing the researcher how VaTsonga pregnant women perform the ritual of picking up soil from the ground, rub their stomach, and throw the soil on the ground again before entering the gardens to harvest traditional leafy vegetables………....99
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Figure 5.5: The researcher using an indigenous mortar and a pestel to grind nuts that are used to prepare traditional leafy vegetables such as tinh’wembe, bangala and
mathapi………..101
Figure 5.6: Modern technologies used by both cultural groups to store dried traditional leafy vegetables. (A) Plastic bag, (B) maize meal bag and (C) container………..……….105 Figure 5.7: The researcher and other young children acquiring the knowledge of harvesting traditional leafy vegetables through observing and imitating what the elder women are doing………..…..106
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1: The indigenous agricultural calendar of food production patterns………...16 Table 2.2: Local names of selected TLVs among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups……….22 Table 2.3: A comparison of the nutritional properties of traditional leafy vegetables and exotic vegetables consumed in many parts of Africa………...27 Table 5.1: Participants’ personal names, codes and age group……….79 Table 5.2: Main themes and sub-themes that were developed from the analysed data……….80 Table 5.3: Local names of TLVs that are utilised within the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups ………81
xiv
LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendice 1: Ethical clearance letter of the study………..146
Appendice 2: Checklist of ethical issues……….147
Appendice 3: Permission letter from the IKS centre………...149
Appendice 4:Prior informed consent……….…….150
Appendice 5:Non-disclosure agreement………152
Appendice 6: Permission letter from morolo trust………..154
Appendice 7: Permission letter from the bushbukridge local municipality………....155
Appendice 8 (A): In-depth interview schedule………...…………156
Appendice 8 (B): VaTsonga in-depth interview schedule………..158
Appendice 8 (C): Ba-Pedi in-depth interview schedule………..160
Appendice 9: Focus group discussion schedule………..163
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS SA- South Africa
TLVs- Traditional Leafy Vegetables LVs- Leafy Vegetables
IK- Indigenous Knowledge
IKS- Indigenous Knowledge Systems HFS- Household Food Security MP- Mpumalanga Province
BLM- Bushbuckridge Local Municipality Stats SA- Statistics South Africa
FS- Food Security
CIT-Cultural Identity Theory
CTC- Componential theory of Creativity CFST- Community Food Security Theory FGDs- Focus Group Discussions
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background
Hofstede (1994) cited by Spencer-Oatey (2012:2) culture is defined as “the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another”. However, Nkhabutlane (2014), Oniang’o, Mutuku and Malaba (2003), and Olum, Okello-Uma, Tumuhimbise, Taylor and Ongeng (2017) argues that culture is the foundation of studies of food and people, and this is because cultures have lot of influence in what people consume, it determines what is eaten as well as when and how. The influence of culture in how and when African people should consume their traditional food is consistent with what has been observed in many South African cultures where traditional beer is meant for traditional rituals such as ancestral worship. Among the VaTsonga cultural group of South Africa, the use of traditional beer (byala vutshila) during the thanksgiving ceremony symbolises all the food which is eaten in their households and which was eaten by their ancestors (Khosa, 2009). In the context of this study, culture is going to mean the foundation of studies of traditional foods (TLVs) and cultural groups, particularly the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga of Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM), and how these cultural groups are distinct from each other in terms of their indigenous knowledge (IK) of foods (TLVs).
Leafy Vegetables (LVs) are the plant species of which the leafy parts, which may include young, succulent stems, flowers and very young fruit, are used as a vegetable (Jansen van Rensburg, van Averbeke, Slabbert, Faber, van Jaarsveld, van Heerden, Wenhold and Oelofse, 2007:317). However, in the context of this study, the term TLVs was adopted to reflect on the plants that have evolved with communities, and whose leaves are socially accepted and consumed as vegetables by African communities for several centuries
(FAO, 1988; Thandeka, Sithole and Thamaga-Chitja, 2011; and Gockowski, Mbazo’o, Mba and Moulende, 2003). In SA the local terms for TLVs are influenced by different cultures, for instance they are known as morogo in (Sesotho, Sepedi) imifino (isiZulu, isiXhosa), and
miroho (Xitsonga) which translated means leafy vegetables. Langat (2014) and Mathaba
(2017) argue that the utilization of TLVs as vegetables by local communities is based on their indigenous knowledge (IK) endowed upon them through their culture, tradition and food habits. Jaca and Kambizi (2011) also supports that the utilization of TLVs in African
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communities’ form part of their cultural heritage and they play such a huge role in the customs and food culture of African households.
For centuries rural communities have been relying on TLVs for cultural purposes such as household security, household income, medicinal and nutrition purposes (Thandeka, Sithole and Thama-chitji, 2011; Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013). Previous studies have indicated that TLVs are a good source of nutrition (Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013; Panda, Mishra, Pradhan and Mohanty (2015) and Acho, Zoue, Akpa, Yapo, Niamke (2014), especially in rural communities where households culturally depend on TLVs for consumption rather than the exotic vegetables. Acho et.al (2014) and Zoro, Zous, Kra, Yepie and Niamke (2013) argue that African communities have been consuming TLVs because within their cultures they believe that TLVs are important protective foods and highly beneficial for the maintenance of health and prevention of diseases as they contain valuable sources of nutrients such as minerals and vitamins, proteins, fibres and other nutrients which can be utilized to build up and repair the body.
