Violence, fear & perceptions of public places of youth in Bogotá

Bachelor-thesis Marly Bos (10615415)

Human Geography and Urban Planning

Faculty of Social Sciences

Supervisor: Thijs Jeursen

Huls, Anne-Marie

Huls, Anne-Marie

Violence, Fear & Perceptions of Public Places of

Youth in Bogotá

Title: Violence, Fear & Perceptions of Public Places of Youth in Bogotá

Bachelor thesis: Marly Bos

Supervisor: Sara Koenders & Thijs Jeursen

Second reader: Sako Musterd.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction 5

Theoretical Framework 7

Methodology 10

Research Approach And Research Design 10

Research Methods 10

Sampling And Unit Of Analysis 11

Operationalisation Of Concepts 11

Analysis Of Data 12

1. Past And Present Perspectives On Violence And Crime In Bogotá 13

1.1 Historical Overview 13

1.2 Present 14

1.3 From Violence To Fear 16

2. Experiences And Perceptions Of Violence In Public Places Amongst Young

Bogotanos 18 2.1 What 18 2.2 Who 19 2.3 Where 19 City Centre 20 Public Parks 22

Periphery (The South Part Of The City) 22

Public Transport & Transmilenio 23

3. Mental Maps Of Fear 25

3.1 Mental Maps Of Public Places 25

3.2 Collective Memory Of Public Place 26

4. Culture Of Fear And Youth’s Avoidance Strategies 28

4.1 Culture Of Fear 28

4.2 Avoidance Strategies 29

Conclusions 31

References 34

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Number of injuries in Bogotá, per locality (first semester 2014), Source:

Observatorio de Seguridad en Bogotá (2014), Balance Primer Semestre De 2014. • No. 47 • ISSN: 2248-4906. http://www.ccb.org.co/Investigaciones-Bogota-y-Region/Seguridad-Ciudadana/Observatorio-de-Seguridad/Balance-de-la-seguridad-Bogota-Cundinamarca

Figure 2: Number of Homicides in Bogotá, per locality (first semester 2014) Source: Observatorio de Seguridad en Bogotá (2014), Balance Primer Semestre De 2014. • No. 47 • ISSN: 2248-4906. http://www.ccb.org.co/Investigaciones-Bogota-y-Region/Seguridad-Ciudadana/Observatorio-de-Seguridad/Balance-de-la-seguridad-Bogota-Cundinamarca

Figure 3: Number of robberies in Bogotá, per locality (first semester 2014) Source:

Observatorio de Seguridad en Bogotá (2014), Balance Primer Semestre De 2014. • No. 47 • ISSN: 2248-4906 http://www.ccb.org.co/Investigaciones-Bogota-y-Region/Seguridad-Ciudadana/Observatorio-de-Seguridad/Balance-de-la-seguridad-Bogota-Cundinamarca

Figure 4: Map of Bogotá, Source: Mapa Interactivo.

http://www.mapainteractivo.net/fotos/mapa-de-bogota.html

Figure 5: Public places in the Bogotá’s city centre youth indicated as unsafe, 2016.

INTRODUCTION

Three years ago I visited Colombia’s capital Bogotá. I was there for two weeks and I stayed in a small hostel in the city centre. Despite all the stories about violence in Colombia I had heard in the Netherlands, I did not experience Bogotá as a violent city. I walked around in the nights, took taxis whenever I wanted and it turns out that I have visited a lot of the ‘violent places’ the respondent in this research indicate as unsafe or even dangerous. I did not know about the negative image of these places as perceived by Bogotanos. In my mind, a mental map of this city was not constructed yet.

But what is it that makes public spaces safe or unsafe? Carro et al (2008) distinguish between physical factors and social aspects that make places either safe or unsafe. Physical factors include the presence of policemen and CCTV, the presence of streetlights and vandalism, and the period of the day. A public place is perceived safer when there is police control and illumination and when the streets are clean for example. Social aspects on the other hand include the presence of potential attackers and the existence of potential support. Further, research has been conducted about the social, economic and historical dimensions of violence and conflict, also in the case of Colombia. What is lacking is research on the insight of ‘destruction and dislocation of everyday life caused by violence and the multiplicity of responses for those who are caught up in it’ (Das and Kleinman (cited in Riaño-Alcalá (2006; 9)), 2000; Peabody, 2000; Warren, 1993). One of these responses is spatial in nature. Violence in public places results in fear that eventually changes the way people and their environment interact (Riaño-Alcalá, 2002).

Further, I wanted to study youth. I found studies that analysed the way people cope with fear and violence, but few focused on youth specifically. I think this research can shed light on the specific perceptions of place and coping strategies of young people. Further, I think this study fits perfectly into the wider discourse of youth in Latin America. Youth make up a large percentage of the urban population in Latin America. And a lot of researchers have focused on youth in their studies in Latin America. This specific research about youth, their feelings of fear, the way they perceive their city and act upon this, can be placed into this wider discourse of young people in Latin America.

In this thesis I analyse the relation between youth in Bogotá and the way they cope with violence. Van der Burgt (2015) discovered that young people sometimes make up avoidance

strategies for places they see as unsafe. Also Gordon & Riger (1989) and Stanko (1993) state that people create mental maps of their surroundings, which contribute to the way people perceive their environment. In addition, in this research I will analyse perceptions of place from the perspective of collective memory, stories and experiences. This thesis will discuss the impact of violence in public spaces on the daily lives of young people in Bogotá. More specifically, I will focus at the impact of violence in public spaces on the ways people perceive these public spaces and as a consequence change their patterns of movement through the city.

The aim of this research is to give insight in the way experiences in and perceptions of those public places play a key role in the construction of perceptions of safe or unsafe places in the minds of young people. By analysing the construction of security and insecurity in public places at a local scale (the city of Bogotá) it is easier to understand the forces behind changing patterns of movement. Also, this research can add to research on youth in cities in Latin America.

