"Welcome to Jordan" : a study on the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman

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“WELCOME TO JORDAN”

A study on the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian

host communities in Amman

Megan Marie Ferrando

Thesis supervisor: Dr. Anja van Heelsum

Second reader: Dr. Martijn Dekker

MSc Conflict Resolution and Governance

University of Amsterdam

June 2018

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SUMMARY

Seven years after the beginning of the 2011 Syrian Civil War, 1.3 million Syrians have fled their country and found refuge in neighbouring Jordan. This ‘refugee crisis’ received much international attention, and humanitarian aid organisations were present on the ground from the beginning to provide emergency relief. An unintended consequence of these actions was that they instilled grievances in Jordanian host communities, who argued that Syrian refugees were given unfair advantages compared to the local population. This thesis presents the results of fieldwork conducted among Syrians, Jordanians and NGOs/INGOs in Amman in the spring of 2018. It aimed to identify what these tensions between refugees and host communities are based on, and in what way the presence of international humanitarian aid organisations plays into these dynamics. The thesis finds that the difficult economic situation of many residents of Amman, combined with perceived favouritism by the international humanitarian aid community, fuels tensions between Syrians and Jordanians. However, an important reason why the tensions remain contained is the strong prior relationship which the two groups enjoyed, and their self-reported cultural, linguistic and historical similarities. INGOs are found to be connected to these Syrian-Jordanian tensions in two ways. On the one hand, humanitarian aid in Jordan, which is currently overwhelmingly directed at Syrian refugees, acts as a catalyser for existing tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities. On the other hand, the international aid community is a suitable actor against whom to let out the Jordanian populations’ boiled-up frustrations and uncertainties.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to extend my thanks to Dr. Anja van Heelsum for her continuous support and readiness to answer all my questions during this Master’s thesis. Furthermore, thank you to all the interviewees who were willing to share their precious time and often went to great lengths to help me expand my network in Amman. My eternal gratitude to the entire Hammad family, who hosted me as their sister, daughter, granddaughter, niece and cousin, and who confirmed to me Jordan’s reputation of endless hospitality. In particular: I thank Mai Hammad for kick-starting my journey and making the logistical challenges seem much more bearable, and Amani Hammad for being my big sister in this adventure, and taking my mind off the research from time to time to show me the beauty of Jordan. Lastly, I thank my parents and sister for their endless patience, love and late-night cups of tea.

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CBO Community-based organisation

EU European Union

INGO International non-governmental organisation ILO International Labour Organisation

JNRCS Jordan National Red Crescent Society JRP Jordan Response Plan

NFI Non-food item

NGO Non-governmental organisation

UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees WFP World Food Programme

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

2018 marks the seventh year of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic. The conflict, which was expected to only last a few months, has thus far claimed the lives of over 350,000 Syrians, and has forced over 5.5 million of the population to flee the country, with the majority of them finding refuge in one of Syria’s neighbouring states: Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan (SOHR 2018; UNHCR 2018). With 1.3 million Syrians on its territory, representing fifteen percent of its current population, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is one of the countries which has, by far, accepted the largest number of Syrian refugees (Ghazal 2017). Even though the most common images of refugee contexts are those of refugee camps, in Jordan, approximately 80% of Syrians registered with the UNHCR reside among Jordanians in host communities (Carrion 2015: 320). Despite initially showing a welcoming attitude towards the Syrians, popular opinion in Jordanian society soon changed. Challenges that Jordan had been facing for years, including high unemployment levels, a dysfunctional education sector and poor infrastructure, were amplified. The arrival of high numbers of Syrian refugees, heavily concentrated in Jordan’s Northern Governorates (in and around the cities of Irbid, Zarqa, Mafraq, and Jordan’s capital city of Amman), was said to put excessive pressure on the already difficult economic situation. These hostilities, coming from a part of Jordanian host communities, were met by hostilities on the side of Syrians. They accused the Jordanians of discrimination, which led to communal tensions (REACH 2014: 18; Achilli 2015).

From the beginning, the Syrian refugee crisis1_{received considerable international attention,}

and international non-governmental aid organisations (INGOs) were highly active in organising the humanitarian emergency response for refugees (Yazgan et al 2015: 184). Syrians in host communities could register with the UNHCR to receive cash assistance, food stamps and other forms of help. This well-intended approach, however, ignited criticism among an increasing number of Jordanians. A 2014 REACH report found that INGO support was identified to be “a major source of tension” among the sources of tensions felt within host communities, with 78% of Jordanians feeling that humanitarian aid was unevenly distributed (REACH 2014: 1). In 2015, Generations for Peace carried out similar research on the sources of refugee and host community tensions in Jordan. It found that 71% of Jordanians and 29% of Syrians living in Amman stated aid distribution as a source of hostilities (Seeley 2015: 48).

1_{While using the term ‘refugee crisis’ in this thesis, the author is conscious of the fact that this is a politically}

loaded term which tends to put emphasis on the negative aspects of refugee contexts. The term is substituted as often as possible with other, more neutral denominations.

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The evident interest demonstrated by the international community in the first years of the crisis has led to the publication of a large body of literature on the situation of Syrian refugees in Jordan (Mercy Corps 2014; Serrato 2014; Achilli 2015; Andres-Vinas et al 2015; Carrion 2015; Guay 2015). However, the decline in international attention which has gradually occurred from 2016 onwards is clearly visible in the sudden drop in available literature from that time onwards. Although several INGOs still publish reports on various aspects of the lives of Syrians in Jordan (CARE 2017; REACH 2017), currently, humanitarian aid organisations as well as scholars pay strikingly little attention to social cohesion among refugees and host communities in Jordan, and even less research is conducted on the present-day influence of humanitarian aid on this relationship. As Yazgan et al (2015: 187) argue: “Social and cultural dimensions of refugee hosting is yet left untouched in the literature. Therefore, more empirical research is required to analyse the possible different impacts of refugees”.

In present-day Jordan, the initial emergency situation has calmed down. Still, the majority of Syrian refugees in urban areas are dependent on humanitarian assistance (Jordan INGO Forum 2018: 10; Lyon 2018), and unemployment levels are the highest recorded in 25 years (Azzeh 2017). Little research is available to uncover what this means for the tensions between refugees and host communities, but it is highly likely that these have not disappeared. Considering the importance that the literature has previously attributed to humanitarian aid programmes in sustaining and increasing community tensions, it is crucial to get an understanding into what the sources of communal tensions look like now, and what part INGOs and the international aid community play in them. Indeed, INGOs may act well-intendedly, but the literature suggests that their actions can have as unintended consequence that they perpetuate, or even increase, hostilities between Syrians and Jordanians. In order to unravel these dynamics, this thesis addresses the following research question:

“What is the influence on international non-governmental aid organisations on tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman?”

