How do urban contexts shape the early adult lifecourse transitions? : a comparative study of young one-person households in Berlin and Amsterdam

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How do urban contexts shape the early

adult lifecourse transitions?

A comparative study of young one-person households in

Berlin and Amsterdam

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Emilia Wójtowicz

10863877

Research Master Urban Studies: Research Project

Project supervisor: Prof. Richard Ronald

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Date of submission: 16/01/2017

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Summary

The primary focus of this project is the growth in the number of young one-person households in the European urban context. The literature suggests that the increasing household fragmentation is a joint outcome of demographic and urban changes of recent decades. Simultaneously, the lifecourse transitions of young people are becoming increasingly chaotic and non-linear. Therefore, I am investigating the relationship between the urban context and young people living alone.

I attempt to answer the main research question, ‘How does the urban context shape young one-person households’ early adult lifecourse transitions?’ through a comparative case study of young people living alone in Berlin and Amsterdam.

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CHAPTER 4: Amsterdam case study results 62

4.1 Housing transitions 62

4.2 Professional transitions 66

4.3 Personal transitions 68

4.4 Transition to adulthood 70

CHAPTER 5: Discussion and conclusions 72

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INTRODUCTION

The last three decades in Europe have seen a rapid transformation in the demographic structure of the society, involving, among other aspects, changing family structures, declining fertility rates, aging of the population and a decrease in the size of households. These changes have sparked various debates about the trends in societal relations and living arrangements, and more recently have been argued to have a significant effect on the urban form as particular forms of households concentrate in the inner cities (Buzar et al., 2007), which provide the flexibility, convenience and diversity these non-traditional households seek (Fishman, 2000).

What is more, the economic restructuring of the last three decades, characterised by the expansion of jobs in the cognitive-cultural sectors, has been driving the current mode of urbanisation, promoting the concentration of some sectors of the economy in the urban centres and attracting there highly skilled workers, which has led to substantial changes in the social and spatial division of labour (Scott, 2011; Hamnett, 1994).

Buzar et al. (2005) suggest there is a distinct need in the field of urban studies to know more about the relationship between demographic and urban change, and particularly what the role of households in these processes is, and how they are affected. They argue that the demographic, cultural and economic outcomes of household-level dynamics constitute a powerful force of urban transformation, as cities simultaneously shape, and are shaped by the consumption practices and mobility patterns of their constituent households. Therefore, the social changes unfolding during the past few decades, including the second demographic transition, the new positionality of gender and family structures, and post-Fordist restructuring are embodied in the urban agency of the

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household (Buzar et al., 2005), and affect household level demographic change (Buzar et al., 2007).

This dissertation focuses on one of the trends in household arrangements, the recent growth in living alone among young people, as it has received renewed attention in academia and policy (Chandler et al., 2004).

The growth of living alone at younger ages is particularly relevant to the demographic debates about the second demographic transition, and the sociological debates over the alleged turn to self-reflexive individualisation (Chandler et al., 2004; Jamieson et al., 2009). Some authors have also pointed to the declining economic opportunities (Ronald, 2014) and the demands of the post-Fordist labour markets (Hughes, 2013) as further fueling the rise of living solo.

Therefore, this comparative study of how urban contexts shape the early adult lifecourse transitions of one-person households in Amsterdam and Berlin aims to provide a context for understanding the impact of demographic and urban changes on household fragmentation in Western European cities.

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CHAPTER 1: Literature Review

1.1 Urban and demographic changes

Reurbanisation

The economic restructuring of the last three decades, characterised by the expansion of jobs in the cognitive-cultural sectors, has been driving the current mode of urbanisation, promoting the concentration of some sectors of the economy in the urban centres and attracting there highly skilled workers, which has led to substantial changes in the social and spatial division of labour (Scott, 2011; Hamnett, 1994).

The literature on demographic and urban changes examines how the process of reurbanisation - populating and diversifying the inner city with a variety of residential strata - is driving revitalisation and gentrification of derelict city centres (Buzar et al., 2005; 2007). Buzar et al. (2007) stress the growing influence of new household demographies (Kuijsten, 1996; Bongaarts, 2002; van de Kaa, 2001; Ogden and Hall, 2000, 2004). They emphasise the role of a selected set of socioeconomic groups, particularly single and cohabitating young professionals concentrating in the urban cores, which can lead to increased household numbers in the city, even when the total population is decreasing (Buzar, et al. 2007). Boterman et al. (2010) observe also a general tendency of the middle classes towards urban living, and stress the role of residential location in balancing work, family life and leisure.

Therefore, the concentration of particular forms of households in cities is due to both the demands of the post-Fordist labour markets, and the preferences of these non-traditional households, who value the flexibility, convenience and diversity the city provides (Fishman, 2000). This process of reurbanisation is argued, however, to have negative consequences for the social cohesion, as the emerging territorial differences in

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consumption patterns and production of space create a ‘partitioned city’ and lead to increased segregation and polarisation of the city populations (Marcuse and van Kempen, 2002). What is more, the social and economic sustainability of cities is further threatened by the developments in labour and housing markets, as well as social policy. Urban populations face today more ‘precarious’ working conditions (Vosko, 2006), characterised by poor employment security due to the proliferation of short-term contracts and part-time work, and the diminished role of organised labour and the welfare state (Peck et al., 2005; Rutherford, 2006). The housing markets have also been transformed globally by neoliberal imperatives promoting deregulation, privatisation and financial liberalisation, resulting in a move from public to market-based provision (Forrest, 2008). The promotion of homeownership by governments has become crucial to the asset-based approach to welfare provision, which assumes greater responsibility of individuals in securing their own welfare (Doling and Ronald, 2010). This in turn has contributed to the marginalisation of social and affordable private rented housing (Boterman and Van Gent, 2014; Hochstenbach and Boterman, 2014). Moreover, the access to affordable housing has been diminished by the upgrading of inner-city boroughs (Van Gent, 2013) and the fnancialisation of rental markets across many cities in the developed world (see for example Fields and Uffer, 2014).