Thandeka, Sithole and Thamaga-Chitja (2011) in their study found that TLVs were reported to be good sources of essential dietary nutrients and contain compounds immune strengthening properties. TLVs contains high levels of essential elements namely calcium, iron and zinc and are rich sources of vitamins, mineral, trace elements, dietary fibre and proteins. Adéoti, Dansi, Ahoton, Vodouhè, Ahohuendo, Rival and Sanni (2012), Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda (2013), and Maseko, Mabhaudhi, Tesfay, Araya, Fezzehazion and Plooy (2017) argue on the same line and support that TLVs contain nutrients values such as vitamins (particularly A, B, C), proteins, fibres, carbohydrates, minerals, iron, zinc and some even possess medicinal properties.
Olum et al (2017) argue that food security (FS) is influenced by cultural norms, for example, food taboos or food preparation techniques associated with cultural groups. This is because indigenous people use their knowledge that has been passed on from generation to generation, to process, preserve and store TLVs for household food security (HFS). A study done by Vorster (2007) on the role and production of TLVs in three rural communities in
South Africa found that the cultural methods used for preserving and storing TLVs vary greatly between cultures. This is because diverse cultural groups possess different IK that is derived from their specific environments and expressed in their unique languages. Hence, the gathering, preparation and preservation of TLVs make an abundance of remarkable cultural knowledge and identities among cultural groups and individuals (Demi, 2016). Therefore, the above arguments show that the culture of African people influences their indigenous knowledge, including the traditional foods (TLVs) that they consume and the technologies that they employ to process and preserve foods.
1.2 Rationale
Traditional leafy vegetables play a very important role as a nutrient source for the human body and their consumption ensures the intake of various essential vitamins and mineral elements, thereby avoiding the malnutrition issue (Mabala, 2018). TLVs are well suited to harsh environments, are easy to grow, need simpler technology and low inputs, and can tolerate diseases, therefore researching about them is necessary (DAFF, 2004). TLVs play an important role in reducing poverty, increasing food and nutrition security for households, as well as rural livelihoods. They also have the potential to generate household income and improve family nutrition. Added to the above motivation, it was also a personal dimension to carry this study on TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, the rationale initially arose from the researcher previous study, which was focusing on exploring and documenting the IK of food processing and preservation.
The study indicated that TLVs were the mostly traditional foods, which were preserved by the VaTsonga in New Forest (Kock, 2017) and the indigenous preparation, processing and preservation of TLVs play a role in rural HFS. In addition, the researcher encountered a number of Pedi women around Bushbuckridge who were selling TLVs and all of them had different TLVs in their market stalls, and when the researcher approached the women they indicated their love for TLVs, this is strongly supported by the Pedi proverb that says “nama
ke moyeti, e fela morogo ke dijo tsa ka mehla” meaning that meat is a visitor, but TLVs are
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influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs in BLM needs to be documented and researchable niches established that could further increase their availability and use.
1.3 Problem statement
Many scholars (Muhanji, Roothaert, Webo and Stanley, 2011; Jansen van Rensburg et. al, 2007; Ochieng, Afari-Sefa, Karanja, Rajendran, Silvest and Kessy, 2016; and Langat, 2014) have conducted their studies on the utilization and role of TLVs in African communities, including South Africa. However, the influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs that are consumed by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups have not been sufficiently documented, there are only a few studies (Vorster, 2007 and Vorster, Stevens and Steyn, 2008) that were conducted on culture and TLVs, but still not among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi of BLM. Therefore, if the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi regarding the utilization of TLVs remain undocumented it will lead to the extinction of their IKS. With this problem in mind, the central question is: “How does the culture of VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the utilization of TLVs in BLM”.
1.4 Aim and objectives of the study
The aim of the study was to document how the culture of VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the utilization of TLVs in BLM. The objectives of the study were to:
1. To explore the influence of culture on names, use and access of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.
2. To explore the influence of culture on the processing and preservation of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.
3. To investigate the ways of knowing and acquiring indigenous knowledge of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.
1.5 Guiding research questions of the study The study was guided by the following questions:
1. How does the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the names, use and access of TLVs consumed in their household?