In this thesis the following research question will be answered: ‘In what ways do violent experiences in and perceptions of public spaces influence youth’s spatial patterns of movement in everyday life? The first part of this thesis contains an overview of relevant literature in this field of research. What follows is a section that discusses the methods used in this thesis. Then, chapter 1 gives an impression of violence and crime in the context of Bogotá. Different perspectives on violence and crime are analysed. In chapter 2 the first results are presented. This chapter is about violence as perceived by the respondents and the way this violence affects the image of public places. Chapter 3 is about the creation of mental maps. Especially the underlying factors in the creation of mental maps are discussed. These underlying factors are direct experiences and stories told by the media, friends or family. Chapter 4 is about the consequent actions young people take, after their mental maps have created certain perceptions about the public space. The last part provides a conclusion.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter comprises an overview of the literature written about the main concepts used in this thesis. The first part discusses the main discourses about urban violence. In the second part impact of fear on the spatial dimension of life in cities is emphasised. In the last part a short overview of the concept of youth in connection to this thesis will be given.

Urban Violence

Urban violence is not a static concept. Various authors interpret the term urban violence differently. Urban violence can be interpreted at a very personal and narrow level. For example, in his article on urban violence, Herbert (2004) uses the terms robbery, affray and domestic violence, all as subject to urban violence. On a wider scale distinctions are made between sporadic and endemic violence (Massey, 2015). Sporadic urban violence consists of communal violence based on differences between social and cultural groups, such as religious-, and ethnic differences or differences based on race. Endemic urban violence refers more to violence that is embedded in the ‘ecological organisation of urban areas’ (Sampson, 2012a). It stems from conditions such as poverty and segregation (ibid. 2012a). Further, these structural conditions can in the end contribute to the rise of conflicts (Schröder & Schmidt, 2001). To end these conflicts non-violent means can be used, but in some cases this might not solve the conflict significantly. In these cases violence may seem the most practical solution for influencing the competition, so that a specific group reach their most desired outcome (ibid. 2001). Another way of distinguishing between different kinds of urban violence is through the kind of motivation. There are four kinds of motivations for the use of violence, which are all applicable in urban contexts (Concha-Eastman, 2002; 47). The first motivation for using violence is interpersonal or social. This motivation includes domestic violence, sexual violence, verbal violence or neglect for example (Concha-Eastman, 2002; 47). The second motivation is economic. This is mainly about unstructured crimes. And the victimizers are gangs, unknowns, common delinquents or acquaintances. The types of violence they use differ between fights, injuries, rapes, robberies and homicides. The third motivation is economic as well. The difference with the first economic motivation lies within the organisational structure of the crime. The latter economic motivation is focused on organized crime, such as assaults, injuries, and homicides. The victimizers are mainly drug-traffickers and organized gangs. The last, and fourth, motivation has a political dimension. The

perpetrators here are guerrillas, paramilitary troops and national armies. The types of violence they perform are homicides, massacres, kidnappings and injuries.

Spatial Dimension

The presence of violence and fear for violence transforms the way people and places interact (Riaño-Alcalá, 2002). Some authors further state that youth in conflict-affected areas, make up survival strategies to survive in violent areas (Riaño-Alcalá, 2006; Koonings and Kruijt, 2007). Taking this into account one can easily imagine that the city has become a social laboratory were ‘fear as a way of life’ is constructed (Davis, 2001; Caldeira, 2001; and Katz, 2007/2008).

There are different ways in how people react spatially to the perception of fear. Also, it is important to know that perceived insecurity as much as real insecurity adds to the spatially divided city (Moser & McIlwaine, 2014). One way to react is to turn to private spaces (Barbero, 2002). In this way the idea of public spaces as places of fear and insecurity is increased. The increasing privatisation of public spaces, adds to the self-producing character of fear, according to Barbero (2002). Another way on how to react to urban violence has been shown in a research article of Van der Burgt (2015). She found out in her research about teenagers in Sweden, that young people make up avoidance strategies, which mean that they avoid certain places that are perceived risky. Starkweather (2007) and Uhnoo (2008) add that these avoidance strategies are often temporal, for example only when it is dark. Also the World Bank (2011) state that people often take into account the hours and areas that are most safe, when going outside. According to the World Bank (2011), people thus change their routes because they find other areas and routes more secure than the former one. Starkweather (2007) further states that people often prepare for facing risky situations, by carrying a mobile phone for example. Leonard (2007) calls this the risk-confronting strategy.

A lot of people construct their daily lives around spatial geographies, based on their mental maps of certain areas (Gordon & Riger, 1989; Stanko, 1993). ‘Mental maps are models of the environment, which are built up over time in the individual brain’ (Sarre, 1973; ). Mental maps can be shaped by fear. Direct or personal experiences with violence in public spaces may eventually change the perceived urban geography. Further, narratives distributed by everyday contact with family members or friends, form these mental maps. Also the media plays an important role in forming the mental maps (Stanko, 1993). When these mental maps are researched, spatial patterns of movement are revealed and it can be seen which places in

the city are preferably avoided (Herbert, 2004). Some major experiences of violence are ‘culturally mediated and stored in a society’s collective memory’ (Schröder & Schmidt, 2001). This collective memory also has the ability to influence the daily lives of people in a spatial way.

Further, public transport is subject to violence (Briceño-León & Zubillaga, 2002). This violence in public transport not only affects the driver, but has a huge impact on all the people who are becoming afraid of using public transport in the city, as well (ibid. 2002). A study about the perceptions of safety in public transport in San José de Costa Rica, Santiago de Chile and Salvador, Brazil (Briceño-León & Zubillaga, 2002) indicated that 45% of those interviewed in Costa Rica were afraid of being victimized in public transport. In Santiago de Chile, 66% of the respondents were afraid of being subject to violence in public transport and in Salvador, Brazil this percentage was 91%.

Public places are places were people come together. Where ties between fellow citizens are reinforced and were a sense of community is formed (PPS, 2014). Findings from a World Bank research (2011; 71) indicated that green, communal public spaces are indeed important for the fostering of ‘trust and social capital’. On the other hand, the research of the World Bank (2011) points out that bad roads increase the proliferation of violence, because it makes it easier for delinquents to escape or to stay unseen.