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The second demographic transition

What is more, the post-industrial urban change should be understood in the context of broader sociodemographic changes, often described as the ‘second demographic transition’ (Lesthaeghe and van de Kaa, 1986). The term refers variably to changes in fertility and patterns of family and partnership formation, whose symptoms include increased childlessness, a higher average age of childbearing, smaller family sizes, later

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marriage or no marriage at all, and higher divorce rates (Jamieson et al., 2009), as well as improved life expectancy, a wider spectrum of kin and friendship ties, and increasingly chaotic transitions through different household arrangements (Buzar et al., 2005; Kuijsten, 1995; Friedlander et al., 1999). The change in gender relations is generally stressed as crucial in these processes, with women’s ability to control fertility, integration in the labour market and balancing work and family life cited as the most significant factors (Jamieson et al., 2009).

These new developments are argued to have a profound effect on the urban form, in terms of the size and composition of households affecting their housing needs and therefore, the physical aspects of housing demand (Randolph, 1991), as well as contributing to gentrification (Bondi, 1999). Buzar et al. (2007) argue that the notion of ‘splintering urbanism’ (Graham and Marvin, 2001) understood as “the sociotechnical partitioning of the metropolitan and, indeed, societal fabric” (p. 383), provides an apt metaphor for capturing the fragmented spatial and social patterns of the second demographic transition.

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1.2.Young adults and the city

Presence of young people in cities

Since the beginning of the urban renaissance, young people have been concentrating in inner cities, which has led to the urban space being increasingly generationed - more clearly delineated by generation and age (Moos, 2014a; Chatterton, 1999). Moos (2012; 2014a) suggests that the growing presence of young people in urban areas is a symptom of interconnected changes in demographic and household composition, increasing

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housing costs and changing labour markets, as well as the preference for an urban lifestyle.

Positive economic prospects and presence of lifestyle amenities, such as good transport links and a vibrant inner city, are crucial to attracting the highly skilled young adult labour force (Glaeser et al., 2001). These elements, however, vary with the economic structure of cities (Moos, 2015). Fielding (1992), using a metaphor of the ‘escalator region’ suggests that young people move to cities like London at the start of their careers because of the variety and quality of the local labour market. There they find opportunities for development, quickly progress up, and cash in on the economic benefits in later life - they step on the escalator, are taken up, and step off. Savage et al. (1992, p. 162) explain the metaphor of the escalator region as one ‘where young middle-class employees tend to congregate, are formed, and are then exported elsewhere’. However, it could be argued the process could also refer to different socioeconomic groups and an array of opportunities and cultural experiences, rather than just career progression.

Bertolini and Salet (2003) state for example that diversity, as one of the most attractive qualities of urbanity, is an element which draws young adults to inner cities and is necessary to foster sustainability and innovation. They suggest that while variation, both in terms of demographics and physical renewal, is an indispensable element of urbanity, it cannot constitute it alone. In order for cities to foster a real sense of urbanity, they require interchange of labour, freedom of choice, quality meeting spaces where encounters and conflict are a natural part of city life, and accessibility, both in physical and institutional terms (Bertolini and Salet, 2003). In order to realise that, cities need enough elasticity to provide suitable accommodation to both newcomers and original residents, whose needs frequently change (Bertolini and Salet, 2003). Boterman et al.

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(2013) suggest however, that recent transformations in the housing markets of European cities, which have diminished access to existing housing and hampered new developments, threaten the attractiveness of cities to young skilled workers. Therefore, as the presence of young people has significant implications for the social and economic sustainability of cities, my research incorporates questions relating to the attractiveness of Amsterdam and Berlin to young people with regards to not only housing and labour market conditions, but also to other elements of urbanity. This should help understand better what young people value in cities and how they rationalise their choices when navigating between various structural constraints and their lifestyle preferences.

Furthermore, although some see ‘the Bridget Jones economy’ - ‘thirty-somethings choosing not to have children, having a consumptive lifestyle, eating out, going to the gym, having professional jobs’ (Walker, 2010: 26) as driving the character of city developments, it must be noted that young people across the whole income spectrum concentrate in urban areas (Moos, 2015). They increasingly live in high density suburban, and ever smaller and shared flats (Moos, 2015; Moos, 2014a; Kern, 2010) and their opportunities, as well as living conditions will considerably differ depending on their economic situation.

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Housing markets

While the demand for housing is changing with the new demography of cities driven by changes in the lifestyle of their populations, the transformations in the economy, resulting often in declining economic prospects for youth, and price increases which brought about smaller apartments to keep their total cost lower, also impact on young adults’ housing opportunities (Moos, 2015). These conditions have become very unfavourable for young people, pricing them out of central neighbourhoods (Kennelly

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and Watt, 2012; Lees, 2000) and making it difficult for them to access the housing ladder (McKee, 2012). A number of researchers have highlighted a declining rate of homeownership amongst the under-thirties (for example, Beer et al., 2011; Clapham et al., 2010; Heath, 2008; Hirayama, 2012; Ronald & Elsinga, 2012). Young people have also been disproportionately affected by the global financial crisis of 2007, as mortgage conditions have tightened, making it more difficult for them to put a down-payment as they have less time to save (McKee, 2012; Stephens, 2011).

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Labour markets and welfare

Moreover, advantageous housing and labour market conditions presented to previous generations by more generous welfare systems are being dismantled and privatised (McDaniel, 2004). Therefore, young people experience today higher risks and less security as ‘flexible work arrangements’ proliferate in the labour market (Beer et al., 2011; Furlong and Cartmel, 2007). Their incomes are lower than in the past (Moos, 2012) and lower relative to older generations (Boudarbat et al., 2010) and thus they are disproportionately affected by the growing inequalities brought about by the post-Fordist and neoliberal restructuring (Moos, 2014b). Therefore, these developments have created a new economic reality, which not only shapes the urban space and the living conditions of its population, but also might significantly affect young people’s lifecourses, by inhibiting important early adult transitions. Thus, the comparison between Amsterdam and Berlin, both vibrant and young cities, yet with different housing and labour markets and institutional arrangements can shed some light on how living in a particular city affects young one-person households’ early adult transitions.

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1.3. Impact of the changes on young people’s lifecourses

It is suggested that lifecourse transitions of young people have become chaotic and less predictable (Wyn and Dwyer, 1999), as their choices and opportunities are structured by a myriad of conventions, inequalities and structural conditions. These have an impact on the way young people progress through the lifecourse and how they experience the transition to adulthood.