2. In what way does the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the processing and preservation of TLVs?
3. What are the ways of acquiring the knowledge of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women?
1.6 The significance of the study
The significance of this study rests on the fact that climate change has become a critical issue at the global, regional and local level to such an extent that climate change is considered as a serious challenge for mankind in the present century (Kumar, 2014:1), and that by 2050 the world will need to answer to an increased demand because of population and income growth (Loboguerrero, Campbell, Cooper, Hansen, Rosenstock and Wollenberg, 2018). Serdeczny, Adams, Baarsch, Coumou, Robinson, Hare and Reinhardt (2017) affirm that climate change is mostly vulnerable to Africa compared to other parts of the world. Due to climate change, the growing of food crops are most likely to be affected and this will result in food insecurity in the coming years, particularly in developing countries including South Africa (Wlokas, 2008; Alemu and Mengistu, 2019). It is therefore hoped that the knowledge generated from this study will be useful in assisting policy makers and local communities to overcome challenges of food and nutrition security. The above can be achieved only if the IKS of the VaTsonga and BaPedi is preserved through publications (having been written down will allow it to survive for many years still to come), so that knowledge and cultural practices of TLVs which were possessed by our elders (knowledge holders) can be used in future as a solution to challenges of FS in the next coming years.
1.7 The researcher’s positionality to the study
This study is strongly based and motivated by personal experiences of the researcher. The positionality is that of an African young woman, who is a Swati speaking, born and bred among the Ba-Pedi community in Pilgrim’s Rest Mpumalanga and did Sepedi as home language from grade 1 to 12. However, my mother is a VaTsonga woman and her paternity’ family is from New Forest village in Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM), therefore I identify myself as bicultural. I grew up in a big family, where there were cousins, and my grandmother did not afford to buy meat on daily basis therefore we depended on fresh TLVs,
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we used to collect those TLVs such as imbuya (Amaranthus spp.) from the home garden with our grandmother from a young age. These are the best experiences that I shared with my late grandmother and they played a huge role in influencing me to undertake this study on TLVs and culture.
As an African young woman from the African communities and an IKS degree holder, my approach to this study was grounded in cultural knowledge, which involves indigenous knowledge. To undertake this study the whole paradigm that was used was of an indigenous worldview. I employed indigenous methodologies to conduct this study such as the qualitative approach, data collection methods and the tools were in the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga local languages. Even the analysis and the interpretation of the collected data was through the lens of indigenous knowledge.
1. 8 Organisation of the dissertation
The dissertation is presented in six chapters: Chapter 1 presents the introduction to the study, by specifically looking at African cultures and TLVs. Chapter 2 is a systematic literature review that will provide an overview of the present information available on TLVs and other aspects that influences their utilization in African communities. Chapter 3 focuses on the indigenous philosophies that underpinned the study and provide an introduction of the areas being studied. Chapter 4 presents the indigenous methodologies, which were employed for conducting the study. Chapter 5 presents the analysed study finding. Chapter 6 provide the summary the study findings and gives conclusion and recommendations arising from the study.
Chapter 2
THE ROLE OF INDIGENOUS KNOWEDGE SYSTEMS IN THE UTILIZATION OF TRADITIONAL LEAFY VEGETABLES (TLVS) WITHIN AFRICAN CULTURES
2.1 Introduction
The previous chapter gave the introduction to the study, by specifically looking at African cultures and TLVs. This chapter provides an overview of previous literature pertaining to IKS, culture and TLVs in African communities. It speaks clearly on the definitions of culture, as well as highlighting its influence on the food systems of African people. Moreover, it discusses the IK of TLVs in African food systems and the cultural factors that influence the utilization of these TLVs in African communities.
2.2 Definition of important concepts and terms used in the study
Culture: Culture in the study consists of the collective beliefs and values that are held by the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural, which distinguishes them from each other. The beliefs and values are passed from generation to generation, and culture changes all the time due to the things that people add before passing it on (Bleshek, 2006).
Indigenous knowledge systems: According to Chikaire, Osuagwu, Ihenacho, Oguegbuchulam, Ejiogu-Okereke and Obi (2012:202) IKS refer to “intricate knowledge system that acquired over generations by communities as they interact with the environment. It encompasses technological, economic, philosophical, learning and governance systems”. Indigenous knowledge: IK is the logical body of knowledge acquired by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi through gathering of formal and informal experiences, as well as close understanding of the environment in a given culture as put forward by Boikhutso (2012).
Value: According to Awoniyi (2015:4) value is referred to “the attitude, beliefs, behaviours and actions that are cherished and acceptable standards of behaviours which each society expects that the members should abide by”.
Taboo: Allan and Burridge (2006) cited by Keturi and Lehmonen (2012:6), they define taboo as “a proscription of behaviour that affects everyday life”. Taboos have control over
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people’s day to day lives by setting restrictions for what is wrong (unacceptable) or right (acceptable) (Keturi and Lehmonen (2012).
Rituals: According to Rappaport (1999), rituals also known as customs are defined as the execution of formal, invariantly sequenced, and customarily transmitted activities and expressions, for example, what happens at initiation ceremonies and traditional weddings. Utilization: According to FAO (1997) cited by Masekoameng (2007), utilization includes those involved in the preparation, processing and cooking of food for home and community levels, as well as household decision making regarding food choices. For the purpose of this study, utilization refers to the use of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge.
Food security: According to the World Food Summit (1996), FS exists when all people, always, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life.
Gender: Among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, gender is referred to as the roles and responsibilities that are expected from men and women in their communities as informed by Simiyu and Foeken (2014).