Since the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities cannot be explained by solely looking at uneven distribution of humanitarian aid, this thesis takes a broader approach by considering other factors which shape the relationship between the two groups. The thesis is the product of fieldwork which was conducted in the spring of 2018 in Amman, where Syrians, Jordanians and representatives of NGOs and INGOs2_{were asked about the present-day sources of tension between}

refugees and host communities.

It is of crucial importance to gain further understanding into tensions between Syrians and Jordanians for three reasons. Firstly, it enables us to map the current tensions in Jordanian society and

2_{‘NGOs’ refers specifically to local, Jordanian non-governmental organisations working on humanitarian aid}

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get better insights in what causes them. Jordan is still examining how to best address the situation and “turn the challenges posed by the Syria crisis into concrete opportunities”, as the European Union (EU) and Jordanian government stated during the 2016 EU-Jordan Brussels Conference (EU-Jordan Compact 2016). With the decline in humanitarian aid available to the country, it is essential to know what effects they have on social cohesion between Syrians and Jordanians. Secondly, the knowledge obtained on local dynamics and the pressures felt by both refugees and host communities can be applied to other humanitarian situations in order to shape suitable policy responses. Thirdly, the conclusions from the thesis can be used as recommendations for INGOs and the international humanitarian aid community, by encouraging the actors involved to pay attention to the effects that their policies and practices may have on group dynamics on the ground.

The research on tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities is understood through the frames of Lewis Coser’s Safety-Valves Theory (1956) and Morton Deutsch’s Theory on Cooperation and Competition (1973). Known as one of the founders of the field of conflict resolution, Deutsch argued that, depending on a complex combination of different factors, a social conflict can take a constructive or destructive turn. Coser examines social conflict from a functional point of view, and argues that tensions are vital to the healthy functioning of relationships. He proposes that tensions which can difficultly be expressed between parties are sometimes diffused towards third parties, which he calls safety-valve institutions. By testing Deutsch and Coser’s theories on the case of Jordan, the thesis provides insight into what types of factors positively and negatively influence the relationship between Jordanian host communities and Syrian refugees, and what the role of INGOs as outside actors is in this dynamic.

The thesis proceeds as follows. Chapter 2: Jordan and the Syrian refugee crisis, provides essential background information regarding the situation of Syrian refugees in Jordan, and in Amman more specifically. Following, in Chapter 3: Theoretical framework, the thesis elaborates upon Deutsch’s Theory on Competition and Cooperation and Coser’s Safety-Valves Theory, and assesses their relevance for the case. Chapter 4: Method and design constitutes the thesis’ research design and methodology, including the challenges encountered and ethical considerations. Results chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8 presents the findings from the qualitative research carried out during the spring of 2018. Chapter 5: What tensions? forms an introduction to the topic of ‘tensions’. Following, Chapter 6: Competition and cooperation and Chapter 7: Perceptions are structured according to the two main components of Deutsch’s theory: competition and cooperation, and positive and negative perceptions. Chapter 8: Amman’s safety-valves presents results which fall under the theoretical concepts proposed by Coser. Finally, Chapter 9: Discussion and conclusion contains conclusions to the findings, critical reflections on Deutsch and Coser’s theories, a discussion on the limitations of this thesis, and suggestions for future research.

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CHAPTER 2 BACKGROUND: JORDAN AND THE

SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS

Located in a tumultuous region, the people of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan are used to hosting refugees. As a consequence of the Palestinian exoduses of 1948 and 1967, many Palestinians sought refuge in Jordan. In the present-day, there are about 2.1 million Palestinians in Jordan, representing over one-fifth of the total population (Bank 2016: 3). Refugees from other conflicts also made their way to the Hashemite Kingdom, including hundreds of thousands of people from Kuwait and Iraq as a consequence of the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 Iraqi War (Cowell 1991: 1; UNHCR 2007). This national history of taking in refugees, combined with the country’s proud culture of hospitality, have contributed to Jordan’s reputation as a refugee-friendly state (Shryock 2004).

The beginning (2011-2013)

It was in this spirit that Jordan opened its borders to Syrians when violence erupted in Syria’s southern province of Dara’a in March of 2011. The regime of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad had conducted mass arrests and fired on peaceful demonstrators, who had been taking to the street to demand political and economic reforms. The violence instigated more protests across the country, which were met with violent response from the regime. This caused the beginning of the wave of Syrian refugees to neighbouring countries, most of them reaching Lebanon, Turkey and Jordan. During the first months of the Syrian civil war, around 2,000 Syrians crossed the border to Jordan every day (BBC News 2018).

Initially, the Syrians were met with a general attitude of goodwill on all sides. Starting in 2011, the international humanitarian aid community3_{began concentrating their efforts on emergency}

response for the Syrian refugee crisis in Syria’s neighbouring countries, in camps as well as in host communities. The UNHCR led the way in organising the humanitarian response, and is up to this day the main coordinator of NGO/INGO aid programmes for Syrian refugees. This goodwill was also visible in the manner in which the refugees were received by the Jordanian population. Historically, the populations of Jordan and Syria had always been very close, and family ties and social relations cut across national borders. Many people in the Northern Governorates of Jordan used to have family members in Syria, and day trips to Damascus or Amman were common on both ends. When the crisis

3_{For the purpose of this thesis, ‘international humanitarian aid community’ is used as an umbrella term for INGOs,}

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erupted in 2011, refugees were welcomed to stay at relatives’ and friends’ homes across the Northern Governorates, including Amman. The Jordanian government adopted an open-door policy, opening the border to all refugees seeking to pass (Malkawi 2016). Another reason for this warm attitude was that the Jordanian host communities as well as the Syrian refugees expected the crisis to only last a few months. The Syrians were expected to soon return home, when the violence would be over.

The peak (2013-2016)

However, the crisis stretched on, and refugees and host communities in Jordan became increasingly disillusioned by the idea that the Syrians would be able to return home in the near future. By 2013, over a million Syrians had arrived to Jordan, beginning to put a strain on an already unstable economy (Sweis 2013). For over a decade, the country had been facing high unemployment levels, especially among Jordanian youth. During the 2000s and until 2012, unemployment levels ranged between 12 and 14%, with youth unemployment at around 24%, one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the region (Barcucci & Mryyan 2014: 19; Government of Jordan 2014: 13). Moreover, Jordan has been seeing a shrinking in its middle-class and an increasingly poorer population. The economic situation was therefore at a difficult point when the Syrian civil war began. Seven years into the crisis, unemployment levels have reached 18.4%, and youth unemployment is at a staggering rate of 39.8% (International Labour Organisation [ILO] 2017; Trading Economics 2018). According to a 2015 ILO report, the arrival of Syrians on the labour market has had significant influence on the job opportunities of Jordanians, especially in the construction sector (Stave & Hillesund 2015: 6). Nevertheless, scholars are careful in drawing causal relations between refugees and general economic decline (Koser 2007).