As housing plays a crucial role in structuring life-course events, its type and tenure are associated with different life stages, and moves between them imbued with meanings enabling adjustment to new social roles (Ronald, 2014; Beer and Faulkner, 2011). As such, housing careers are inevitably linked to early adult lifecourse transitions, such as moving out of the parental home and new family formation (Ronald, 2014; Mulder and Billari, 2010). However, Boterman et al. (2013) argue that constrained access to housing affects the economic and social chances of households, as well as their capacity to form at all.

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Moving out of parental home

A move from the natal home, the first significant point in an individual’s housing career and their transition to adulthood (White, 1994), is facilitated by various structural and socio- cultural factors, which is evident in the variation in the age of home leaving across different countries (Iacovou, 2002). Mandic (2008) carried out an extensive review of the literature on leaving home, and among the crucial factors identified: demographic factors, such as household formation patterns and norms about family and living arrangements (Iacovou, 2002); housing markets, particularly availability and affordability of rented and other housing suitable for young single people (Aassve et al.,

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2002); educational system and the labour market, notably how easy it is to find stable employment (Feijten and Mulder, 2005); and welfare provisions, which institutionally lessen the risk of leaving home (Aassve et al., 2002; Iacovou, 2002). The significant postponement of home-leaving and extended dependence on parental support observed across Western Europe (Maguire et al., 2001) could, therefore, be explained by the changes in the cultural, economic and urban conditions associated with the second demographic transition, as well as the post-Fordist restructuring and the processes of neoliberalisation. Since young adults have to adjust their housing demand to the options available in the market, they might use different household strategies as a response to housing constraints (Jones, 2000). While better-off singles might find it easier to leave the parental home and set up independent housing (Jones and Martin, 1999), some may have to join up with others in forming a partnership or a temporary household and pool resources to improve their position in the housing market (Jones, 2000). What is more, the step towards independent living is ‘no longer predictable and linear’ but has become a ‘process of gradual transition’ rather than a ‘one-off event’—reflected in the concept of ‘boomerang children’ (Beer et al., 2011, p. 61).

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Family formation

Another significant life-course and housing transition is family formation. Homeownership as a form of tenure is particularly closely tied to family formation, and has been more widely researched compared to other tenures (Mulder, 2006; Mulder and Billari, 2010; Vignoli et al., 2013). Studies conducted in various countries suggest that homeownership and family formation are dependent on a variety of structural conditions, such as housing, financial and labour markets, and welfare regimes, as well as socio-cultural determinants, such as attitudes towards housing and fertility (Mulder

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and Billari, 2010; Mulder, 2006; Mulder and Wagner, 2001). The impact of the changes described in the previous section on young people’s ability to realise the ‘normalised’ goal of homeownership is very significant (McKee, 2012). McKee (2012) suggests that not only can they experience frustration with being unable to fulfill their aspirations for homeownership (Pannell, 2007), but also their housing pathways become fundamentally fractured. In effect, homeownership and family formation, important ‘rites of passage’ of early adulthood, become postponed.

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Labour market transitions

Besides the housing and family related transitions, the transition from school to work is also regarded as an important stage in the early adult lifecourse. However, in the last four decades, it has become delayed, fragmented and less predictable (Furlong et al., 2003). What is more, subsequent labour market transitions can also be characterised by a constant ‘churn’ between various forms of insecure employment (Furlong and Cartmel 2004; Macdonald and Marsh 2005). These conditions also affect housing and lifecourse transitions, and may inhibit the formation of family households (Ronald, 2014). As a result of these changes, young people often experience stress and vulnerability related to negotiating new sets of risks largely unknown to previous generations (Furlong and Cartmel, 2007). The restructuring of the labour markets has, therefore, not only worsened the economic situation of young adults compared to their parents’ generation, but also impacts on how they experience lifecourse transitions on a subjective level (Furlong and Cartmel, 2007).

The analysis of the housing, sociodemographic and labour market conditions suggests that they may indeed inhibit certain life-course transitions and as such reinforce household fragmentation. Therefore, a better understanding of one-person households,

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often seen as the embodiment of social and urban fragmentation, and an arrangement increasingly popular among young people, could provide an insight into the impact of cities on young people’s lifecourses.

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Living alone and individualisation

In recent decades, a significant growth in the number of one-person households has been observed, with the largest, and accelerating, increase in solo living among younger people (Chandler et al., 2004; Jamieson et al., 2009). In the Western literature, living alone has been associated with demographic shifts in marriage and partnerships, as well as sociological debates about the social and ontological individualism (Ronald, 2014). These processes have been characterised by the erosion of family and collective support networks, intensified self-reflexivity, and individualisation of risk (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002).

Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (2002) suggest that the labour market has been driving changes in families and households, including the rise of solo living. They describe labour markets as a ‘motor of individualisation’ (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002, p. 31 - 32) as paid work liberates people from dependence on others and provides them with the resources to live on one’s own. Additionally, individuals become more reliant on the labour market for security as ties to community and family loosen (Hughes, 2013). According to the individualisation thesis, the structural conditions in the era of late modernity force people to prioritise paid work, while staying free and flexible in their personal lives (Bauman, 2001). The worker is able to respond to the needs of their job whenever they arise, work long hours and be geographically mobile to take advantage of new employment opportunities (Bauman, 1998). This may explain the increase in solo living as an arrangement more compatible with the demands of work, yet less

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conducive to family (Hughes, 2013). However, as young people today face increasingly insecure working conditions, they do not organise their lives around work as much as previous generations and look for satisfaction and self-definition in other areas (Hamilton, 2003; Wyn, 2004). Hughes (2013) suggests that living alone helps young people simplify their home life to achieve greater flexibility and productivity at work, while avoiding conflict between work-related and personal goals or commitments. While the literature discussed so far presents a very complex picture of various demographic and economic conditions structuring young people’s lifecourses, the rise of young one-person households is often explained exclusively by the ontologically facing individualisation thesis. This implies that primarily young people’s supposed self-interest is to blame for social and urban fragmentation. I suggest that such normative claims can be problematised in a comparative study of Amsterdam and Berlin, which pays greater attention to the contextual diversity of urban areas, and their role in shaping young one-person households’ lifecourse transitions and promoting fragmentation.