TLVs: According Mathaba (2017), traditional leafy vegetables (TLVs) refers to “Vegetables that are both domesticated or growing wild in areas with disturbed soil or agricultural activity”
Harvest: Harvest refer to the process of pre-dying crops in the field, threshing, drying, winnowing and finally yet importantly, the carrying crops to a household storage or to commercial storage (Masekoameng, 2007). In this study harvest, refer to the harvesting of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge.
Processing: Singh (2015) define food processing as a set of ways that people use to transfer uncooked parts into food or they convert food into different types for consumption to ensure FS in their households. Therefore, in this study food processing refer to the processing of TLVs.
Preservation: According to the definition given by Rahman (2007: ix) food preservation is an action or method that is used to maintain food at a desire level of properties for their maximum benefits. The preservation of TLVs ensures the accessibility and availability of TLVs in household’s FS.
2.3 The role of culture and its role in traditional foods of African communities
Culture is a term that is not easy to define as a result of the definitions that flows from various researchers (Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952; Aziza, 2001; Hofstede 1994; SpencerOatey 2008). Culture, as it is usually understood, entails a totality of traits and characters that are peculiar to a group of people to the extent that it marks them out from other peoples or societies. These peculiar traits go on to include a people’s language, dressing, music, work, arts, religion, dancing and so on. It also goes on to include a people’s social norms, taboos and values (Idang, 2015:98). Aziza (2001:31) defines culture as the totality of the pattern of behaviour of a particular group of people. It includes everything that makes them distinct from any other group of people for instance, their food practises, social norms and taboos, rites of passages from birth, through marriage to death, traditional occupations, religious as well as philosophical beliefs. The definition shows that any human being who is born from a group of society is likely to practice what he or she has found his or her particular group doing from birth, how they dress and what they consume among others.
Culture can be influenced by numerous factors one being traditional foods (Vance, 2018). Hence, for the purpose of this study, the researcher looks at culture in the context of traditional food practises of indigenous people in Africa. According to Matenda (2018), African communities acquire their cultural knowledge of food practises from a younger age, and once established are seemingly to be long lasting and resilient to alteration. It is a lifelong process as natural functions such as consumption become liberal because as children grow, they are influenced by customs and traditions. The abovementioned shows that what Africans consume is influenced by their culture and they learn about these foods from their elders as they grow up. For instance, cultural groups may choose to consume certain kinds of traditional foods because it is part of their culture that has been acquired from their ancestors and was passed on from generation to generation (Matenda, 2018). As indigenous people continue to consume their traditional foods, they learn about their culture. This clearly indicates that food and culture go hand in hand (Stajcic, 2013), and the link is extended to the indigenous people’s beliefs, spirituality and their entire well-being (Demi, 2016).
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Martinez-Zuniga (2007) affirms that individuals or cultural groups eat or stay away from certain food because of their cultural acceptance, such as religion, status, ethnicity and gender. However, some of the spiritual beliefs and practices may be accepted for one community and rejected for another. Closely related to the above, is the well-known example of the spiritual belief of the members of Zion Christian Church (ZCC) and Muslims who are not allowed to consume pork (pig meat) and this might be a different case for other religions or churches. Gaoshebe (2014) argues that among Batswana certain climatic conditions such as floods and drought are attributed to the anger of ancestors due to the breaching of taboos such as hunting at certain forbidden times, harvesting certain plants or eating certain foods (Gaoshebe, 2014). This is because African communities’ way of obtaining food is enshrouded in spirituality and physical contemplations that guarantee the continuous existence of peace, harmony and sanctity in nature (Demi, 2016; Gumo, Gisege, Raballah and Ouma, 2012). Such contemplations are associated with the belief that indigenous people are connected to the earth; hence their continued existence is influenced by the reverence accorded by the earth. As per such beliefs, indigenous people are advised to make harmony with plants, animals (both domesticated and wild), and stones and so on (Demi, 2016).
Ahmad (2017) and Stajcic (2013) contend that the food practises of indigenous people are used as a sole element to help shaping indigenous people’s identities, culture and societies. For example, in South Africa, Ba-Pedi are identified through masonja (mopane worms). Stewin (2013) argues that food practises are also used as a tool to communicate, affirm and reassure a person’s beliefs, as well as to send cultural messages about the ethnic groups and their social-cultural group (Stewin, 2013). The communication aspect is consistent with what is observed in South African indigenous cultures, for instance traditional beer is used when South African indigenous groups are communicating or sending messages to their ancestors. Khosa (2009), Bae (2007), Govender, Mudaly, James (2013) and SAHO (2019) argue on the same line and support that traditional beer is symbolic in most cultural functions such as ancestral worship, the offering of traditional beer is a means of establishing communication with unhappy ancestors. Among the Zulu culture mountains are associated with the present of Mvelinqangi, therefore when a young woman sees the clouds, they prepare traditional beer to celebrate the Nomdede/Nomkhubulwana festival (the solicit of a good harvest for the year and only women take part in it) (Ngobese, 2003). Notsi (2012) adds that among the Basotho
and Batswana cultural groups, during the harvesting period, the people prepare traditional beer and invite a small group to feast as a way of giving thanks to their ancestors. The above statements show that our culture as Africans has a huge influence on what we consume, how and when.