Nonetheless, the arrival of over a million newcomers certainly caused fundamental changes to many aspects of Jordanian society, including housing, health, education and infrastructure (Achilli 2015: 2). Popular support for the refugees decreased, and the widespread belief, real or perceived, grew that the presence of Syrians was negatively impacting Jordanian communities (Kvittingen 2018: 6). As a result, this fuelled tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanians in host communities. Jordanians increasingly blamed Syrians for being detrimental to Jordanian society, and Syrians accused Jordanians of discrimination and hostilities. In an article from The Guardian, published in April 2013, a Syrian man stated: “they once received us as guests and brothers, now they see us as a curse” (Luck 2013). Reports from around 2015 note a high peak in communal tensions among Syrians and Jordanians, including violence in schools and in the neighbourhood (Carrion 2015; Mercy Corps 2015).

As a result of this decrease in goodwill, paired with a flow of refugees still pouring into the country, the Jordanian government stopped its unconditional open-border policy and set in place more severe screenings. After an Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) car bomb cost the lives of seven

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Jordanian border guards in June 2016, the border was fully closed (Al Jazeera 2017). During that time, the government furthermore started implementing restrictions for Syrians and began a policy of encampment (Achilli 2015: 5-7).

The tensions between Jordanians and Syrians were further exacerbated by the heavy concentration of humanitarian aid that was put in place to support Syrian refugees. Hundreds of NGOs and INGOs were present to support mainly Syrian refugee communities, over two hundred in the Syrian refugee camp of Za’atari alone (Zbeidy et al 2018). While Syrians received food stamps, cash assistance, and financing for education and health services, resentment rose among segments of the Jordanian population, who felt left behind by humanitarian aid organisations. Several reports on the ground show that some Jordanians were resentful towards these INGOs because they believed that they prioritised the well-being of refugees at the expense of the local population (Generations for Peace report 2015; Seeley 2015). As a Generations for Peace report stated, “Members of the Jordanian host community felt strongly that the distribution of humanitarian aid was unfair, and this perceived ‘discrimination’ caused significant mistrust and antagonism towards Syrians” (2015: 48). The years 2014 and 2015 thus simultaneously marked a peak in the international community’s interest in Syrian refugees, and in the communal tensions between Syrians and Jordanians.

Détente and move to structural solutions (2016-2018)

With the closing of the Syrian border in June 2016, the amount of Syrian refugees coming to Jordan drastically decreased to a negligible number. By 2016, the Jordanian government estimated that 1.3 million Syrians were present in Jordan, representing 15 per cent of the country’s population (Ghazal 2017). Of these 1.3 million, over a million were believed to live in host communities, of which 436,000 Syrians live in Amman (Ghazal 2016). These numbers have not significantly changed in the past two years, as 1.3 million Syrians are still believed to be present in the country (Post 2018: 6).

From 2016 onwards, the amount of INGO reports on communal tensions between Syrians and Jordanians decreased drastically. On the one hand, this might be attributable to a potential decrease in communal tensions, because Syrians slowly began integrating in Jordanian society. A decrease in tensions may have limited the need for publishing reports. Another likely explanation, however, may be found in the decreased overall attention that the international humanitarian aid community began to show towards Syrian refugees in Jordan. This ‘donor fatigue’, meaning that donors lose interest in a humanitarian crisis over time, has led to the gradual withdrawal of donors, and therefore INGOs, from the region. With the European Union (EU), an important partner in the Syrian crisis, this change was very abrupt. 2015 had seen a peak in Syrian refugees crossing the Mediterranean to reach Europe, therefore inciting the EU to concentrate its efforts on refugees on the European continent. Instead of continuing almost exclusively to provide emergency aid, the EU began adopting a strategy of

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containment of Syrian refugees in host communities in the Middle-East. One of the major steps in this was the setting up of an EU-Jordan Compact in 2016. The Compact, a partnership between the EU and the Jordanian government, officialised commitments made between Jordan and the EU at the London Conference of 2016 on supporting Syria and the region, and which were mainly aimed at improving the living conditions of Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Jordan (Council of the EU 2016). The agreement, worth over €747 million, included €108 million in humanitarian aid and €200 million in macro-financial assistance to Jordan. Furthermore, export requirements from Jordan to the EU were simplified, in exchange for the provision of work permits to Syrian refugees (European Commission 2018).

In 2016, the Jordanian government furthermore launched a second strategic partnership, in cooperation with UN agencies, NGOs and international donors, called the Jordan Response Plan (JRP). This international plan was designed to structurally support Syrian refugees as well as Jordanian society during the crisis. While the JRP addressed a multiplicity of challenges, an important agreement made between the partners was that, for most types of humanitarian aid programmes in Jordanian host communities, at least 70% of the aid should go to Syrian refugees. The remaining 30% would be granted to beneficiaries from Jordanian host communities. The UNHCR would oversee that these quotas were adhered to. Since barely any INGO reports are available regarding social cohesion from 2016 onwards, no sources are available which discuss how the ‘70/30 quota’ was received by the Jordanian population.

Present-day Jordan (2018)

At the moment of writing this thesis, the Syrian refugee crisis in Jordan is in its eighth year. Despite the fact that tensions are less visible than during the ‘peak’ years of 2014 and 2015, perhaps because they are less reported, the situation of many Syrians in Jordanian host communities is still deplorable. The emergency situation has stopped, but the crisis has now turned into a protracted refugee situation4_{, in}

which “[refugees’] lives may not be at risk, but their basic rights and essential economic, social and psychological needs remain unfulfilled after years in exile. A refugee in this situation is often unable to break free from enforced reliance on external assistance” (UNHCR 2004: 1). Indeed, 80% of Syrian refugees live beneath the regional poverty line, and most are still dependent on humanitarian aid or work in the informal sector to meet their daily subsistence needs (Jordan INGO Forum 2018: 10).

Despite promised commitments by the international community to support Jordan financially, a very low percentage of the promised funds has been provided. The UNHCR stated that the

4_{According to the UNHCR, a protracted refugee situation occurs when over 25,000 persons have been in exile for}

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requirements for assisting refugees in Jordan amount to $274.9 million in 2018. As of February 2018, only 6% of this amount ($17.8 million) has been funded (UNHCR 2018: 3).