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Transition to adulthood

The economic and demographic changes have left young people to experience more diverse and complex transitions (Maguire et al., 2001; Wyn and Dwyer, 1999), resulting in an extended phase of transition to adulthood, referred to as ‘post-adolescence’ (Maguire et al., 2001) or ‘emerging adulthood’ (Arnett, 2006). This new stage has been characterised by flexibility, maneuverability, postponement, interruption, semi-autonomy, refusal of adulthood and hedonism (Maguire et al., 2001), as well as the age of exploration, instability, feeling in-between, self-focus, and possibility (Arnett, 2004). DuBois-Reymond (1998) argue that young people are unlikely to realise their

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life concepts, which constitute attempts to structure their complex lifecourses. Instead, they must constantly adapt to the changing demands of their environments, particularly the challenges in the labour market, and reflect on their plans and justify their decisions. Morrow and Richards (1996) suggest that young people might feel frustrated by the discontinuity they experience in acquiring various adult attributes, such as earning an income, establishing an independent home, and forming a family (Maguire et al., 2001). Contrary to this claim, Rudd and Evans (1998) observe an increased sense of individual control over lifecourses, and optimism about fulfilling, for example, educational and career plans, even in seemingly unfavourable economic conditions. Some researchers read this as a misjudgement on the part of young people of the influence of structure over their lives, and suggest that their agency is lesser than those young people may believe (Furlong and Cartmel, 1997). Others, however, are critical of such viewpoints and of other researchers privileging their understandings over those of lay actors (Rudd and Evans, 1998; Jessop, 1996). These arguments, however, are not completely contradictory if seen in the context of Beck’s (1992) argument. He suggests that risks have become individualised, meaning that rather than attributing failures (or successes) to structures beyond their control, people increasingly consider them to be due to their individual flaws (or skills). McKee (2012) points out however, that young people are not a homogeneous group and that different elements of their identities (such as class, gender, ethnicity) can intersect or clash. Therefore, their social positions should be treated as relational (McKee, 2012) and should illuminate “multiple positioning that constitutes everyday life and the power relations that are central to it” (Hopkins, 2010, p. 16). To illustrate, young people from the less advantaged families might become trapped in unstable labour positions, while the more advantaged might be able to afford

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living arrangements fitting their chaotic lives, but still increasingly experience a sense of insecurity (Furlong and Cartmel, 2007).

The analysis of the impact of demographic and urban changes on young people’s lifecourses suggests that they might indeed inhibit certain life-course transitions and as such can reinforce household fragmentation. Therefore, a better understanding of young one-person households, could enhance the understanding about how the youth experiences and performs adulthood today, due to the particular position from which they negotiate their transitions and independence, with regard to their own and others’ normative expectations of adulthood.

Moreover, young people are reshaping the narratives of adulthood previously understood as a completion of a series of linked transitions (Arnett, 2006). Arnett (2006) finds that across the socioeconomic spectrum, reaching adulthood is consistently defined by accepting responsibility for one’s actions, making independent decisions, being considerate of others, and becoming financially independent. Nevertheless, the delay in transitions, as well as increasing nonlinearity of the typical sequences of events will have implications for how young people construct their identity and negotiate risks (Furlong and Cartmel, 2007).

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1.4. Ontological security and home

A breakdown in ontological security

Giddens (1991) argues that contrary to the reality of life of previous generations, individuals today are forced to self-reflectively construct a coherent biography by making sense of a diversity of experiences. DuBois-Reymond (1998) also suggests that planning for an uncertain future and managing lives in a meaningful sense can be more

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difficult in the times of social change and fragmentation of experience. Similarly, Sennett asks: “How can a human being develop a narrative of identity and life history in a society composed of episodes and fragments?” (1998: 26). This condition has been described as a breakdown in ‘ontological security’ (Giddens, 1991). Giddens (1991) defines ontological security as:

“The confidence that most human beings have in the continuity of their self identity and in the constancy of their social and material environments. Basic to a feeling of ontological security is a sense of the reliability of persons and things” (Giddens, 1991, p. 92).

Furlong and Cartmel (2007) suggest that, on the one hand, the delay and desequencing of early adult transitions has allowed young people to experiment and construct a self-identity in a context free from some of the constraints that previous generations faced. On the other hand, they argue, some are unable to establish a stable adult identity, and can find themselves in a “frustrating limbo characterized by powerlessness and a lack of resources” (p. 10). Nevertheless, a growing sense of unease and instability is characteristic to the modern condition of young adults from all social backgrounds (Furlong and Cartmel, 2007).

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Home as source of ontological security

It is suggested that the home can be an important source of ontological security in a world often experienced as threatening and uncontrollable (Saunders, 1990). Indeed, what home represents - familiarity, order, permanency and comfort (Duyvendak, 2011) - is closely related to Giddens’ definition of ontological security. For Saunders (1990) home is where one can feel in control of their surroundings, free from surveillance and free to be oneself and at ease in the psychological sense. Dupuis and Thorns (1998) add

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that home can provide a secure base for constructing identities. It is possible, however, that the modern fragmentation of experience can also serve as a base for establishing a self-identity by incorporating diversity into a coherent narrative (Giddens, 1991). Duyvendak (2011) suggests that in a world characterised by hyper-mobility and where home is losing its attachment to a physical place, feeling at home is still an essential need, regardless of what one understands as home.

This theoretical discussion raises interesting questions with regard to how young one-person households experience their early adult lifecourse transitions. My research aims to elucidate how living alone contributes to young people’s ontological security. Furthermore, it examines whether the meaning of home is different for those living in either Amsterdam or Berlin. Therefore, this comparative perspective is used to enhance the understanding of the implications of living alone in a particular city for young people’s transition to adulthood. 

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CHAPTER 2: Methodology

2.1. Conceptualization

Research questions

The aim of the study is to contribute to the literature about the relationship between demographic and urban change, the role of households in these processes and how they are affected. To improve the focus of this task, the paper zooms in on young one-person households. This is motivated by their increasing presence in the city, which is seen as both a symptom and cause of urban and social fragmentation (Jamieson et al., 2009) - a process that is central to many current debates in urban studies and sociology (for example Buzar et al., 2007; Graham and Marvin, 2001). Therefore, the main question my research aims to answer is:

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RQ: How does the urban context shape young one-person households’ early adult lifecourse transitions?

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The investigation of this question is aided by examining two subquestions:

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SQ1: How do young one-person households living in either Amsterdam or Berlin negotiate their housing, professional and personal transitions?

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SQ2: To what extent does the subjective experience of these transitions and the transition to adulthood differ for young one-person households in Amsterdam and Berlin?