2.4 The traditional food systems within African communities
As pointed out by Masekoameng (2017) traditional food systems are a collective of all the biophysical, economic, technological and socio-political factors that contribute towards the indigenous way of production, harvesting, preparation, distribution, consuming and utilising traditional foods for the health and the community’s way of survival. While Matenda (2018) argue that the traditional food systems of indigenous peoples are defined as being composed of items from the local, natural environment that are culturally acceptable. Alonso (2015), FAO (2014), and Ruben, Verhagen and Plaisier (2019) support the above by affirming that an African food system concerns the varieties of food incorporated into traditional diets, yet in addition, how indigenous communities generally acquire food, combine different food items, production, distribution, marketing, processing, preservation and storage of food that originate from agriculture, forestry or fisheries, and parts of the broader financial, societal and natural environments in which they are implanted. Furthermore, Ruben, Verhagen and Plaisier (2019:171) says that food systems is based on systematic appraisal of different underlying processes that influence food availability, access and utilization, as well as a detailed analysis of the roles of different stakeholders involved, notably the role of the consumer in nutrition-oriented food systems.
The IK of traditional food systems help to create a wealth of unique cultural knowledge and identities among cultures and individuals. As a result, traditional foods and food systems are closely linked with indigenous knowledge and often extend to belief systems, spirituality, and indeed the entire well-being of indigenous people (Demi, 2016:2). Hence, it has always been done with ethical considerations governed by norms, values, and taboos born out of customs, cultures and spirituality. The spirituality aspect connects people to what they consume, and this is particularly important in encouraging ethnic groups to depend on food plants rather than animal flesh (Demi, 2016). The above is supported by Alonso (2015) who affirms that spirituality of African people shape their cultural diets and food systems. African
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spiritualism (the belief in the supernatural) creates respect for animals, plants, rocks, mountains, and rivers (Gumo et. al, 2012). Hence, there are certain cultural aspects that inform people about the seasons of planning or harvesting plants or hunting animal and this is done to maintain the respect and relationship African people have with their environment as discussed in section 2.4.1.
2.4.1 Cultural aspects (norms, rules and taboos) influencing the food systems in African communities
Culture influences food and nutrition security in Africa by shaping communities food diet and preferences, intra-household food production, distribution and marketing patterns, processing and preparation techniques, accessibility and use of traditional foods (Alonso, 2015; Agada and Igbokwe, 2016). Like the above, a paper by Demi (2016) on indigenous food cultures: pedagogical implication for environmental education, the results revealed that in Africa, there are certain cultural rules and norms that govern how communities should harvest crops, seafood or hunt in order not to exhaust the existing stock. The results also revealed that the cultural norms are meant to protect the vulnerable life stages of animals, aquatic and plant species. For example, the cultural rules and norms may govern certain stages of the human life cycle and may relate to different significant life events such as menstrual periods, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation (Meyer-Rochow, 2009 and Alonso, 2015).
Notsi (2012) also supports the above mentioned by adding that significant life events such as abortion, mourning, pregnancy, attending funerals, menstrual period or sexual intercourse all influence how communities take part in agricultural activities. For example, Basotho and Batswana women and young girls are forbidden from collecting seeds or digging seedling of indigenous plants when one has committed one of the life events mentioned above and this affects their food systems and household food security (HFS) (Notsi, 2012). Vorster (2007) argues that in South African cultural groups such as the Zulu, Pedi and Shangaan women are forbidden to partake in any farming activities or preparation of food during their fertility cycle which include menstruation, pregnancy and lactating. This affect the participation of women in agricultural activities and it may affect their HFS.
The cultural norms and rules go on to control indigenous communities on how they should harvest food plants such as TLVs in order to make them available and accessible at all times, for instance in Ghana, there are certain days whereby the people are restricted from collecting food from the wild, so that the forest can breathe (Demi, 2016). This is also practised among the Basotho and Batswana, for example women and men are forbidden to collect or dig indigenous plants at 12h00 (Ura ya sethoboloko or har’a mpa motseare) midday because it is traditionally considered as the time of ancestors. Therefore, if the Basotho and Batswana tempt with the silent hour and anger “beng ba lefatse” (ancestors), it may cause hailstorms and hurricanes and destroy their villages (Notsi, 2012). It is very important that African communities respect these norms and rules in order for them to maintain their food systems and the relationship with their ancestors.
2.4.1 Cultural rituals/ ceremonies influencing the food systems in African communities African people have many rituals and ceremonies that demonstrate the African religion. These embody what people believe in, what they value, and what they wish to apply in a daily life directed at ensuring good health, healing and good harvest (Matenda, 2018). According to Murimbika (2006), rituals contain cosmological accepted wisdom of higher beings, the ancestral spirit world and the role of sacred leaders. The performance of rituals defeats nervousness, dismisses fear, and offers a sense of security (Rappaport, 1966). According to Khosa (2009), ritual observances, involve ritual ceremonial performance, which are symbolic expressions of deeper feelings or transcendental ideas of members of a social group. Rituals are the only means through which the profane world is brought into contact with the sacred.