Youth

Public places are important for young people (Johansson et al, 2012). In public places one can find bars, restaurants, theatres and other leisure activities; activities that are often correlated with youth culture. Also, young people are often dependent on the use of public places, because they do not have access to safer private places (Lieberg, 1992: 229). For example, young people can be tied to the use of public transport, because they lack money for private car use. Many young people are subject to violence and crime in public spaces. This exposure to violence has big implications on young peoples lives. For example, research done by Warner and Swisher (2014) reveals that exposure to violence in childhood and youth can have long-term consequences. It constrains people’s confidence about the future. This can be termed a ‘public health issue’ (Whaley, 1992; Warner and Swisher, 2014). Depressive feelings, anxiety and conduct disorders are all examples of the wider problem of violence in relation to young people (Berman et al. 1996).

METHODOLOGY

In this section a brief overview will be given of the methodology used in this thesis. First, the research approach and research design will be discussed. Second, I will elaborate on the research methods used in this thesis, followed by a part discussing the methods of sampling and unit of analysis. The last part is about the analysis of data.

Research approach and research design

Through a case study I would like to shed light on the relationship between violence and fear and the way these concepts affect spatial activities of youth in the city of Bogotá. Further, the intention of this research is to create awareness for the way youth cope with fear and adjust their lives to violence and insecurity. This research gives an extensive and intensive analysis of students of one particular university in the city of Bogotá (Bryman, 2012).

Research methods

I have sent the survey to the social sciences/geography departments of three universities in Colombia’s capital Bogotá, because I figured that in universities I would mostly find young people. Two universities (La Universidad Nacional de Colombia and La Universidad de los Andes) replied, but only one of those really gave access to the students. A professor at the National University of Colombia was willing to provide access to the students of the social science department. Online open surveys, or self-completion questionnaires were distributed at this social science department of the National University of Colombia, situated in Bogotá. The National University of Colombia is a public and paternalistic university with close ties to the National Ministry of Education (UNAL, 2016). The main aims of the University, besides offering good quality education, are to foster national culture and provide an open and equal learning environment (UNAL, 2016). The whole survey was drafted in Spanish. All the answers were in Spanish as well. The survey included open and closed questions. By including open questions the respondents could provide examples or could elaborate more on previous questions. These open questions were used as well for grounded theory. For some questions it was not possible to delineate the outcomes and it was interesting to see what kind of answers youth would come up with. The survey also included closed questions, to delineate the definitions used in this thesis and making it easier to compare the answers of different respondents. The self-completion surveys were chosen because of the geographical long distance (Bryman, 2012). Another advantage of sending out self-completion surveys is that

the chance that the interviewer influences the respondents is reduced (Bryman, 2012). On the other hand, it might be more difficult for respondents to fill in the survey in case they do not understand a question.

After having read a lot of literature about security, insecurity and public spaces I came up with the questions used in the survey (see attachments). The survey takes into consideration youth’s perceptions of violence and security in public spaces in their city and the way they experiences these. In addition, the survey elaborates on the way family, friends and the media influence the perceptions of violence of young people and in this way influence their perceptions of public spaces.

Sampling and Unit of Analysis

All together, 142 students filled in the surveys. In this thesis the United Nations definition of youth is used. This means that only the surveys of people between 14 years old and 24 years old are included in this thesis. There were 92 people who were aged between 15 and 24, only 66 of them filled in the whole survey. All 66 respondents live in the city of Bogotá. There were 38 girls that participated in this survey, in opposition to 27 boys. There was one other respondent who declared to be neither female nor male. To uphold the privacy and anonymity of the respondents, pseudonyms were used for all the participating students.

Operationalisation of concepts

With urban violence is meant: violence that occurs in public spaces. In this thesis I understand urban violence as violence that occurs mostly as a result of economic motives (Concha-Eastman, 2002). Violence is also understood in a way that it does not necessarily have to involve force or the use of weapons. Robbery without the use of direct violence for example can be experienced as a violent event as well.

With stories stories/narratives about violence is meant: narratives about violence distributed by everyday contact with relatives, friends, acquaintances or the media (Stanko, 1993). Violent experiences are direct experiences with violence in the public space: either as spectator or as victim. With memory of place I mean experiences or perceptions about the public space that are ‘culturally mediated and stored in a society’s collective memory’ (Schröder & Schmidt, 2001). Further, in this thesis I understand public space ‘as "open space", meaning the streets, parks and recreation areas, plazas and other publicly owned and managed outdoor spaces, as opposed to the private domain of housing and work’ (Tonnelat,

2010; 1). Also I keep in mind in this thesis that public places are ‘the natural arena of citizenship, where individuals, groups, and crowds become political subjects,’ according to Di Masso (2012; 124). The difference between public space and public place is that space, in literature, is considered as empirical and objective (Hubbard & Kitchin, 2011). Space, in this case, is not seen as something that shapes cultural and social life, but rather as a background for social relationships an everyday life (Hubbard & Kitchin, 2011). Place on the other hand is created through networks of meaning and social relations.

Analysis of Data

All surveys were analysed with help of EXCEL. All my surveys were transferred into an excel file. In this file I analysed the different answers of the respondents and I calculated the percentages. In addition, GIS was used to create maps of the areas the respondents indicated as unsafe or dangerous. For the creation of the maps I used basemaps in GIS. With help of ArcCatalog I created new layers, which I implemented in ArcGis after. Then I projected the new layers over the basemap of Bogotá and indicated the places that were mentioned most as unsafe by the respondents.

1. PAST AND PRESENT PERSPECTIVES ON VIOLENCE AND CRIME

IN BOGOTÁ

This chapter functions as a background chapter on violence and crime in Bogotá. In this chapter, different perspectives on violence and crime in Bogotá are discussed. First of all the history of violence and crime in Bogotá is discussed. Second, I will focus on contemporary perspectives on violence and crime in Bogotá. In this part an analysis of a survey among inhabitants of Bogotá about the presence and consequences of violence and crime, is analysed. This survey helps to get a clearer idea of the extent of violence and crime in Bogotá nowadays. Third, I will clarify how violence contributes to the creation of fear.

1.1 Historical Overview

Colombia, and especially Bogotá was a very dangerous place in the 1980’s and 1990’s (Gilbert, 2006). Even Julio César Sánchez, who was mayor of Bogotá between 1968 and 1988, said that he thought of Bogotá as an ‘invisible hell’ (1988). While his words may be a little subjective and biased it still says something about violence and crime in, and perceptions of the city of Bogotá in the 1980s. Bogotá suffered very high violent crime rates and ‘faced a security crisis’ (Hoelscher & Nussio, 2015; 7). Also, homicide rates were among the highest in whole the world (Rubio and Levitt, 2000).