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The first subquestion deals with how these young people manage and balance the three areas of early adult life - the sphere of home and their professional and personal commitments. This question also examines what issues and trade-offs young one-person households face when negotiating these transitions, how they deal with them and how they rationalise their decisions. The second subquestion aims to shed light on the subjective experience of early adult transitions and transition to adulthood. As the literature suggests a delay in the achievement of adult attributes, my research examines how young people who live alone perform adulthood today and how they construct the narratives of adulthood. It also allows to engage with other papers, which variably present the subjective experience of the process as either positive and exciting or riddled with frustration and a sense of insecurity.

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Conceptual framework

The graph below illustrates the conceptual framework of my research. At the centre of the analysis are young one-person households, who have to negotiate three kinds of early adult transitions: housing, professional and personal transitions. The transitions are interrelated and can impact on or trigger one another. Drawing on Goertz and Mahoney (2005), I have identified the relationship between the urban context and the lifecourse transitions of young one-person households as the core of the analysis as young people navigate their transitions in a specific urban context that may enable or constrain those transitions. The secondary level of analysis concerns the mechanisms, which together shape the urban context, as well as the lifestyle orientation of young people.These have been grouped under the umbrella terms of demographic and urban changes. Although lifestyle orientation of young people is not the focus of the analysis, it needs to be acknowledged as an important factor in understanding lifecourse transitions.

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Simultaneously, the way young one-person households negotiate their early adult transitions shapes their cities and constitutes a new force of urban and demographic change. The remaining level of analysis describes how the joint outcome of these negotiations in a specific context affects how young people experience and construct their transition to adulthood.

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Operationalisation

The young one-person households at the centre of the conceptual framework are operationalised as 18-34 year-old people who live alone in self-contained, one-person units (rented or owned) in Berlin and Amsterdam.

Early adult lifecourses are understood as individuals’ routes through life, consisting of housing, professional and personal transitions. Housing transitions refer to the move away from the parental home, subsequent moves between various forms of housing, for example from shared housing to living alone or to homeownership, as well as setting up a new family household. Professional transitions are understood as the education-to-work transition and consecutive steps in a career (or education). Personal transitions consist of partnering and family formation. It should be noted that some of these

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transitions overlap, trigger each other, for example forming a new family household can be both a personal and a housing transition.

These transitions occur in specific context. In my research, the urban context is understood as housing and labour markets. The characteristics of housing markets relevant to my research include housing affordability and availability of apartments suitable for one-person households’ needs. The labour market situation refers to the level of employment among young people and their incomes, as well as the structure of the market, for instance the presence of post-industrial economy.

Subsequently, the relevant elements of demographic and urban changes which shape the context in which lifecourses develop need to be specified. Demographic change refers to the second demographic transition and the associated delay of important lifecourse transitions, as discussed in the literature. The urban change refers to the transition from industrial to post-Fordist economy. It also encompasses the changes in housing and welfare policy and explains the increasing presence of young people in cities.

As my study engages with some of the sociological explanations of living alone, it is necessary to acknowledge the role of changing lifestyle orientation of young people as the result of demographic and urban changes. Central to this is the process of individualisation. In the context of my research the concept refers to the focus on individual development with implications for the character of social ties and norms surrounding housing, work and personal transitions.

Finally, transition to adulthood is understood narratively through the subjective experience of early adult transitions and the discourses of adulthood constructed by the subjects of my research. One of the crucial elements of these narratives is how young people living alone create a sense of ontological security in an increasingly fragmented early adult lifecourse.

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2.2. Study Design

Epistemological approach

The literature review indicated a number of issues facing researchers concerned with young people’s transitions within the field of urban studies. These stem primarily from the difficulties of integrating the economic and the social, or structure and agency, in researching urban processes (Guy and Henneberry, 2000). My research faces similar problems as I am looking at the interaction between young people and the urban, which is fundamentally material, while attempting to capture the meanings articulated by those young people themselves. Therefore, the methodological issue is to connect agency and structure without privileging one over the other. Wyn and Dwyer (1999) propose a more participatory approach to researching young people’s transitions and enabling them to articulate their own experiences and meanings, and the understanding of the relationship between structure and agency.

For this purpose, my study is grounded in the social constructivist epistemology, which, as Sidney (2010) suggests, pushes researchers to examine processes of meaning-making, discourses, and taken for granted dominant concepts. Prioritising interpretation and negotiation of the meaning of the lived world (Clapham, 2002) allows me, therefore, to problematise simplistic explanations of social change and discourses of adulthood. What is more, the reflexivity characterising constructivism (Sidney, 2010) and the co-operation of the researcher and the participants in the production and interpretation of narratives can help address the problem of prioritising researchers’ interpretations over those of young people. However, a purist social constructivist stance does not account for the importance of structure.

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Therefore, Jessop (1996) proposes an alternative approach - a ‘strategic-relational’ one. He suggests that it provides a solution to the structure-agency dichotomy by theoretically relativizing both categories. Social structure is therefore analysed in ‘strategic-relational’ terms, meaning that structural constraints are never ‘absolute and unconditional but are always temporally, spatially, agency- and strategy-specific’ (p. 124). Likewise, action is studied as being performed by actors with ‘strategically calculating structural orientation’. Therefore, agents are able to pursue different strategies and alter the impact of structural constraints and opportunities. Thus, adopting Jessop’s approach is particularly useful to the analysis of how young one-person households negotiate the three areas of early adult life, by lending equal significance to the impact of structural constraints and their choices and strategies. Moreover, it captures the dynamism of changes in young people’s lives, as well as the different positions the participants may be speaking from.

Furthermore, the approach is useful to overcoming the issue of unqualified and non-contextualised understanding of attribution of structure and agency (Jessop, 1996). In my research I attempt to elucidate narratives which allow for the interpretation of the conjuctures in which young one-person households operate by taking into account the dynamics of the urban contexts and my subjects’ local knowledge and their social and cultural capital. In practice, it requires asking questions about how they overcome the constraints and make use of opportunities, as well as how they rationalise their practices.

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Methodological approach

My research deals with complex questions and a number of interrelated factors that impact on each other. Therefore, it does not pursue uncovering straightforward causal

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relationships but is best understood narratively. What is more, it requires a method which will elicit narratives that can tell us more about the relationship between structures and agency in lifecourse transitions, as well as the understanding young people have of the relationship and how it impacts on their experiences.