Furthermore, the residency status of Syrians is still uncertain. Since Jordan is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, it does not have specific obligations towards refugees on its territory under international law. Consequently, most refugees arriving in Jordan are viewed as temporary ‘guests’, a term with which the Jordanian government and newspapers often refer to Syrians (Ghazal 2016; Saliba 2016). Despite the positive connotation that the term ‘guest’ has, this unofficial term masks the lack of codified rights that a refugee status grants a refugee under Jordanian law. Refugees do not have the right to receive full citizenship, longer-term residency, or access to many parts of the formal labour market (Kvittingen et al 2018: 3-4). Although the Jordanian government has facilitated the procedures to get a work permit, among others through negotiations under the EU-Jordan Compact, the opportunities that have opened are very limited. Syrian refugees have received work permits in the sectors of construction, agriculture and services. Negotiations are currently occurring to diversify the types of work permits, but the sectors considered are still mainly low-skill (Kvittingen 2018: 8). In this protracted refugee situation, this forms an important barrier for successful integration in Jordanian society, and for a fruitful relationship with Jordanian host communities.

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CHAPTER 3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

In order to answer the research question, the emphasis lies particularly on theories which relate to tensions between communities. Therefore, the following chapter introduces two theories of social conflict which address group relations in conflict. These theories, by Morton Deutsch (1973) and Lewis Coser (1956), each address a different aspect of social dynamics within conflict. Their combination forms the theoretical framework of this thesis, through which the results can be interpreted. Section 3.1 presents Deutsch’s Theory on Cooperation and Competition, followed by section 3.2 and Coser’s Safety-Valves Theory. Then, section 3.3 provides a comparison between the two theories to analyse to what extent they are able to complement each other in addressing the tensions between Jordanian host communities and Syrian refugees in Amman.

3.1 Deutsch’s Theory on Cooperation and Competition

Social Psychologist and Conflict Resolution researcher Morton Deutsch’s book, the resolution of conflict: constructive and destructive processes (1973), is considered to be a fundamental contribution to the field of conflict studies (De Dreu 2010). As part of his general Theory on Cooperation and Competition, Deutsch proposes Deutsch’s Crude Law of Social Relations, theorising the circumstances under which parties in social conflict engage with each other in different ways. Although Deutsch refers to social conflict in his theory, this thesis chooses to apply his theory to communal tensions between Syrians and Jordanians. As Yazgan et al state, “conflict is defined in a very broad sense which includes latent tensions and disagreements on the one end and goes to armed and violent clashes (e.g. wars) on the other” (2015: 182). Hence, Deutsch’s theory of conflict is utilised to analyse tensions in Jordan which have not necessarily taken physical form.

Destructive conflict

The basis of Deutsch’s theory is the distinction between destructive and constructive conflict. In Deutsch’s terms, “destructive conflict is characterised by a tendency to expand and escalate”. It means that a social conflict between two or more parties becomes larger and moves away from the seeking of solutions. Parties tend to increasingly rely on hostile behaviour, and focus on what divides, rather than unites them. According to Deutsch, three interrelated processes are at play simultaneously in conflict escalation.

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The first is a competitive attitude in attempting to ‘win’ the conflict. This arises especially when parties consider the conflict to be zero-sum based, meaning that one’s gains lead to the other one’s losses. Parties envision the conflict as being power-based, and that solutions only exist in being better than the other. In these cases, communication is often unreliable: either the normal ways of communication are not used, or they are used in an attempt to mislead the other. Open dialogue does not occur because each believes it is more beneficial to go behind each other’s back. This strategy furthermore carries the inherent risk that errors are made on the basis of this unreliable communication, which may reinforce the lack of trust between the parties. “[Competition] leads to a suspicious, hostile attitude that increases the sensitivity to differences and threats while minimising the awareness of similarities” (Deutsch 1973: 353). Furthermore, this emphasis on differences proves to each party that the other deviates from their acceptable norm. Deutsch argues that this deviance in the other justifies one’s own further deviance from the norm. This creates a downward spiral in which parties become gradually move to extremes in their thinking and behaviour.

The second process at play in destructive conflict is misperception of the other. Deutsch argues that we typically think of ourselves more favourably than of others, and that many of us have difficulty placing ourselves in other people’s shoes. Therefore, we often have a bias toward perceiving our own behaviour towards others as nicer, more benevolent and more legitimate, than the other’s behaviour toward us. We thus have an inherent positive bias toward ourselves in relation to others, which is why, when engaged in social conflict, we are more tempted to believe in the wrongness or maliciousness of the other, rather than of ourselves. Misperception is likely to occur faster in two cases: with new situations, and in periods of rapid social change. In new situations, we are not familiar with the context we are placed in and will thus try to make sense of it by relating it to our past experiences. Since each person’s past experiences differ, our understanding of a new situation may divert, and may form a source of tension. This type of misperception is more likely if the parties come from different cultural backgrounds and are not fully aware of their differences in perception. Periods of rapid social change also form a risk, because they bring about uncertainty. The stress that is induced by rapidly changing situations, amplified by the stress of being engaged in social conflict, can affect logical and cognitive thinking. The brain functions more simplistically, which limits our capacity to think in terms of nuances. This may reinforce existing dichotomies in one’s mind (Deutsch, 1973).

Finally, Deutsch’s third destructive conflict process is parties’ commitment to the conflict they are entangled in. Deutsch presents a wide array of reasons for which this may happen, each relating to our need for cognitive and social consistency. One of these is the gambler’s temptation, relating to humans’ addiction to ‘the game’ of conflict, just like a gambler is addicted to placing bets. One believes that one can ‘win’ if they continue, therefore not seeing that the trade-offs are sometimes detrimental to their situation. Another example mentioned by Deutsch relates to cognitive dissonance. As he argues,

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we act in accordance with our beliefs, but we also adapt our beliefs to our actions, because we wish to have consistency. If one is in conflict with another person, they will want to justify this to themselves, which means they start to believe more strongly in the causes of the conflict, even if these reasons were futile. Consequently, the conflict is sustained, and it is generally rather difficult to break out of it (Deutsch, 1973).

The three processes could be seen as being mutually reinforcing, as each of them leads to the exacerbation of another. The gambler’s temptation, for example, is intensified by a strategy of cooperation. Simultaneously, it leads to a more competitive behaviour in the parties involved. This competitive behaviour tends to emphasise the differences between people, rather than their similarities, which affects the perception that parties may have of each other. These biased perceptions, in turn, may increase hostile feelings and may limit wish to seek a peaceful resolution to the conflict, as it will seem like ‘losing’ the zero-sum game which is constructed in the parties’ minds.