In the mid-1990’s Antanas Mockus became mayor of Bogotá. In the past, mayor Mockus (1995-1997) was the first who thought the Bogotanos about civility. He was the first elected mayor of Bogotá and he was widely respected. ‘Institutional accountability’ and the launch of integrated policies tackling violence were his major focus points (Hoelscher & Nussio, 2015; 8). He started different campaigns to change people’s mind-sets towards citizenship (Gilbert, 2006). As Moser & McIlwaine said (2000; VI): ‘Violence is a phenomena linked to a breakdown in rules of behaviour’. These rules of behaviour, peoples attitudes, Mockus wanted to change. He saw these uncivil attitudes as the roots for a violence- and crime-affected Bogotá. He countered violence by closing all bars at one AM (Gilbert, 2006). He handed out thumbs-up and thumbs-down signs so that people could, in a friendly way, address the things they liked or did not like about the behaviour of their fellow citizens (Montezuma, 2005). Also, he started a disarmament policy (Gilbert, 2006). In 1998 Enrique Peñalosa Londoño was elected mayor of Bogotá (1998-2000). An urban revitalisation process, dominated his term (Quin and Tixier, 2012). To promote better city architecture he teared down an entire neighbourhood, which had a marginalised stigma and high crime and

homicide rates, and built a public park instead (Peñalosa, 2011; Quin and Tixier, 2012; Hoelscher & Nussio, 2015). This park is now known as parque Tercer Milenio. He taught Bogotá’s citizens how to use the public space in a respectful way, and without bothering others (Gilbert, 2006). These mayors have contributed to a safer and more secure Bogotá. Between 1993 and 2005 the homicide rates declined. The rate had fallen from 80 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants to 23 homicides per 100.000 inhabitants (Gilbert, 2006; Hoelscher & Nussio, 2015). ‘Community participation, transparent information, accountable police services and a holistic policy design were the foundation of sustained reductions in violence’ (Hoelscher & Nussio, 2015; 10; see also Moncada, 2009). After a decade of good mayors and crime reductions, the formerly achieved successes declined with the appointment of less competent and corrupt mayors, such as Garzón and Moreno, according to Gilbert (2015). In addition, between 2007 and 2010 homicides increased somewhat (Hoelscher & Nussio, 2015). On October 30, 2011 Gustavo Petro was elected mayor of Bogotá (Gilbert, 2015). While he faced some serious problems and while he became mayor with just 32% of the votes, he did start some important projects (Gilbert, 2015). For example, he set up the first drug treatment centres of the city and he started a disarmament campaign, Gilbert (2015) states.

1.2 Present

In Colombia, crime and violence rates have dropped in the last decades but crime and violence is still present in Colombia, especially in the form of gangs (Insight crime, 2015; Colombia Reports, 2015). In 2014, a study was conducted in Bogotá, to better understand the crime and violence rates (CCB). Throughout this study, we can get an indication of the injury, -homicide and robbery rates for Bogotá. In the first half of 2014 the crime rates for Bogotá went up (CCB, 2014). Homicide rates (figure 1) rose by 7%, compared to the first semester of 2013. In this way, the trend that the homicide rate was declining since 2011 was disturbed. On the other hand, interpersonal violence (figure 2) has declined significantly since the first semester of 2013. Robbery (figure 3) has declined in the first semester of 2014, according to this study (2014). Compared to the first semester of 2013, there were 4% less robberies in the first half of 2014.

Figure 1: Number of Injuries in Bogotá, per locality (2014). Soure: CCB.

Figure 3: Number of robberies in Bogotá, per locality (2014). Source: CCB.

In addition, in the latest survey about crime and violence in Bogotá (CCB, 2015), it is investigated how people perceive violence and insecurity in the city of Bogotá. The first semester of 2015, 10,000 respondents filled in this survey. Of these 10.000 respondents, 13% indicated that they have been victimized in the past semester. This declares that violence and crime is still a current and important topic in Bogotá. Of this group, 65% indicated that they were directly and personally victimized. A percentage of 39% said that they were victimized in public spaces, such as streets, parks or squares. Another 33% said they were victimized in public transport. In addition, 45% of the direct victims said they were attacked with a pointed weapon. Further, 23% of this groups said they were attacked with a firearm, and 20% said someone using force, attacked them. Weapons are common in violating people. In the first semester of 2015, more than half of the respondents indicated that they thought that insecurity has increased in this semester. Moreover, 72% of the 10.000 respondents considered their own neighbourhood as unsafe. In addition, taxis (46%), TransMilenio (the bus rapid transport system in Bogotá) (86%) and public transport (74%) were seen as dangerous.

1.3 From violence to fear

Fear is a consequence of urban violence. Rotker (2002) described the changes related to political violence and fear in Latin American cities. She stated that ‘ it is no longer a question

of planting bombs or hiding in the mountains to take up the arms against a dictator or a corrupt government. It deals instead with a violence that resists the whole system, cracking it in a more profound way, at the heart of its social relations’ (ibid. 2002; 18). Rotker (2002; 16) further elaborates on this topic by arguing that people in these violent-affected cities perceive themselves as ‘potential victims’. In this way urban violence also affects people who are not directly or physically affected to it, and the act of violence contributes to perceptions of fear (Schröder & Schmidt, 2001; Briceño-León & Zubillaga, 2002). About the specific case of Colombia, Berents (2015; 91) writes that ‘the deeply embedded nature of insecurity, violence, and fear in many urban environments has required residents to find new ways of coping with violence and insecurity in everyday life’ (Berents, 2015; 91).

Conclusion

In this chapter past and present perspectives on violence and crime were discussed. Also the link between violence and fear is analysed. In the next chapter (chapter 2) I will further discuss perceptions of violence amongst youth in Bogotá. In chapter 3 I will discuss perceptions of fear and the subsequent creation of mental maps.

Violence as portrayed in the media

The media can play a significant role in the increase of fear of crime and violence (Eschholz, 1997; Hale, 1996). The media influences people’s perception of the chance of being victimized and this is often taken out of context (Lane & Meeker, 2003). The following section comprises a small selection of all articles about violence and crime in Bogotá.