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Extended case method

The main explanatory focus of my research is not on causes or effects, but on mechanisms and the meanings attached to them - a perspective concerned with ‘how’ and not ‘whether-or-not’ questions (Small, 2013). This approach, as Small (2013, p. 599) explains, drives the researcher to consider ‘how individuals respond to social conditions, [...] how these responses interact with those of others, and [...] how both individual and collective responses produce larger-scale phenomena’. In my research I draw from the work of Small (2009; 2013) and Burawoy (1998), and adopt a variation of the extended case method (ECM), a way to relate the conditions in a specific locale to the society at large. As the case is embedded in the society, it is understood by investigating larger forces that shape these conditions. In other words, the aim of ECM is 'to extract the general from the unique, to move from the ‘micro’ to the ‘macro’, and to connect the present to the past in anticipation of the future, all by building on preexisting theory' Burawoy (1998, p. 5). The design of my research fulfills these goals by providing a theoretical background explaining how the demographic and urban processes shape the urban context and the lifestyle orientation of it inhabitants, as well as relating these changes to the ‘micro’ - young people’s lifecourses and their subjective experience of early adulthood. An accurate reading of the complex relationship between the ‘micro’ and the ‘macro’ can be carried out through gathering multiple readings of a single case which can be aggregated into a social process (Burawoy, 1998). In my

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research these accounts will be provided by interviews with young one-person households in Berlin and Amsterdam.

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Comparative case study

My main rationale for designing a comparative case study is strengthening the analytical value of the findings. Yin (2009) argues that cases should be chosen on the basis of prediction of similar results (literal replication) or contrasting results but for anticipatable reasons (theoretical replication). The aim of my comparison is theoretical replication. Drawing on Yin (2009), I have selected case studies, which are grounded in contrasting contexts, therefore expecting that the findings will support the hypothesised differences. These assumptions are based on existing literature and the framework developed earlier (Yin, 2009; Gerring, 2006).

Thus, two case studies, each individually constituting a ‘whole’ study, are analysed in separate chapters demonstrating coherent conclusions relating to particular case and the research questions. The results of each case are then brought together and compared to asses the extent of the replication logic against both the conceptual framework and the previously developed theories (Yin, 2009).

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The logic of comparison between Berlin and Amsterdam

My interest in the two cities is driven by the contrasts between them. The adopted contrast of contexts approach situated within existing literature serves to show how the phenomenon of young people living alone plays out differently in different urban conditions. What is more, it allows me to ground and understand the narratives conveyed by the participants of my research in an operationable context, and juxtapose them with current theories.

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First, the comparison of these two diverse contexts allows to explain how young one-person households respond to different constraints and opportunities in housing and labour markets. From the analysis of the cities’ profiles it appears that despite the increasingly unfavourable situation in Berlin’s housing market, young people in this city still have a greater chance of finding suitable accommodation than in Amsterdam. Similarly, the positive economic trends coupled with lower living costs might present more opportunities regarding professional transitions.

These conditions are likely to have an impact on how young one-person households negotiate all early adult transitions. Therefore, the case studies of young people living alone in different urban contexts, enable to determine whether they progress through their lifecourses differently. What is more, the attention to the relationship between structure and agency serves to explain to what extent young people in Berlin and Amsterdam feel constrained by the various conditions they face, or whether they are able to mitigate the impact of structures on their lifecourses through individual agency to a different extent.

Moreover, the understanding of both how these two cities impact on the lifecourses, and the role of structure and agency, aims to identify how diverse urban context affect the subjective experience of the transition to adulthood. Specifically, the objective of this question is to determine whether the urban conditions in Berlin or Amsterdam make young people experience more frustration or optimism about their early adult transitions, or whether there are more similarities between them, based on being a part of the same Western European urban demographic.

Finally, while the selection of Berlin and Amsterdam is motivated primarily by their differences, the similarities between them, such as the presence of post-industrial economy and being embedded in the Western European context, strengthen the

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theoretical generalisability of the analysis. What is more, Berlin and Amsterdam are interesting objects of study due to being unique cities in their own national contexts, as well as providing perspectives from other than the Anglo-Saxon contexts, which dominate the field of urban studies.

The choice of data from various statistical sources presented in the following sections aims to describe both urban contexts, drawing attention to their most relevant and comparable characteristics. However, the fact that the cities are situated in different countries means that some of the data is not directly comparable due to different timeframes, age cohorts and measurement units used in statistical analyses. Therefore, where possible, the description is supplemented by additional sources, as well as secondary data analyses to allow accurate interpretation.

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2.3. City profile Berlin

Demographics

Since 2012 the growth of Berlin’s population has been particularly significant as it has increased each year by 40,000 or more, to reach around 3.52 million people in 2015 (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2015). This is due to both natural demographic development and migration. Births have been outnumbering deaths since 2007, and the proportion is continually increasing (IBB, 2015). However, particularly migration from abroad has significantly contributed to the growth of the population, with over 150,000 foreigners moving to Berlin between 2011 and 2015 (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2015). In total, 15.5% of Berlin’s population comes from other countries. Considering the age of those coming to the city from both abroad and other parts of Germany, Berlin appears to be the most attractive for young people between 20 and 30 years old. This group has constituted three quarters of all people moving to Berlin since

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2011 (IBB, 2015). In 2015 young people aged 18-34 years old accounted for almost a quarter of the city’s population (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2015).

Looking at the level of private households, more than 80% of all households are small, with one or two people, and this trend is also strengthening (IBB, 2015). On average, one-person households make up 53.9% of all households in Berlin, 3.7% more than a decade ago (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2015). Young one-person households aged 20-25 years old constitute 12% of all one-person households, while those aged 30-40 years old account for 17.8%. Compared to 2005 the proportion of these age groups among all one-person households has increased by respectively 0.8% and 1.1% (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2015).

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Housing market

Berlin is characterised by a very diverse social and architectural mix, and differs from similar cities in terms of its spatial structure and a significant amount of residential housing in the centre, where most cities contain commercial spaces (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). It is dominated by the rental sector and has the lowest owner-occupation rates of major German cities and one of the lowest in Europe - about 14% in 2014 (Statistisches Bundesamt, 2016). Following mass privatisation in the 1990s and 2000s of the traditionally heavily state-subsidised housing (Fields and Uffer, 2014), rental apartments constitute approximately 86% of the housing stock. However, more than 38% of them are subject to some forms of rent control (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). The growth of the city population and the number of households, as well as improved economic performance are causing the demand on the housing market to considerably increase (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). Interestingly, despite the growing demand and increasing signs of housing shortage, Berlin has still the most relaxed market and lower

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asking rents than the six next-largest German cities. The average rent in Berlin in 2015 was €8.99 per sqm per month, after increasing by 5.1% in 2015 alone (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2016). Despite the still relatively low prices, the increases are very significant and have occurred in 80% of all residential areas since 2009, making Berlin the leader of the trend in Germany (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). What is more, another report indicates that rents for new apartments are already much higher, on average at €13.00 per sqm (IBB, 2015).