Constructive conflict

When thinking of conflict, we usually think in terms of destructive conflict, as laid out in the previous section. However, we tend to negate the fact that struggle, be it social or internal, can also lead to growth and understanding. Therefore, Deutsch also introduced the concept of constructive conflict, or “conflicts that achieve social change through a process that is mutually rewarding to the parties involved in the conflict” (1973: 359). A constructive conflict is formed with the conjunction of three processes, which form the polar opposites of the processes at play in destructive conflict.

Firstly, this includes cooperative strategies. In contrast to competitive strategies, these include honest and open communication of information between the parties in conflict. This availability of information enables the parties to better understand each other’s positions and interests. A better mutual understanding promotes the legitimate recognition of the other, and therefore leads to a more trusting and friendly environment. Such an environment, in turn, opens the way for seeing common interests and similarities between the parties, rather than differences and disparities (Deutsch, 1973).

The second process at play is benevolent misperception. Misperception can take a detrimental turn in destructive conflict, but can also arise in positive form in constructive conflict. Parties develop a distorted view of the other, believing the other parties’ intentions are above average. While, in the longer term, these positive perceptions may lead participants to have expectations which are not in accordance with reality, in the short-term, benevolent misperception dampens the risk of conflict escalation (Deutsch, 1973).

The same third process of commitment holds true for constructive conflict. Parties are easily trapped in their perceptions of the situation they find themselves in, and would often rather continue it than take a step back to critically reflect (Deutsch, 1973).

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Deutsch’s Crude Law of Social Relations

Deutsch simplified the above in what he came to present as Deutsch’s Crude Law of Social Relations. This holds that “the characteristic processes and effects elicited by a given type of social relationship (cooperative or competitive) tend also to elicit that type of social relationship” (Deutsch 1973: 365). This means that a strategy of power and coercion results in, but is also the result of, a competitive relationship. At the same time, a strategy based on mutual understanding and problem solving forms, and is formed by, a cooperative relationship. However, it is much too simplistic to conclude that competition engenders competition, and cooperation engenders cooperation. Deutsch argues that the effect that someone’s actions have on someone else is the product of, on the one hand, the nature of their relationship, and on the other hand, the nature of the action that is taking place. For example, the same action carried out by a friend or by an enemy will elicit different responses in an individual. Following the theory in the previous sections, one would expect that behaviour by a friend will generally be viewed more sympathetically than that same behaviour done by an enemy. Furthermore, different types of behaviour (positive, negative, intense or less intense, for example) also elicit a different response. The nature of the relationship in combination with the nature of the action enables us to assess the effect of the behaviour on the relationship between two parties.

Deutsch’s theory includes different factors that influence the development of constructive and of destructive conflict, thereby nuancing his Law. In this section, three of these (the nature of the prior relationship between the parties, the nature of the conflict, and the personal characteristics of the parties in the conflict) are developed. Prior relationship between the two is crucially determinant to understand the course of a conflict. The more positive the relationship was before the conflict arose, the greater the chance is that the parties will find a cooperative solution to the problem. Similarly, past experiences of unsuccessful cooperation or social contacts increase the chance of escalation into destructive conflict. Furthermore, it is important to take into consideration the nature of the conflict. If the stakes in the conflict are high and the parties believe that they do not have viable alternatives, the conflict is more likely to take a destructive course. Also, “any issue that infringes upon something considered to be vital to a person’s physical well-being, socio-economic position, self-esteem, or defence against anxiety is central” (Deutsch 1973: 371). Lastly, the personal characteristics of the parties may be very important in directing the conflict. Deutsch argues that people with similar beliefs and values tend to be able to work better together, but social status and personal resources may also be of influence.

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3.2 Coser’s Safety-Valve Theory

Deutsch’s theory is valuable in explaining the factors that help shape the direction that social conflict can take. While this can provide an explanation for part of the research question, specifically on the causes of tensions between Syrians and Jordanians, it does not account for the role of INGOs as third party in the dynamics. In order to fully understand the problem raised in the central question, it is important to add a theory on group tensions which takes into account these potential third parties. The following section on Coser clarifies this aspect. The German sociologist Lewis Coser is one of the first scholars who attempted to identify the functions of social conflict. Building upon the theories of sociologist Georg Simmel, Coser argues that “far from being only a ‘negative’ factor which ‘tears apart’, social conflict may fulfil a number of determinate functions in groups and other interpersonal relations” (Coser 1956: 8). In his book, the functions of social conflict (1956), Coser discusses how social conflict and group structure are related, and derives several theories from his observations, including the Safety-Valve Theory.

Safety-valve institutions

Coser considers social conflict to be essential to group relations. He argues that “the expression of hostility in conflict serves positive functions insofar as it permits the maintenance of relationships under conditions of stress, thus preserving group dissolution through the withdrawal of hostile participants” (1956, p. 39). Coser differentiates between tensions (or hostilities) and conflict. The expression of hostilities, in his opinion, does not change the terms of the relationship between the parties. Rather, tension-release ensures that the relationship is allowed to remain the same. Expression is furthermore, a means for an actor to exercise a bit of control over a situation which may be out of their control. Conflict, on the other hand, involves physical action which provokes change in the relationship the parties have with each other. For the Safety-Valve Theory, Coser focuses on the aspect of tensions.

Coser distinguishes three types of hostilities expression. The first is direct expression of the hostilities against the source of frustration. This means that a person who is frustrated with another person will directly express their discontent towards the person in question. The second form of expression regards activities which provide tension-release without projecting the tensions on a specific object (Coser 1956: 41). Examples include taking part in physical activities or the use of substances such as alcohol. Coser’s third form of expression refers to tensions which are released onto a substitute object, rather than on the source of frustration itself (1956: 41). An employee who cannot confront her superior with the frustrations she is feeling towards them will, for example, let out her hostilities towards her subordinate, even though the subordinate has no part to play in causing these frustrations.

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Coser’s second and third type of hostility expression – tensions-release without, and on a substitute object – form the fundament of the Safety-Valve Theory. Physical activity and the subordinate employee act as ‘safety-valves’, or outlets, which channel the tensions and enable their release. If these safety-valves were not present, the hostilities would be expressed against the original object, which could endanger the relationship between the two original antagonists. The use of safety-valves has as conscious or unconscious aim to safeguard the status-quo relationship between the two antagonists. It would be too simplistic to say that the original relationship remains unchanged, because it is still subject to tensions, but part of this pressure is thus diffused. However, the third type of expression, the use of a substitute object, brings along a problem. Although the relationship between the two original parties is maintained, a new conflict situation begins with the substitute object. The theory suggests that the need for safety-valve institutions depends on “the degree to which the social system disallows expression of antagonistic claims where they occur” (Coser 1956: 48). The more rigid a social structure is, that is, the less one is allowed to express one’s hostilities, and the higher the need for tensions release through safety-valves.