In African communities there are certain rituals that are related to agricultural food systems, for instance, a ritual is conducted normally before planting and during harvesting (Khosa, 2009; Constant and Tshisikhawe, 2018). A study by Notsi (2012), investigated the utilization of indigenous vegetables in ensuring FS and nutrition using case studies of Lesotho and South Africa, the results revealed that the harvesting of traditional crops should be done carefully and skilfully. Khosa (2009) found that amongst the VaTsonga people of Malamulele Township in the Limpopo Province, three crucial ancestral worship ceremonies
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are usually held in a year. The first one is when the crops in the fields are ripe and ready for harvest. The second one is for the wellbeing of the family, which is usually held towards the end of the year or at the beginning of the year, and the third is performed before going to plant crops during the ploughing season.
Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018) states that in January when the vegetables are harvested there are rituals that are performed to thank the ancestral spirits after harvest. The thanksgiving ritual is led by Makhadzi (aunt) by picking up sample of TLVs and cook them with herbs, the mixture is offered to the ancestors, and community/family member are informed that cultivation is ready. This shows that African communities have a huge relationship with their ancestors and that they believe that everything they consume is from their ancestors therefore it is very important to perform thanksgiving ceremonies to show gratitude.
Among the Guans ethnic group of Ghana, during the harvesting period the chief is the first person who is supposed to eat the first yam so that others can start harvesting the yam. It is believed that this practise prevent people from harvesting unripe yams and allows the elders and chief of the local communities to determine the quality of yam in the season to prevent any likelihood of food poisoning (Demi, 2016). The abovementioned is a common practise among the Basotho people of Tsitas Nek, during the harvesting period, the chief is given the first harvested crop before others in the village and he is the one who gives permission for harvesting (Notsi, 2012).
2.4.3 The cultural knowledge of traditional foods botany (the indigenous calendar) that influence food systems in African communities
Indigenous farming activities are directed by traditional calendars, which are punctuated by the performance of specific ceremonies (Murimbika, 2006). The above mentioned is supported by Khumbane (2004), who stated that indigenous people possess IK of food production patterns, which is known as the indigenous calendar it informs them about the agricultural activities that takes place in their communities (Table 2.1). According to Boikhutso (2015), the indigenous farmer is able to predict weather and soil conditions, and
this helps them to prepare themselves for agricultural activities in advance and it explains exactly how they have achieved to reach sustainability in agriculture, generation after generation.
Table 2.1: The indigenous agricultural calendar of food production patterns (adapted from Khumbane, 2004)
Jan The ploughing season ends.
Among the Shona people, January is regarded as the period of waiting (Kuindira), this month is full of anxiety concerning food production (Murimbika, 2006).
Feb February, Karadzi is named after a woman – mukadzi. February is the month when new produce starts to ripen and the vulnerability of food supplies vanishes. Women threaten to leave their husband about this time since food supplies are generally low. Varieties of yields are called mukadzi usaende ("my wife don't go") that are quick developing and a bridge between the past harvest and the new produce (Murimbika, 2006).
Women and young girls’ start to pick up melons, cowpeas, and pumpkin leaves to preserve them as dried green vegetable (miroho), then after preservation the dried leaves are stored in clay pots and sealed with fresh cow dung for prevention against pests, and these activities can last until March/April.
May Women and young girls start to prepare for harvesting. According to Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018), the second round of vegetables and crop harvest begins, after this period that last until domestic livestock graze September the ploughing fields are left fallow and the remaining of the harvested vegetables and crops. Furthermore, in the Vhavenda cultural group this season is marked by a ritual called the thevhula, which is performed in July as a form of, thanksgiving and share the last harvest with their ancestors.
Jun Harvesting season begins.
Jul Women starts to prepare (diboya) mud for thrashing corn, while on the other hand men start to prepare silos for storing grains. Aug The ploughing season begins as soon as the first rains after winter (known as kgokgola mmoko). Among the Ba-Pedi of
after the first rains of the season (Masekoameng, 2007). The significance of this season is that all the past harvesting season will decompose and grains from the thrashed corn will germinate, then wild green vegetables will start to grow in the field. Boikhutso (2012) explain that in most African communities, particularly in SA communities, when the ploughing and sowing seasons begin the chief of that certain community will perform a rainmaking ritual.
Sep Before ploughing can take place, manure from cattle, sheep, donkey and goats are collected and scattered throughout the field. The tribal traditional healer performs a ritual to cleanse the environment and bless the seed. During the ritual women and young girls are dressed in traditional clothes while carrying water and from the river and wells to the chief’s kraal, then rubbish will be collected from the veld and to be burnt at the chief’s kraal. Then after the ritual the will be dancing and feasting. According to Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018), among the Vhavenda cultural group the first season (dzima) which is in September the ploughing land is cleared. Rituals (rainmaking) and ceremonies are performed to enhance the crop yield and seeds are doctored before planting.