Furthermore, the prices of houses for sale have been rising as the well-off apartment seekers are shifting their interest away from rental, whose monthly payments might be higher than those after purchase. The trend towards owner-occupation is also supported by low interest rates and rising incomes (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). According to the 2016 report, in the previous year, the median asking price per square meter for condominiums rose by 10.1%, to €3,000 per sqm, and by 18.5%, to €1,947 for apartments.

It should be noted, however, that the residents’ purchasing power has been rising almost in line with the increase in prices (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). Currently, housing costs make up 27.2% of residents’ purchasing power. Although higher rents are an understandable consequence of new developments and refurbishments, the promotion of homeownership and financialisation of rental markets, as well as the 2008 economic crisis, have led to gentrification, deteriorating living conditions and displacement of low-income households (Fields and Uffer, 2014). Moreover, Berlin is struggling with holiday rentals facilitated by websites such as Airbnb and causing shortages and rent increases in the regular rental sector. According to the German newspaper Die Tageszeitung (2016), there were 19,000 offers for holiday apartments in Berlin.

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However, the federal authorities are attempting to counteract these trends by introducing various steering instruments. A new law prohibiting misappropriation of housing and targeting holiday rentals (Zweckentfremdungsverbot) was adopted in 2014 (IBB, 2014). Additionally, in 2015 the city pioneered a rent cap (Mietpreisbremse) on price increases for existing contracts to the maximum of 10% above the comparable rent in the area (IBB, 2014). Moreover, housing development is on the rise, with more than 22,000 apartments for both sale and rental planned for 2016 - an increase of 4,400 units compared to last year (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015).

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Labour market

Although only a decade ago the economic performance of Berlin was one of the worst in the country, in recent years the city has been faring considerably better than the other German Länder (BerlinHyp and CBRE, 2015). Despite still having the lowest purchasing power and the second highest unemployment rate at 10.7%, it has reduced the number of the unemployed by 8.3% since 2005 (Bundesagentur für Arbeit, 2015). In comparison, the rate of unemployment in Germany stood at 6.4% in 2015 and 11.7% in 2005. Unemployment among young people (15-24 years old) is also higher in Berlin than in the whole country, though decreasing since 2008 from 14.8% to 10% in 2015 in Berlin and from 7% to 5.3% in Germany. The average (median) household monthly income has risen by €275 between 2005 and 2015 (compared to €100 a decade earlier), to €1,775 (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2015). Even though the disposable income of Berliners is one of the lowest in the country, low living costs make it one of the most affordable major cities.

The positive overall trends in the economy, employment and earnings are a result of a number of various developments and a natural consequence of Berlin joining the ranks

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of global cities after reunification. Although not in strictly economic terms underlying the field of global city research (for discussion see Eckardt, 2005), its position as a political, cultural and academic centre both nationally and internationally is well-established. The inflow of tourists and new residents, including highly-qualified young talent, is a symptom and a catalyst of these trends.

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2.4. City profile Amsterdam

Demographics

At the start of 2016 the Amsterdam Department for Research, Information and Statistics (OIS, 2016) recorded 834,713 inhabitants. Since 2008, the population has been growing by an average of 11,000 per year. According to OIS (2016), this is mainly caused by natural growth, and to a slightly lesser extent but by still significant migration from abroad: the international migration balance increased from 4,200 to 8,300 in 2015 alone. In total foreigners constitute 13.9% of Amsterdam’s population. However, the domestic migration for the first time since 2005 achieved a negative balance.

Young people aged 20-34 years old account for 28.6% of the city’s population. At 53.1%, one-person households remain the largest household type in Amsterdam (OIS, 2016). It is estimated that 44.7% of young people (18-34 years old) live alone.

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Housing market

The structure of the Amsterdam housing market is more balanced than in Berlin. At the beginning of 2016, 28.9% of all units were owner-occupied, 45.7% rented out by housing associations, and 25.3% were private rental (OIS, 2016). As in Berlin, the situation in the market is becoming increasingly unfavourable, particularly in the highly

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competitive rental sector (OIS, 2015) and for starters, who value flexibility and mobility or have limited funding due to flexible working contracts (Pararius, 2015).

While the rents in the free sector rose between 2014 and 2015 by 1.3% in the Netherlands, in Amsterdam they went up by 8.4% (Pararius, 2015). That makes Amsterdam rents on average 50% higher than in the other four biggest cities (Pararius, 2015). According to the OIS (2016), in 2015 the average monthly rent rose to €745 per month, from €596 in 2011 and only €332 in 2003. For new contracts the price is even higher - €937. Housing corporations charged on average €496 per month (and €569 for new contracts) compared to €413 in 2011. The difference in housing costs between Amsterdam and Berlin is clear when the average price per square meter is considered: at the end of 2014 for the first time it exceeded €20 per sqm (Pararius, 2015). OIS (2016) estimates that Amsterdamers spend on average 28% of their income on rent, while those in with new contracts 32%.

What is more, the prices in the owner-occupied sector have also been rising. Since 2008, following the financial crisis, average prices of homes were decreasing. However, since 2013 they have been rising again. In 2015 the total average price for an apartment in Amsterdam amounted to €265,000 (that is €20,000 more than 5 years earlier), or €4,049 per sqm (OIS, 2016; 2015).

A report by Boterman et al. (2013) considers how the changing conditions in the housing market have affected young people. Difficulties in access to social rental sector caused by the promotion of homeownership and the new construction and selling off of social housing, have prompted young households into homeownership and expensive rental accommodation. As a result, the situation of young people has considerably worsened as the average rent to income ratio for young people grew from 22% in 1999

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to 30% in 2011 for 25-34 year olds, and from just under 30% in 2001 to over 40% in 2011 for 18-24 year olds.