Realistic and non-realistic conflict

An important part of Safety-Valve Theory is the distinction between realistic and non-realistic conflict. Coser argues that realistic conflicts “arise from frustration of specific demands within the relationship” (1956: 49). Realistic conflicts are functional, because they are the means to a desired end for which the eruption of conflict is an instrument. Non-realistic conflicts, on the other hand, do not necessarily have a clear, logical aim. They are not necessarily aimed at the party which can make a change, and have as primary aim the release of tension. Racism, anti-Semitism and other forms of discrimination are non-realistic because the targeted group is, in the first place, seen as a suitable object to release aggression on. Who the specific target is, is of secondary importance. In realistic conflict, once the source of frustration is addressed, the tensions cease; in non-realistic conflict, once the object is removed, the hostilities may very-well move onto another object. Many cases of conflict will see a combination of both realistic and non-realistic conflict, because rational tensions are often accompanied by irrational frustrations. Factory workers going on strike can be said to be engaged in realistic conflict, because the workers are demanding higher wages, and will cease the strikes when they receive these. However, the striking can simultaneously be the stage for the release of other, non-wage related frustrations among the workers.

Direct expression of hostilities between two parties can either be realistic or non-realistic, depending on the cause of the tensions. Safety-valve institutions, by being the object of tension diffusing, are necessarily subject to non-realistic conflict. Their main importance lies in the fact that they

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provide a suitable alternative for the projection of frustration, which the primary actor is not able to release onto the intended actor.

3.3 Theoretical disparities and complementarity

Both Deutsch and Coser agree that, under certain circumstances, conflict can be fruitful for the relation between two parties. However, they view social conflict in different ways. To Deutsch, the status quo is a situation without tension. Social conflict may arise between two parties, with constructive and destructive factors pulling on different sides and shaping the direction that the conflict takes. A constructive or destructive turn then determines the future of the parties’ relationship. To Coser, on the other hand, conflict is an inherent part of our social world, and actually fulfils the important function of maintaining our relationships. Through different means, parties release the tensions which they feel towards each other, which permits them to continue their relation. When a party is not able to express its hostilities towards the intended other, it may find a substitute object upon which to release these suppressed feelings.

Each in their own way, Deutsch’s Theory on Cooperation and Competition and Coser’s Safety-Valves Theory add to the understanding of social dynamics in conflict situations. Deutsch provides a dynamic image of conflict situations by proposing directionality. He identifies different types of factors which shape the direction of conflict, including the personality of the parties, their previous relationship and the nature of their source of conflict. The inclusion of such factors and the element of directionality are limited in Coser’s theory. Coser, however, addresses a point which is missing in Deutsch’s line of reasoning: the idea that tension-release can happen towards an object other than the direct source of tension. He therefore adds the component of a third party and the influence that such an outside actor can have on the conflict dynamics. Coser furthermore distinguishes between ‘tensions’, which do not change the terms of the relationship, and ‘conflicts’, which do change these terms. Deutsch, on the other hand, only considers social conflict as a whole, and suggests that conflict is always directional, thus leading to a change – constructive or destructive - in the original relationship.

The theories work well in complementing each other and, together, provide a valuable framework through which to analyse the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities. The use of Deutsch’s Theory on Cooperation and Competition is helpful to uncover the factors at play in the relationship between Syrians and Jordanians. Asking interviewees about constructive and destructive factors present in Amman enables us to paint a picture of the overall dynamics between the two groups. However, as the literature has suggested, the presence of international humanitarian aid organisations has had a considerable influence on the situation as well. Including Coser’s Safety-Valves Theory enables us to include more actors in the analysis and inquire

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about the (perceived) responsibility of these actors in the conflict. Furthermore, the theory includes the assessment of realistic and non-realistic components within the tensions between Syrians and Jordanians.

3.4 Application of the theoretical components

Coser and Deutsch present several theoretical components for further analysis. Coser’s contribution is the function of safety-valve institutions as tensions diffusers. Deutsch’s theory revolves around the three factors of competition and cooperation, perceptions, and commitment to the status quo. The first two factors are social processes which can be researched from a sociological point of view, while the factor of commitment refers mainly to psychological processes. Seeing as this thesis takes an interpersonal, rather than an intrapersonal approach, the first two factors are of most value to the research. Competition, cooperation and perceptions can be said to influence the direction of social conflict, while commitment rather results in psychologically aiming to perpetuate the situation one finds oneself in. Since the direction of the conflict and interpersonal relations are central components of the research, the thesis does not include commitment as a factor, but rather focuses on the factors of competition and cooperation, on the one hand, and perceptions on the other.

There are thus three main theoretical components to analyse in light of the communal tensions in Amman: competition and cooperation, perceptions and the role of safety-valves. These three components form the common thread of the thesis, each being discussed in a separate results chapter with the use of a guiding sub-question:

I. Chapter 6: to what extent do competition and cooperation provide an explanation for the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman?

II. Chapter 7: to what extent do positive and negative perceptions provide an explanation for the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman? III. Chapter 8: to what extent do safety-valve institutions provide an explanation for the

tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman?

These three results chapters are preceded by results Chapter 5: What tensions?, which first aims to clarify what the central concept of ‘tensions’ means to different parties in the case.

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CHAPTER 4

METHOD AND DESIGN

4.1 Research design and fieldwork

In order to answer the central research question and three sub-questions, the fieldwork consisted of qualitative interviews with nineteen respondents living in Amman. The duration of the interviews differed, but most lasted forty to fifty minutes. The official interviews were complemented with unofficial discussions with local Jordanians and Syrians outside of the regular interviews, which provided more information regarding the context of the situation. In order to identify tensions, the research focused primarily on perceptions, including how both communal groups viewed one another, and what role do INGOs played in these views? Perceptions being the central element of the research, the research method chosen was semi-structured interviews. This method allowed interviewees to talk more in-depth about their experiences and perceptions, and propose additions to the conversation which they considered to be relevant. Refugees and host communities interact most frequently in urban areas, which is why these locations provide the most relevant stage for researching potential tensions between these groups. Moreover, it is in cities that refugees and local communities can be in direct competition over facilities, resources and humanitarian aid, because they occupy the same living space. Such pressures can influence the dynamics between refugees and host communities. The relevance of Amman as geographical research location lies in the facts that it hosts the majority of INGO offices in Jordan as well as the highest number of Syrian refugees (UNHCR 2017).

The thesis fieldwork took place during a period of four weeks in April and early May of 2018. Despite having established contact with several INGOs operating in Amman beforehand, the majority of respondents were approached during the fieldwork period itself. The most relevant INGOs in Amman were identified through news articles relating to the situation, personal knowledge, and by looking at the list of partners of the UNHCR, which operates as an umbrella organisation for INGOs in Jordan. While interaction by means of e-mail and phone calls was useful, visiting INGOs’ headquarters proved to be most effective. Contact with local NGOs was initiated through different acquaintances who were met during the fieldwork and through snowballing.