Newspapers write a lot about violent events in the city of Bogotá. For example, May 3rd, an article (El Espectador, 2016a) was published about a group of armed robbers who robbed everyone they passed on an avenue in the north of Bogotá. A few weeks later, on May 16th a news article (El Espectador, 2016b) was published about an armed group attacking people in the neighbourhood of Bosa, in the south of Bogotá. People, mostly women, were attacked and robbed on their way to work or studies. The same day, May 16th another article (El Espectador, 2016c) was published about a massive and violent robbery in a TransMilenio bus, that had taken place two days before the publishing date. The victimizers were armed, they hit people and they robbed people of their phones. The fact that three major robbery incidents (three different groups) were published in the same span of a few weeks, says a lot about the state of security in Bogotá. These kinds of articles can all contribute to the increase of fear, according to research.

2. EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF VIOLENCE IN PUBLIC

PLACES AMONGST YOUNG BOGOTANOS

This chapter will analyse the first results from my research. First, I will discuss what kind of violence is present in Bogotá, according to the respondents. Second, I will discuss who are responsible for violence and crime and the creation of insecurity in the eyes of youth. And third, I will discuss where people experience violence or which places young people perceive as unsafe.

2.1 What

Sampson (2012a) distinguishes between different kinds of violence; sporadic violence and endemic violence. Sporadic violence has a religious, social and/or ethnic dimension, while endemic violence stems from structural conditions such as segregation and poverty. Endemic violence is the type of violence most present in Bogotá. Also, most of the crimes and violent acts in Bogotá have an economic motivation (Concha-Eastman, 2002), as a lot of the respondents indicated that individuals commit crimes with as most important aim to get money. These two different approaches to violence are connected in a way that endemic violence (structural poverty and inequality) makes people more prone to committing crimes in order to improve their economic situation. About this, Rafael, a 20-years-old boy states: ‘there is no civic culture. Also, factors such as poverty and a low quality of life influence the violent acts of individuals’. As a result of these underlying dynamics, robbery came forward as the type of violent crime that was most common in Bogotá. All respondents (100%) indicated that robbery was present in Bogotá. Also injury (84,8%) and homicides (86,4%) were mentioned by a lot of the respondents as types of violence present in Bogotá. In addition, shoot-outs (50%) and kidnappings (36,4%) are present in Bogotá, according to the respondents, though they were mentioned less. Further, it is good to point out that besides the given options, several respondents wrote down that verbal aggression is present in Bogotá and some respondents wrote down that sexual harassment is common in Bogotá. Further, many respondents have seen how someone got robbed (80,3%). One third (33,3%) of the respondents have been a bystander of an armed fight. A little more than one third (34,8%) of the respondents have been bystanders when someone got injured. Just five out of sixty-six respondents indicated that they were never bystanders of a violent event. In addition, numerous respondents indicated that they have been victims of robbery (71,2%). Some respondents have been victims of an armed fight (6,1%). Further, a few respondents said they

were victims in a violent injury case (4,5%). Just a small amount of the respondents said they have never been victims of violence (13,6%).

2.2 Who

Also in line with Concha-Eastman’s (2002) concept of economic crime is the type of perpetrator, namely gangs or unknown individuals. Almost all respondents indicated that gangs were responsible for violence (98,5%). Further, individuals (95,5%). were mentioned as responsible for violence in Bogotá. Also, a quite high amount of the respondents indicated that the police (74,2%) are responsible for violence. Another motivation for violence, according to Concha-Eastman (2002) has a political dimension. In this case violence is executed by for example guerrillas, state armies or paramilitary groups. While in the past these kinds of actors played an important role in the creation of violence in Colombia, in Bogotá at the moment they are less common, according to the respondents. Just some of the youth think paramilitary groups (40,9%) the army (36,4%), and guerrillas (27,3%) are responsible for violence in Bogotá. However, these amounts of respondents are not as high as the amounts of respondents who think gangs and individuals are responsible for violence. For example youth do only hear stories about political violence in the media, but stories from family members or friends about political violence are not very common. Also, while the option was given in the surveys, few people indicated that guerrillas and paramilitary groups were responsible for violence. This could mean that political violence is more unusual nowadays. At least it means that it is not a widely spoken about subject anymore.

2.3 Where

As already stated, Carro et al (2008) distinguish between different factors that contribute to the creation of safe or unsafe places. When there is visible public control in the streets, people tend to feel more secure. The public space is also perceived as more secure when streetlights are present. Besides these physical factors, social factors contribute to the making of (un)safe places. When people feel like they can rely on potential support in this certain public place, this place is seen as less unsafe. In addition, places where perpetrators can easily hide are perceived as less safe In Bogotá I can divide the city in four main areas that are considered most dangerous by the respondents.

Figure 4: Map of departments in Bogotá (source: Mapa Interactivo).

City Centre

A large amount of the respondents indicated that they see the city centre as most dangerous area of Bogotá (45,5%). Especially Avenida Jimenez and La Jimenez (the major TransMilenio bus stop in this avenue) are seen as most unsafe places in the city centre. About the city centre different respondents had to say something. The 23-years-old Celia said that ‘there are many gangs and delinquencies that exist or occur in these places. Also there is an absence of public authority in these areas’. Also Anna, a 19-years-old-girl said that the city centre is seen as dangerous because ‘there are robberies all the time and drug trafficking activities’.

Also the respondents perceive El Bronx and the area of San Victorino as dangerous. These places are known for their robberies and violent crimes. Also a lot of drug traffic takes place in these areas. Certain respondents perceived the area of Sante Fé, a locality in the city centre as dangerous. The surroundings of the National University of Colombia and Las Cruces were considered dangerous as well. Nicolas, 19-years-old, for example sees the city centre and the surroundings of the National University of Colombia as unsafe, ‘mainly because of armed robberies’. Further, several respondents see Avenida Decima, Avenida Jimenez and Avenida Caracas, three avenues that cross the city centre, as dangerous.

It is surprising that the city centre is known for violence and crime and that it has such a bad reputation. One would expect that in the city centre there would be strong public control and CCTV. Also, streetlights are usually most common in the city centre, as well as potential support in violent situations, because of the amounts of people crossing the city centre. However, in Bogotá the city centre is seen as unsafe. After the 1930’s the rich inhabitants of the centre of Bogotá left to the wealthier peripheries and marginalised households moved into the city centre, which downgraded the whole area (Martin & Ceballos, 2004). Further, the city centre is seen as unsafe because of the presence of gangs. ‘The city centre is the place where gangs are active, which is a very well known thing, according to Celia, a 23-years-old girl.