Oct Planting of African indigenous vegetables is done when the rain falls typically beginning from October proceeds up until January. So as to guarantee FS mixed cropping is normally encouraged (Notsi, 2012).
Nov Ploughing continues Dec Ploughing continues
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2.5 The concept of food security
Food security (FS) is an expansive term, which is defined in various ways by various organisations around the world. According to the definition given by the World Food Summit during 1996 in Rome, Italy, FS exists when all people, always, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and preferences for an active and healthy life. Du Toit (2011) defines FS as the capacity of people to acquire adequate food on an everyday premise. These definitions emphasize four key variables used to measure FS namely: availability, accessibility, utilization and stability. Food availability implies that a country must have sufficient quantities of food available on a consistent basis at both national and household level. Food access implies the ability of a nation and its households to acquire sufficient food on a sustainable basis. Food use refers to the appropriate use of food based on knowledge of basic nutrition and care, as well as adequate water and sanitation. While food stability refers to the stability of the access and availability of food (Du Toit, 2011).
Food Security at national level differs at household level; since the approach used to assess food security in those levels are not the equivalent (Du Toit, 2011). FS at a national level, refer to the condition whereby the nation can produce, import, maintain and sustain food needed to support its population with minimum per capita nutritional standards. At community level FS implies that rural communities are able to produce, preserve and store enough food for future use. The future is not just to have enough for a year, yet in addition to consider the next years from a few years and past (that is if there should arise an occurrence of dry spell) (Masekoameng, 2004).
Ibnouf (2011) argues that FS in household level refer to the capacity of food suppliers to secure sufficient food consistently to meet the dietary requirements and social preferences of their family members. A household would be regarded as food secure when the members of the family do not live in hunger or fear of starvation (Du Toit, 2011). A study by Ndwandwe (2013) on the contribution of IK practices to household food production and FS, results revealed that indigenous HFS is reached when steady and adequate food is accessible, gotten to and suitably utilized at the household level. Household food making is important for
upgrading FS of rural families, as they are essentially dependent on farming and resources around them for an employment. (Ndwandwe, 2013).
The two concepts of FS and food insecurity are interrelated and to some extent have an influence on one another. Bickel, Nord, Price, Hamilton, and Cook (2000) strongly support the above mentioned by stating that when some or all the dimensions (availability, accessibility, utilization and stability) of FS are not meant therefore food insecurity occurs. Food insecurity is defined as the state of being without consistent access to adequate quantity of affordable nutritious food (Bickel et. al, 2000). This shows that food insecurity is influenced by the lack of availability, accessibility, utilization and stability of food in national and household level.
Ndobo (2013) argues that the cause of food insecurity is found to be the lack of nutritional balance because households cannot afford to consume a healthy diet. Food insecurity is a household situation and not an individual situation because although it affects everyone in a household, it may affect them differently for example, specific individuals in a home such as children may be shielded from some aspects of food insecurity by caregivers (Feeding Texas, 2016). Essentially, the defining characteristic of food insecurity is that at certain times during the year, the food intake of household members is reduced, and their normal eating patterns are disrupted because the household lacks resources (mainly money) to acquire food (Coleman-Jensen, Rabbitt, Gregory, and Singh, 2016)
2.5.1 The status of food security in South Africa
SA is a food secured nation, but most households in rural areas are exposed to food insecurity (Du Toit, 2011 and Ndobo, 2013). Ndwandwe (2013) supported the argument that people living in former homelands and townships are the ones who are mostly affected by poverty. Ndobo (2013) further explains that SA is a middle-income country with large inequalities and absolute poverty, and about 87 percent of the rural households in SA are food insecure. The General Household Survey (GHS) report shows further that during 2008 food access problems were mostly affecting Free State where 33.5 % of the households have insufficient food access. Followed by households in Kwazulu-Natal with 23%, Eastern Cape 21, 4% and Mpumalanga 21, 5%. Limpopo (11, 9%) and Western Cape (14, 5%) had the least FS
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problems in 2008 (Madzivhandila, 2013:171; Du Toit, 2011). Food insecurity is a serious challenge that continues in SA after fifteen years of democracy.
Altman, Hart and Jacobs (2009) stated that the increment of food prices especially staple diets (like maize and wheat), are also affecting FS of most households in SA. However, this mostly affects people who are unemployed and elderly people who depend on grants. Nyembe (2015) argues that unemployment, low income and poverty also play a huge role in household food insecurity in SA. A similar study by Ndobo (2013) revealed that FS is caused by unemployment and low income in Johannesburg, SA. In 2008, the number of unemployment in SA expanded by 824 000 from 4.3 million to 5.1million people in 2014 while employment proportion declined by 3.1 percentage focuses from 45.9% in 2008 to 42.8% in 2014 (Mathebula, 2017). Stats SA (2019) expressed that in 2017, Statistics SA released a report looking in poverty and inequality trends in SA between 2006 and 2015. The report shows that in excess of a quarter (25,2%) of the population was living underneath poverty line (R441 per individual every month in 2015 costs) in 2015 contrasted with just about a third (28,4%) in 2006.