4.2 Respondents

The interviews were conducted with nineteen interviewees, who were subdivided in four categories: 1) Six Syrian refugees (3 women, 3 men);

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2) Four Jordanian locals (2 women, 2 men);

3) Three representatives of INGOs operating in Amman (2 women, 1 man); 4) Six representatives of three local NGOs operating in Amman (5 women, 1 man).

Of the nineteen respondents, twelve were female and seven were male. When interviewing Syrians and Jordanians, education level and socio-economic class were taken into consideration, since class is an important factor in Jordan (Zbeidy et al 2018). Of the three Syrian respondents, two had been to university, and one did not follow higher education. The same was true for the three Jordanian respondents. All Syrian respondents, including those unofficially engaged with outside of interviews, arrived to Jordan in 2012 or 2013.

Initially, only Jordanians from the middle- to lower socio-economic class were contacted. Wealthier Jordanians are less likely to face the same stress factors as middle- to lower-class Jordanians, and are not in (perceived) competition over the provision of humanitarian aid. Jordanians from lower socio-economic classes are likely to reside in the same neighbourhoods as Syrian refugees, which increases the likelihood of these groups having regular social interaction. Furthermore, the majority of INGOs active in Jordan state that they provide humanitarian aid to Syrian refugees as well as vulnerable host communities. However, many of these organisations do not give a clear definition of the term ‘vulnerable’, if a definition is provided at all. INGO CARE defines a vulnerable adult as adults “who identify themselves as unable to take care of themselves / protect themselves from harm or exploitation; or who, due to their gender, mental or physical health, disability, or as a result of disasters and conflicts, are deemed to be at risk” (CARE UK n.d.: 3). This is largely different from the definition of the World Food Programme, which considers vulnerability to mean “lack of economic access to food” (2016: 2). Vulnerable host communities are, according to these organisations, thus targeted by INGOs as well, although a clear a uniform definition of the term is lacking. Because of the importance of socio-economic class to the case, this thesis therefore uses the working definition ‘individuals who implicitly or explicitly refer to their socio-economic condition as being difficult’. Interviewees who make comments relating to their low socio-economic class are loosely categorised as ‘vulnerable’. The initial intention of the research was to contact vulnerable Jordanian respondents. However, this proved to be difficult within the timeframe of the fieldwork, and Jordanian respondents were therefore also sought among residents from higher socio-economic classes. The interviews were conducted in English, except in two instances where the interviewees only spoke Arabic. During these interviews, an unofficial translator was present.

While local NGOs were initially not included as respondents, dialogues with several NGO representatives proved to give valuable insights into local dynamics and the policies of INGOs. Furthermore, the programmes offered by NGOs ought not to be neglected in positively or negatively affecting the relationship between refugees and host communities. NGOs were therefore included in

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the research at a later stage. The research mainly revolved around humanitarian programmes that may be a source of tensions and competition among Jordanians and Syrians. The reason for this is that, with such types of programmes, one group or the other can clearly be targeted by means of, for example, cash assistance, vocational training and food stamps. However, it is important to note that many NGOs/INGOs also provide community-building projects, which can have a positive effect on social cohesion among the groups.

4.3 Operationalisation

The interviews consisted of two parts: first, informative questions relating to the background of the situation and details of the respondent, and then, theory-driven questions. The informative questions helped gain insight into the respondent’s personal situation, and their knowledge regarding the situation. The theory-driven questions were aimed at assessing the importance of Deutsch’s theoretical factors of competition, cooperation, and positive and negative perceptions in the respondent’s understanding of the situation.

Informative questions

Whilst each interview was different, the same three themes guided each of them. These referred to 1) the nature and role of INGOs in Amman, 2) the position and characteristics of Jordanians and Syrians in Amman, and 3) the relation between Syrians and Jordanians in Amman. These themes were addressed in different ways to NGOs/INGOs, and to Syrians and Jordanians.

1) The nature and role of INGOs  Questions to NGOs/INGOs:

- What types of programmes does your organisation run for Syrians refugees? - What share of your organisation’s beneficiaries is Syrian? What share is Jordanian? - What are your organisation’s motivations for the targeting of specific beneficiaries?

- What is your organisation’s opinion on alleged preferential treatment of Syrians compared to Jordanians?

 Questions to Syrians and Jordanians:

- Do you take part in a humanitarian aid programme? If so, which one?

- What is your opinion on the work of INGOs in Amman? Do you consider them to have an impact (positive or negative) on social cohesion in Amman?

2) The position and characteristics of Jordanians and Syrians  Questions to NGOs/INGOs:

- What is the general socio-economic position of Jordanians living in Amman? - What is the general socio-economic position of Syrian refugees living in Amman? - What urban areas do Syrians reside in?

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- To what extent do you consider your situation to reflect the general Syrian or Jordanian population in Amman?

- Are you aware of persons around you who benefit from humanitarian aid?

3) The relation between Syrians and Jordanians  Questions to NGOs/INGOs:

- Does your organisation notice tensions between Syrians and Jordanians? - To what extent does your organisation react to these tensions? - What do you consider the cause of these tensions to be?

- Do you personally, or somebody in your surroundings, experience tensions with Syrians or Jordanians?

- What do you consider the causes of these tensions to be?

- Do you consider humanitarian aid organisations to have an influence on tensions felt between Syrians and Jordanians?

- What are the contributing factors that worsen or improve the tensions?

Theory-driven questions

The theory-driven questions were specifically focused on whether the two factors (competition and cooperation, and positive and negative perceptions) as presented by Deutsch (1973) and the presence of safety-valves institutions proposed by Coser (1956) were retraceable in the respondents’ stories. Some questions directly referred to the factors, including questions such as:

- What do you consider the role of competition to be in the tensions between Jordanians and Syrians? - Does cooperation between Jordanians and Syrians occur? What form does it take?

- What is the general perception of Jordanians among the Syrian population? - What is the general perception of Syrians among the Jordanian population? - Who or what would you consider to be the source of the tensions?

- Do you believe the criticism towards Syrians/Jordanians/NGOs/INGOs/the international community/the Jordanian government are justified? Why, why not?

Most theory-driven questions were, however, implicitly stated. They were stated in the following form: - What are the tensions between Jordanians and Syrians based upon?

- What is the nature of the relationship? What was the relationship like before the crisis? - What types of pressures are the groups under? How do they manage these pressures? - How does communication flow between the groups? Is the flow of information reliable?