The shortage of housing, however, is being addressed by the municipality. Between 2016 and 2025 the city has planned construction of a record number of 50,000 homes, as well as 8,000 student flats and 2,500 additional apartments aimed at young people between 2014 and 2018 (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

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Labour market

Compared to the notable economic recovery following the 2008 financial crisis in Germany and Berlin, the trends in the Netherlands and Amsterdam are rather erratic, and mostly downward (Boterman et al., 2013).

One of the indicators of this is the rate of unemployment in Amsterdam, which initially fell at the start of the last decade, to sharply increase during the crisis. Since 2013 it has however been falling again. In 2015 it stood at 7.6%, decreasing from 8.9% in 2013 (OIS, 2016). In the Netherlands 6.9% were unemployed, compared to 7.3% in 2013 (CBS, 2016).The economic situation of young people (15-24 years old) has been particularly difficult. In 2013 unemployment among this group rose to 16.7%. Since 2014 it has however been decreasing and in 2015 stood at 10.3% (11.3% countrywide). The comparison with Berlin, which has had much higher levels of unemployment pre-crisis, suggests that young people in Amsterdam were hit much harder by the downturn. What is more, although the average household income is significantly higher in Amsterdam than in Berlin, at €2,650 a month in 2015 (OIS, 2016), the living costs are much higher too. In an international ranking of cities’ cost of living (rated from the most expensive) Amsterdam was 64th and Berlin 100th in 2016 (OIS, 2016).

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2.5. Data collection

In my research the various readings of each case, as suggested by Burawoy (1998), are provided by qualitative semi-structured interviews with young one-person households in Berlin and Amsterdam. I applied the method of theoretical sampling, selecting the respondents based on criteria representing a range of characteristics. In order for the research to progress inductively and be sensitised to interesting and unexpected findings, I was making adjustments in the process of selection and decided whom to interview next based on the data and its deficiencies emerging from earlier interviews. I aimed for the interviews to represent equally men and women within the 18-34 years old age group and with varied economic situations, taking into account their income, as well as occupation, e.g. student, unemployed, professional.

A potential limitation in my sampling approach concerns the relative overrepresentation of non-native participants. One of the possible reasons for this was conducting the interviews in English. Eventually, the lack of responses and time limitations did not allow to conduct more interviews with German and Dutch subjects. This can be an issue, as some aspects of participants’ formation, for example cultural ideas of a ‘normal’ lifecourse, can differ from those brought up in Germany or the Netherlands. They also face additional issues when living abroad, such as unfamiliar bureaucratic systems and language barriers, and might have a different impression and knowledge of the city than locals. However, selecting only German and Dutch participants, would unnecessarily hamper data collection and would not reflect the fluid composition of the cities’ population. Intra- and international mobility are typical to the reality of young people’s life, which is also reflected in the interviews. Furthermore, I conducted my research on the level of cities and not countries, and as nationality does not make one a ‘citizen’ of a city, it is not a relevant distinction. As the validity of qualitative research

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relies on theoretical and not statistical representativeness, the respondents’ reflexive insights, the authority of their (local) knowledges and the ability to compare different contexts lend more value to the research.

Nevertheless, I have taken steps to ensure the validity of the results would not be compromised. With the exception of one participant living in Berlin for just over a year and whose insights I considered informative and valuable to the research, I included interviews with participants who have lived in Berlin or Amsterdam for at least two years and considered their lives closely tied to the cities for the foreseeable future. This ensures that they can provide relevant insights, having had time to experience various aspects of living in a particular city, such as looking for housing and work and establishing a social network.

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2.6. Data analysis

The interviews were first transcribed and open coded on paper using participants’s own words, and included for example ‘looking for a flat’, ‘freelance’, ‘diversity’, ‘self-regulation/self-control’, ‘growing’ and ‘luck’. These codes were then entered into a spreadsheet, organised in groups based on similarity, overlap or concerning the same theme, and counted according to their frequency, i.e how many of the interviewees mention a particular theme, and extensiveness, i.e. how many times interviewees discuss them (Slater & Tiggeman, 2010, p. 621). This allowed me to identify the key dimensions of preselected general concepts developed in the process of literature review and conceptualisation, and relevant to answering the research questions. The general concepts included, for example, ‘living alone’, ‘negotiating housing/professional/ personal transitions’, and ‘transition to adulthood’. The dimensions were assigned quotes which would be used to support the findings. Consequently, for each of the

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participants I created a schematic overview (Table 1) involving a key concept, its dimensions and codes with relevant quotes supporting the findings, as well as determining how the interviewee is positioned towards the dimensions of the concept. The latter element is included to help recognise patterns within each interview and the case study, and to validate the theoretical generalisability of the findings.

Table 1

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concept transition to adulthood

dimensions managing responsibilities growing into oneself completing transitions codes and quotes self-control !

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‘To be determined enough not to have a mess all the time, and to be like, if I'm hungry to cook myself something, or if I have an hour, to read something and not just lay in bed. To kind of, be active... ‘!

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maintaining work-life balance! achieving ambitions (quote)!

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feel happy with oneself (quote) notions of previous generations (quote) position towards the concept x x

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-CHAPTER 3: Berlin case study results

The initial analysis of the interviews with young one-person households shows that the transitions are indeed interrelated and sometimes impossible to separate, and thus some sections on individual transition refer to other transitions. What is more, the investigation reveals two aspects of every transition. The first one, how they are negotiated, refers to more practical strategies of overcoming difficulties and means of achieving specific goals. The second concerns the subjective element of how they are rationalised and experienced, revealing the reasoning behind the interviewees’ choices, the impact on their sense of well-being and their lifestyle orientation. With the orientation towards the research questions, the analysis is organised into smaller sections. After briefly describing the housing, professional and personal situations of my interviewees, the first three sections present an investigation of the first subquestion: how these young people negotiate and rationalise their housing, professional and personal transitions. The last section of each chapter deals with the second subquestion: how the process and outcomes of these negotiations together shape the subjective experience of the transition to adulthood. The analysis of the latter consists of two elements: how young people construct adulthood in a context so different to previous generations; and how it affects their experience and orientation towards the future. The results of both case studies are compared and reflected on in relation to the literature in the final chapter, ‘Discussion and conclusions’, providing the answer to the main research question.

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How do urban contexts shape the early adult lifecourse transitions? : a comparative study of young one-person households in Berlin and Amsterdam

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