She further states that ‘in the city centre there is a lot of extreme poverty and delinquencies. Nevertheless the police is not present in this area’.

Public Parks

Parks are perceived as very unsafe places in Bogotá. The respondents for example see Parque Tercer Milenio, located in the city centre, as very dangerous. This park was constructed on the grounds of a former marginal neighbourhood, El Cartucho. As discussed in the previous chapter, Mayor Peñalosa constructed this park in order to support better city architecture and to clear this demoted area in the city centre (Gilbert, 2015; Berens, 1999). This neighbourhood, El Cartucho triggered the decay of the whole city centre, according to Villegas (2003). However, the park still has a bad reputation in the eyes of youth, probably because it is still situated in a marginalised area. In addition, the fact that parks are quiet and dark contributes to a climate where drug traffickers make deals, where drug addicts abide and where robbers can easily commit a crime. According to the respondents, parks are places were gangs hang out. There is also little public control. Paula (20 years-old) said: ‘in the public parks of Bogotá violations are reported regularly’. Further, the case of Rosa Elvira Cely, a woman who was raped in a park in Bogotá in 2012 and died of her injuries, has left a lot of Bogotanos in shock (Semana, 2012). One of the respondents, Sofia (21-years-old) was injured once in a public park. She said: ‘ I now avoid this park in any case. I even take a detour for not passing this park’.

Periphery (the south part of the city)

Several respondents see the south of Bogotá as dangerous. Especially Ciudad Bolivar, a marginalised neighbourhood in the south, is seen as extremely unsafe. Esteban, a 19-year-old boy explained why Ciudad Bolivar is considered dangerous: ‘it is because this neighbourhood has marginal living conditions and limited control of the state. This creates opportunities for different types of violence’. In addition, the respondents see Bosa, another locality in the south, as dangerous. Ciudad Bolivar is known as a major shantytown in the far south of Bogotá (Vulliamy, 2015). There is a big gap between living conditions in shantytowns and living conditions in wealthier and more central areas of the city, as Cutt Lloyd points out (1979). This is somewhat true for Bogotá. In the past, many people who came to the city to flee political violence built their informal homes in the outskirts of Bogotá; outskirts now known as Ciudad Bolivar (Herrera & Chaustre, 2012). Over time, many parts of Ciudad

Bolivar have been formalised and are consolidated, however not all parts. Ciudad Bolivar is one of the most populous districts in Bogotá, according to Herrera & Chaustre (2012). In addition, these authors state that the neighbourhood is one of the poorest areas in the whole country with excessive crime rates.

Public Transport & TransMilenio

TransMilenio and public transport are unsafe, according to the respondents. Specifically, the respondents see TransMilenio bus station La Jimenez at Avenida Jimenez as unsafe. Paula, 20-years-old, says that in TransMilenio and public transport ‘every day, people report robberies. I was robbed once as well’. The fact that in public transport one is completely dependent on the situation and that one does not have the power to control this situation adds to the perception of the public transport as unsafe (Johnston, 2001; Carro et al., 2008).

Figure 6: Places and areas in Bogotá youth see as unsafe (2016). Creator: author.

There are also other perceived unsafe places in the city of Bogotá. Chapinero, a locality a little north of the city centre, and Kennedy, a little west to the city centre are seen as dangerous by some respondents. In addition, a lot of the respondents indicated that they see the pedestrian overpasses as dangerous places. These are dark places and not a lot of people cross these overpasses, which make these places perfect for committing a crime or for violent events. In general, the respondents consider remote, small and dark streets as unsafe. Also, the respondents perceive the peripheral areas as dangerous. There even are some respondents who consider the entire city as unsafe (7,5%). In general, as outlined by Carro et al. (2008), places with few people and little illumination are considered unsafe by young Bogotanos.

Conclusion

In this chapter experiences and perceptions of violence in public places is discussed. I have given a clear indication on young Bogotanos’ perceptions and experiences of violence, the actors that are associated with violence and the public places that are seen as most unsafe by the respondents. Furthermore, the World Bank (2011) mentioned that trust and social capital flourish in the presence of (green) public spaces, such as parks. In my research, a lot of respondents however, indicated that these parks and public spaces are a big part of the problem. A lot of communal parks in Bogotá are very unsafe in the eyes of youth. For example Parque Tercer Milenio, situated in the city centre at the place where before a marginalised neighbourhood was located, is one of these parks the respondents label as dangerous. The presence of robbers and drug addicts in this park contribute to the perception of this park as very unsafe. In addition, it turns out that these (green) public spaces the World Bank is talking about, are precisely the places youth in Bogotá see as very unsafe. They rather foster distrust than trust, according to young Bogotanos. In the next chapter I will discuss the way fear is constructed.

3. MENTAL MAPS OF FEAR

In the previous chapter we looked at experiences of violence and perceptions of public places. The fact that some public spaces are seen as unsafe or even dangerous by youth in Bogotá has different reasons. Fernández and Corraliza (1997) state that the reasons for why a certain place is perceived as unsafe can be based on direct experiences with violence in this place, or it can be fed by stories that define the image of this certain place. A lot of different institutions, such as families, friends and media, contribute to a certain image of a place. All these reasons contribute to the construction of mental maps in the minds of individuals, according to Stanko (1993). This chapter is about mental maps and collective memory.

3.1 Mental maps of public places

According to Stanko (1993) stories and narratives from friends, family and the media contribute to the creation of mental maps. Also youth in Bogotá construct these mental maps, not only as a response to direct experiences with violence in public spaces, but also as a response to narratives about violent places, heard in everyday life.

Friends play a very important role in the provision of stories about violence. Most of the stories told by friends were about robberies (89,8%). Andrea, a 19-years-old girl wrote down: ‘they tried to rob my friend and to threaten him they pulled a knife. Also robbers put the tip of a knife in my other friends back, also to rob her’. Individuals were mentioned most as violators in the stories told by friends (95%).