- With whom do you believe lies the accountability for the tensions between Syrians and Jordanians? - How do you believe the tensions could and should be improved? Who should make these changes? - (If criticism is expressed of INGOs or the international community) Why are INGOs to blame?

Through questions such as these, Deutsch’s theoretical components of constructive conflict, destructive conflict, competition, perceptions, prior relationship, nature of the conflict, and personal characteristics of the parties were covered. The respondents’ contributions helped define factors associated with destructive and constructive conflict within the relationship between Jordanians and Syrians in urban

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areas of Amman. This included the extent to which the groups communicate in an open manner, whether they described the other’s behaviour as malevolent or benevolent, and to what extent they put emphasis on each other’s similarities or differences. The questions also attempted to find elements of realistic and non-realistic conflict in the interviewees’ accounts. This was achieved by asking what criticisms were present in Jordanian society related to humanitarian aid, between whom this caused tensions, and to what extent the interviewee considered these criticisms to be justified. The interviewees were also asked who they held accountable for the tensions. Potential safety-valve institutions were identified by what types of tensions were present between what actors and the extent to which the tensions present had a realistic or non-realistic element. To Syrian and Jordanian respondents, the questions were asked about their personal experiences with these tensions. NGOs/INGOs were asked in more general terms to what extent they recognised such a situation, and what role they attributed to themselves as humanitarian organisations in it.

4.4 Ethical considerations

This research is subject to several ethical considerations. Firstly, the fieldwork included conducting interviews with refugees. Refugees have fled violent persecution in their home country and may have encountered traumatic experiences, of which the memories can still be very vivid. It is thus possibly delicate to ask about an interviewee’s experiences without bringing up difficult memories. In order to keep away as much as possible from such potentially distressing subjects, any events having occurred before the arrival of the Syrian respondents in Jordan were not addressed. The focus of the interviews fully revolved around Jordanian and Syrian experiences within the residents’ current living areas. The sharing of any further information by the respondents was at their own discretion. Secondly, Syrian respondents were never addressed as ‘refugees’ during interviews, as this might be received as inconsiderate language. Rather, Syrian respondents were called ‘residents’ or ‘Syrians’. In this thesis, however, the term ‘refugee’ is used in order to stress the difference between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities, and in order not to disregard their complicated situation as residents of Amman. Thirdly, consideration was given to the manner in which to engage with NGO and INGO interviewees. It has been deemed valuable to taken on a critical approach towards the policies and actions of humanitarian aid organisations, but the ensuing questions could potentially be ill-received by the respondents. In order to avoid this, the interview questions were formulated as openly and objectively as possible. Finally, the research was conducted with informed consent of the interviewees. The respondents gave authorisation to use their personal information (including name, age, nationality and, where applicable, organisation) in this thesis. Several interviewees who did not wish to disclose their name or the name of the organisation they worked for, have been kept anonymous to the reader.

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CHAPTER 5 WHAT TENSIONS?

The concept of ‘tensions’ is the central aspect of this thesis’ main research question: “what is the role of INGOs on tensions between Syrians refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman?” However, as became increasingly clear from discussions with the local population in Amman, the mere question of whether these tensions are in fact still present is, to some people, subject to discussion. While all respondents agreed that tensions mounted very high during the first years of the crisis, most argue that the tensions have slowly eased in the past three years. Where does that leave them in the present day? To some, tensions are a problem of the past, which are not relevant anymore, or which have never been relevant:

“I have very good Jordanian friends and they are very supportive… No, actually, with [local] people I haven’t had any single bad encounter.” (Abdulkader, 23 years old, Syrian)

“I see that it's different than the other years before. Now [Jordanians and Syrians] are working on the same stage, they are friends now. (…) They are living with each other and they are helping each other.” (Tarabot community centre, NGO)

“Previously there were a lot of tensions, where the Syrians felt that they were not accepted in the host communities, but now we don’t really face that. (…) If we had this interview 5 years ago, it would have been completely different. (…) They are part of the society, whether you believe it or not. You don’t feel these things anymore, not really.” (Makani community centre, NGO)

These accounts contrast with other interviewees, who spoke more negatively of the present-day relations between Syrians and Jordanians:

“[I don’t] feel wanted at all as a Syrian (…) they don’t treat [me] equally, they don’t consider [my] opinion in anything.” (Jamal, 40-45 years old, Syrian)

“When I talk to Jordanians, yes, we hear it. We hear the tension. Especially when we are distributing cash assistance or NFI [Non-Food Items].” (CARE International, INGO)

Throughout the interviews and other discussions with local residents of Amman, it became clear that ‘tensions’ in the context of the Syrian refugee situation had a different meaning to different people. Jamal, a Syrian garage employee, felt social tensions in the form of discrimination and social exclusion. Others referred mainly to economic tensions, mainly visible through competition on the labour market. Several Jordanians reported that they felt tensions because of feelings of unfairness due to the favouritism that they felt Syrians enjoyed with humanitarian aid organisations. Some recognised different types of tensions, but stressed that these were negligible compared to the intensity that these tensions had been a few years before. Clearly, different understandings exist regarding the present-day

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situation of Syrian refugees in Amman. This also means that, following Deutsch’s theory, different opinions seem to be present regarding whether the conflict is taking a constructive or destructive turn.

These opinions and experiences appear to be dependent on two factors which either implicitly or explicitly returned in nearly all interviews: socio-economic class and time. Indeed, when conversing with Jordanians and Syrians, a loose categorisation could be made in the opinions of those who were from a higher and from a lower socio-economic class. A humanitarian worker said that Jordanian society is highly stratified, with a clear upper- and lower-class, and lacking a substantial middle-class. Therefore, accentuated differences existed between different interviewees when it came down to education levels, well-being, and employment, among others. This undeniably affected the way the various respondents viewed tensions and the presence of Syrians in Jordan, because community tensions are generally felt harder by those who are in a more vulnerable socio-economic position. The choice for the use of class as a variable was also motivated by Zbeidy et al (2018), who argued for its relevance to understanding Jordanian society. The second factor of importance is time. While the passing of time in and of itself is not necessarily correlated with decreased communal tension, the interviews give reason to believe that it has had a positive effect in this particular situation. Eleven out of nineteen interviewees mentioned that time had been positive for the relationship between Syrians and Jordanians, because the two groups have gotten the time to familiarise themselves with each other better and build up a positive bond. Since most interviewees arrived in Amman in 2012 and 2013, they have been living in Jordanian society for five to six years, and have thus likely had the chance to integrate better into Jordan. Throughout the following three results chapters, one is invited to consider the data in relation to the variables of class and time, as these have likely contributed to shaping the respondents’ subjective realities.

"Welcome to Jordan" : a study on the tensions between Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities in Amman