2.5.2 The status of food security in Mpumalanga province (MP) of South Africa
Many households rely on government grants or unreliable cash flows from small-scale agriculture that provide some sort of livelihood (Germaine and Goldin, 2015). The Mpumalanga population is 4 181 594 and 1276556 of the population lack access to food, meaning that only 30, 5% of the population in Mpumalanga is not food secure (DAFF, 2016). However, according to Stats SA (2019), 69.9 % of the households in Mpumalanga are food secure, while 31.9% of the households have inadequate access to FS. This shows that Mpumalanga is food secured as a Province and it is because of the strategies, which were implemented to fight poverty.
For instance, the Master Plan, which was prepared by the Linkd Environmental Services for the Department of Environmental Affairs (2013), indicated that the Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) with partnership with the Bushbuckridge municipality, other government departments and non-governmental stakeholders implemented sustainable
development strategy that addresses poverty, economic development and environment management in the Bushbuckridge areas. The former Premier of Mpumalanga also introduced an agricultural reform programme known as Masibuyele Emasimini in 2005/6, after he observed that a big percentage of land, in rural Mpumalanga, was unutilized (Shabangu, 2015). “Turning such land into productive agricultural land was to ensure sufficient food production and could consequently enable citizens to meet their basic food needs” (Shabangu, 2015:2). Hence, agriculture remains an important lifeline for FS and job creation in Mpumalanga.
2.6 The role of traditional leafy vegetables in ensuring food and nutrition security in African communities
Africa is endowed with a great diversity of plants that are used as LVs (Dansi, Adjatin, Adoukonou-Sagbadja, Faladé, Adomou, Yedomonhan, Akpagana and de Foucault, 2009). TLVs are described as plants that have evolved with communities and the leaves are socially accepted and consumed as vegetables by the communities (Thandeka, Sithole and ThamagaChitja, 2011). As indicated through literature TLVs are generally collected from the wild, with few choice species being cultivated, frequently as part of a mixed cropping system in home gardens or smallholder plots (Maseko et al, 2017). Masekoameng (2007) further explain that TLVs are collected from communal areas around settlements, domestic plots, while other are found in arable or abandoned plots, along roadsides and in abandoned animal kraals.
According to Mathaba (2017) on assessing the advantages of cultivation and consumption of traditional vegetables for Public Health in South Africa, the results revealed that the most common TLVs found in SA are Black Jack (Bidens pilosa L. and B. bipinnata
L.), Amaranth (Amaranthus spp.), Jute or Jew’s Mallow (Chorchorus olitorius and C. tridens), Nightshade (Solanum nigrum complex), Cowpeas (Vigna inguiculata L.) and Spider
flower (Cleome gynandra L.). Jansen van Rensburg, Venter, Netshiluvhi, van den Heever, Vorster and de Ronde (2004) and Jansen van Rensburg et. al (2007) also support these findings remarking that Amaranth (serepelele, theyke, amaranthus spp), Nightshade (moswe, kophe, S. nigrum complex), Spider flower (leroto, bangala, cleome gynandraL.), Jew’s
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Mallow (guxe, ligusha, corchorus olitorius and C. tridens), Pigweed (theepe, Amarnthus
thunbergii) and last but not least Cowpeas (monawa, tinyawa, vigna inguiculataL.), are the
most common TLVs that are collected and consumed in South African rural communities.
Studies by Mbarachi and Igwenyi (2018); Azieb and Qudah (2018) shows that the naming of TLVs is a universal process that differs significantly from culture to culture on how they are given. Azieb and Qudah (2018) further explain that there are several factors that govern the process of naming TLVs, such as religious, cultural or social, and “names are a reflection of people’s culture and language” (Mbarachi and Igwenyi, 2018:29). Getty (2010) also supports the above remarking that the knowledge and language of indigenous people came about how they interact with their environment. Therefore, this is evidence that the naming of TLVs in SA is influenced by the different cultures and languages (Table 2.1).
Table 2.2: Local names of selected traditional leafy vegetables among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups (Jansen van Rensburg et al, 2007)
Common name Pedi name VaTsonga name Scientific name
1. Cleome Leroto Bangala Cleome gynandraL
2. Amaranth Theepe Cheke or Theyke Amaranthus spp.
3. Cowpeas Dinawa Tinyawa Vigna inguiculata L
4. Jew’s mallow Thelele Guxe Corchorus olitorius
5. Nightshade Lethotho Kophe S. nigrum complex
6. Pumpkin Motshatsha and mophotse
Tinhwembe C. Moschata
2.6.1 The use of traditional leafy vegetables for household food security
In South Africa, the utilization of TLVs is an old practice and is regular among African individuals; and they have contributed to HFS and sustainable livelihoods for decades