Stories from family-members are a little less common, according to the answers of the respondents. Robbery was, again, the most common type of violence in the stories told by family (82%). Nuria, a 22-years-old girl said: ‘I have never been a victim of a violent robbery. Further, I consider myself very paranoiac. I believe my paranoia comes largely from my family members. When I am with friends, who are not normally paranoiac, I feel more comfortable. But when I am alone, I tend to be very nervous.’ Also, Nuria says to be afraid to walk in the streets at nights. ‘One of the aspects that contributes to this fear is the families paranoia. In many cases the family remind and alert their family members [about violent events/places]. For example, my grandfather gave me a pepper spray. Which I have never used so far.’

The media is the biggest source of violent stories according to the answers of the respondents. Almost al respondents wrote down that they have heard stories about violence in the media (97%). Robbery (90,6%) and homicides (79,7%) were most of these the stories about and individuals (92,2%) and gangs (89,1%) were mostly responsible for violence according to the stories heard by the respondents. About why Sebastian, a 22-years-old boy, perceives the city centre and parque Tercer Milenio as unsafe he said amongst others: ‘because of the quantity of news articles about violent events that happen as a consequence of the presence of drug traffickers and gangs’. The role of the media plays an important role in the creation of avoidance strategies. In the media also stories about guerrilla- and paramilitary violence (48,4% and 50%) were spread according to the answers of the respondents. These stories about guerrilla -and paramilitary violence were significantly higher than stories told by friends and family. The media plays an important role in the construction of a collective memory as Felipe, a 22-years-old boy currently attending the National University of Colombia explained: these places are seen as unsafe and dangerous because ‘the media present these places as dangerous places. For example, about Ciudad Bolivar the media say that it is the locality with the highest rate of homicides per 100.000 inhabitants. About the Bronx they say that here most of the drug trafficking in the city takes place. Barrio Sante Fé is presented as a marginal zone, with a high rate of prostitution and extreme poverty.’

3.2 Collective Memory of Public Place

Collective memory contributes to the development of mental maps as well. Major experiences and stories (often told by the media) about violent events develop a society’s collective memory, according to Schröder & Schmidt (2001). This common knowledge about specific places in the city affects the way these places are represented. Over time, major experiences in public places and stories about public places told by institutions such as the media, construct a collective memory of certain places. For example, as Irena 18-years-old said: ‘a negative perception about specific public spaces is transmitted and spread by the family and other institutions’. The construction of a collective memory and stories distributed by the media and other institutions are closely interrelated, as the respondents pointed out. Collective memory, together with experiences and stories told by friends, family or the media it could shape individual mental maps. Also, many individual mental maps together, form a collective memory.

Most of the respondents indicated that in general Bogotanos see the city centre and peripheral neighbourhoods as dangerous. The fact that there is not a lot of public authority in much of the peripheral neighbourhoods does not contribute to feelings of safety in these specific places, according to the respondents.

Conclusion

In this chapter we looked at those things that contribute to the creation of mental maps. Besides direct experiences, stories from relatives or friends form these mental maps, as well as collective memory. In the next chapter I will discuss in what ways these mental maps contribute to the construction of the lives of young people in the city of Bogotá.

4. CULTURE OF FEAR AND YOUTH’S AVOIDANCE STRATEGIES

Many public places in Bogotá suffer from a bad reputation, as a consequence of direct and indirect experiences of violence and stories, which form mental maps and collective memory. This becomes even clearer when looking at the avoidance strategies (van der Burgt, 2015; Starkweather; 2007; Uhnoo, 2008) used by youth in Bogotá. As a response to violence and consequential fear, young people feel like avoiding certain places or take into account the time of the day when going there. In this chapter we will first commemorate the so-called ‘culture of fear’ that exists in Colombia and Bogotá. This fear contributes to a certain behaviour that takes into account ones feelings of safety. Second, the avoidance strategies will be discussed.

4.1 Culture of fear

The fact that violence is very common in Bogotá contributes to feelings of fear amongst youth. In Bogotá, fear is a deeply embedded state of being. A lot of the respondents perceive of themselves as ‘potential victims’ (Rotker, 2002; 16). Indeed, I found that many young people in Bogotá see every stranger, and every dark street as a potential crime scene or potential hiding place for robbers. As pointed out before, people in Bogotá are trapped in a culture of fear. One of the respondents who collaborated in my own research said that indeed, in Bogotá ‘there exists a culture of fear, which is not always related to physical violence or robbery. It is more symbolic violence in general. It is a widespread malaise’ (Jhon, 20-years-old). Many young people indicated that they always are afraid to go out in the night (43,9%), and there are also a lot of young people who are even sometimes afraid of going outside in the day (68,2%). The respondents said that in the night there is a greater chance of perpetrators hiding in dark and empty streets. Also a lot of people indicated that for women it was not safe at all to walk around in the streets, and especially not at nights. Further, in a lot of violence-affected cities people are afraid of taking public transport, according to Briceño-León & Zubillaga (2002). This corresponds with my findings. In Bogotá there exists a widespread notion of fear in public transport and taxis. Respondents indicated that they are afraid of becoming a victim of violence by taxi drivers. Around 28,8% of the respondents indicated that they never stop a taxi in the streets, because it is unsafe. Also, public transport and TransMilenio are seen as unsafe. In public transport and TransMilenio vehicles and bus stations violence is a common issue, according to the respondents. As an answer to this fear, people take into account certain strategies to cope with this fear. They take on certain

behavioural attitudes in order to avoid potential perpetrators.

4.2 Avoidance Strategies

To cope with this fear, youth in Bogotá have made up strategies to avoid violence. Strategies Riaño-Alcalá (2006) and Koonings and Kruijt (2007) call ‘survival tactics’. These strategies contribute to a safe way of living in violence-affected areas. Indeed I found that youth in Bogotá indicated that they take into account the time and the specific area when going outside. Also a lot of the respondents said they try to avoid going out alone. Carolina, 22-years-old, says: ‘when you have to do some shopping in the city centre it is better not to go alone, or you should try to adopt a low profile to be more assured that people won’t attack you’. In addition, some respondents said to take measures before crossing the place or before going there. Juan, a 21-years old boy who was robbed once at Carrera 90 with calle 85 said: ‘in general, I try to avoid going to this place by foot. I prefer passing this place by bike or bus’. Also, a lot of respondents change their patterns of movement throughout the city, as a consequence of experience of violence, stories and subsequently formed mental maps. Almost one third (29,8%) of the respondents who have been victims of violence and one fourth of the youth (24,2%) who have been bystanders of a violent event said that they now avoid the place were this violence took place. In addition, young people indicated that stories from family-members influence their perceptions of place, but then they are less likely to avoid these places (namely, 36%) than after stories heard from friends (47,5%) or the media (39,1%).

Many respondents indicated that they have changed their route to university. In these cases they made up avoidance strategies, often temporarily. Of the 66 respondents, 30,3% indicated that they have changed their route to university once. Lorena, 19-years-old, said: ‘the changes in my route are small; I try to take the streets that are normally full of people. But more than changes in routes, I think it is about changes in attitude. When it is very late, I am used to walk faster; I constantly look around to see if someone is coming closer; I avoid carrying valuable things with me, or at least I avoid taking them out in public spaces’. Eduardo, 20-years-old, said to have changed his route in the past: ‘in one occasion I did change my route. I have to bike to university and once, for a couple of days in a row, a group of people tried to do something to me when I had to stop at a certain traffic light. I decided to change my route for a few days to distract this group of people’. Another girl, the 17-years-old Isabel, said: ‘All the days that I have to go to the bus station or when I return home, I take three different routes’. In addition, Camilo, 20-years-old said: ‘I avoid places were there are a lot of

homeless people. I prefer places, such as offices and markets that have CCTV. Also, I prefer to use busy TransMilenio stations with police presence’.

Also, 25,8% of the respondents said to avoid the public transport, because it was not considered safe. But what is remarkable is that many young people indicated that for them it is hard to avoid using public transport for example. These young people are dependent on a transportation system that is often unsafe. This is in line with what Lieberg (1992) said about youth’s dependence on public places. Many respondents indicated that, even though they want to, for them it is not possible to avoid the place. Camilo, a 22-years-old boy said: ‘I can not avoid the TransMilenio, but if I could, I would’. TransMilenio is the major Bus Rapid Transit system in Bogotá. It covers the whole city, so for many citizens this is the most important and fastest medium of transportation.

Conclusion

In this last chapter, first of all the fear that exists in Bogotá is discussed. This fear results in the creation of certain strategies to avoid violence. Mental maps of certain public places stimulate the creation of these strategies. Many young people in Bogotá use these strategies that take into account their safety. Especially avoidance strategies are used.

Conclusions

In this thesis I tried to find an answer to the question: ‘In what ways do violent experiences in and perceptions of public spaces influence youth’s spatial patterns of movement in everyday life? For this research I used the concept of mental maps as a guiding concept. These mental maps are constructs of the environment, created in the minds of every individual. They can be formed by individual experiences, or by institutions such as the media. Also stories from friends or family can shape these mental maps. These maps are often fuelled by feelings of fear. In this research I looked at the way fear shapes these mental maps of youth in Bogotá and in what way these mental maps influence the perceptions of place. In addition, I looked at how these maps contribute to the creation of avoidance strategies, by young Bogotanos.

When I was in Bogotá three years ago, I was there not for long enough to construct such a mental map of the city. I, as a tourist did not know about all these places in the city that were and are perceived as dangerous by many young people in the city. People like me; students. I walked around in the most dangerous area of the city, the city centre. Even at night. I did not know that people see taxis as unsafe, because I had never heard of all the stories about robberies and kidnappings that took place in the taxis. My peers in Bogotá did know about these stories or were part of these stories and therefore they knew that it was sometimes better to avoid these places.

As a result of these constructed mental maps youth in Bogotá do know exactly which places are unsafe or dangerous. First of all, violent experiences in certain public spaces contribute to specific, negative images of these public spaces. Also the media influences the way young people perceive certain public spaces very strongly, as already found by Stanko (1993). As in Bogotá articles or news spreads about violence are very common, because of regular violent events, I can imagine that this adds to the idea of Bogotá as a violent city. Also, and in line with Stanko (1993), stories about violence that friends tell have a big impact on the way young people see public spaces in Bogotá. Stories from family influence youth as well, although not as much as stories told in the media or by friends. All these stories contribute to the creation of mental maps about the city. Besides these stories and experiences, respondents indicated that public places they perceive as unsafe often lack public control and illumination, and are known as places were common delinquents abide. This is in line with Carro et al (2008) their theory.

Consequently, the idea of Bogotá, and some public spaces specifically, become very negative through these experiences and stories. This has as a consequence that youth become afraid of going outside. Especially at nights people avoid going out into the streets. Youth think of themselves as potential victims, and therefore most of them try to avoid public transport, taxis and public places. Other measures they take to not become a victim, is to not go out in the streets alone or to not take valuable things to public spaces. Many young people in Bogotá have changed their route to university. Although these changes are often just temporarily, it shows the extent of fear of the public space amongst youth in Bogotá. The fact that some young people create different routes in their head in advance shows that it is a very important issue in their lives. Above al, the fact that so many young people take measures before going to certain public places or try to avoid these public places increases the idea of public places as unsafe in the city of Bogotá.

The purpose of my research is to shed light on the fact that youth in Bogotá do not feel safe in public spaces at all. The fact that many young people are dependent on these unsafe public places for leisure, but also because of necessary transit is a very important issue. Many youth in Bogotá feel a constant fear of being victimized when going to the city centre to see a movie or when going to a bar. Many young Bogotanos were even afraid when walking to school or when taking a bus to university. The fact that people have to come up with avoidance strategies, says a lot about the state of public places. The idea of public spaces adding to networks of trust and social capital does not apply to Bogotá, where violence and crime is part of the city’s public spaces. Public spaces, in the case of violence-affected Bogotá rather undermine trust and the creation of a citizen’s culture. These public spaces often even contribute to the increase of distrust among citizens of Bogotá. In future research one could focus on existing or possibly new solutions for making these public places safe again.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank both my supervisors; Sara Koenders and Thijs Jeursen for their guidance during the time I was writing my thesis. Further, I would like to thank all the respondents who took the time for completing the survey. Also, I am very grateful to Jhon Montoya, who was willing to provide access to the Social Science department of the National University of Colombia. Without their help I could not have finished my bachelors thesis.

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