From a home country conflict to a conflict at home : experiences of Eritrean women asylum seekers in Israel : precarious refugee status and domestic violence

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Graduate School of Social Sciences

MSc International Development Studies

Satu Tamminen

FROM A HOME COUNTRY CONFLICT TO A CONFLICT AT HOME:

EXPERIENCES OF ERITREAN WOMEN ASYLUM SEEKERS IN ISRAEL –

PRECARIOUS REFUGEE STATUS AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Student ID: 11423986 Supervisor: Ilan Amit Second reader: Dina Zbeidy satu.tamminen@hotmail.com i.amit@uva.nl d.zbeidy@uva.nl

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Cover Photo: Freeimages.com/Paul Fris (Stock Photo. Posed by a model)

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ABSTRACT

Violence is a broad concept that can take different forms and interpretations depending on the perceptions of the perpetrator, the subject of the violence, and other intersectional factors, such as: system of power, race, class, and gender. This research analyses the relationship between the precarious refugee status and domestic violence towards women, in the case of Eritrean asylum seekers temporarily residing in Israel. Moreover, the present research explores, by observing the ways in which discriminative actions taken by the state of Israel and domestic violence against women are linked, how different levels of stress are caused by the structural violence, how that further increases violence against women and shapes the women’s perceptions of the experienced domestic violence. The current scholarly literature explores domestic violence and refuge; however, it is still largely focused on gender-based violence against women in the country of origin, rather than violence they experience in the host country. Hence, the objective of the research is to identify how the precarious refugee status affects the experienced domestic violence by Eritrean asylum seeker women residing in Tel Aviv, Israel. The study finds that the precarious refugee status is linked to domestic violence among the Eritrean asylum-seeking community. Moreover, the precarious refugee status can be seen as shaping the physical and psychological wellbeing of the Eritrean asylum seekers and preventing them access to socio-economic services, which hinders their right to live their lives with dignity. Subsequently, this leads to an increase in individual’s and family’s stress levels, which further increases the possibility of domestic violence incidents to take place among the Eritrean community in Israel.

Keywords: asylum, refuge, refugee status, domestic violence, structural violence, gender-based violence, Israel, Eritrea

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PROLOGUE

The research conducted for the present thesis took place in Tel Aviv, Israel between 15th_of June and 15th_{of August 2017. Since then the situation in Israel took a major turn towards} more uncertainty for African asylum seekers currently residing in Israel.

In December 2017, the government of Israel, Knesset, voted to extend restrictions against African asylum seekers. These restrictions include closing down Holot “an open” detention center in the Negev Desert, which has hosted thousands of asylum seekers in recent years and organizing mass deportations of African asylum seekers to an undefined third country, with an option for those who refuse to leave the country to be imprisoned, in a correctional prison, indefinitely. This detention-deportation policy will take place in March 2018.

These new measures against African asylum seekers taken by the government are among the many that they have faced during their time in Israel. However, so far, this is the most severe attempt by the Israeli government to remove the existing African asylum seekers. In February 2018 mass protests have been organized around the world to stop the detention-deportation policy. Organizations, religious leaders, legal experts’, activist and civilians have taken the streets to stand with the refugees with a hope to be able to prevent the detention-deportation policy from taking place, which, as many argue, is breaking the international law and, in many ways, can be seen as a resemblance of the Jewish history of persecution.

For the remaining asylum seekers in Israel, this is a time of uncertainty, fear and worry of their near future, and more than ever families and individuals are in need of support, which however is not available for them. The actions taken by the government has effects on people’s lives: social and economic wellbeing, and now, not knowing what will happen in a month’s time has a tremendous impact on their stress levels. Hence, addressing stress-related domestic violence is now more important than ever.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, and foremost, I want to thank all the strong women who took part in this research. All the Eritrean women, I am in awe of your strength and resilience. For all the professionals in the field who kindly welcomed me to their organizations and offices and shared their knowledge on this important topic, I salute you on the important work you are doing in a nearly impossible environment. Secondly, I want to thank my supervisor Ilan Amit, for his valuable guidance throughout this process and sharing his never-ending knowledge on this topic. Finally, I want to say special thank you for my parents and friends around the world who have been supporting me endlessly. I could not have done this without you. Thank you.

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Eritrean refugee recognition rate, 2009-2016 (Source: Amnesty International Israel) ... 46 Figure 2. Eritrean asylum seekers spending time at Levinsky Park (Source: Satu Tamminen)

... 51 Figure 3. Market in Neve Sha’anan (Source: Satu Tamminen) ... 52 Figure 4. Map of Tel Aviv and marked area where most asylum seekers are residing (Source:

Live Universal Awareness Map, https://israelpalestine.liveuamap.com)... 54 Figure 5. Levinsky Park: African asylum seeker and a police patrol car (Source: Satu

Tamminen)... 55 Figure 6. Levinsky Park: Levinsky library and children’s playground on the background

(Source: Satu Tamminen) ... 56 Figure 7. Typical apartment building in Neve Sha’anan (Source: Satu Tamminen) ... 57 Figure 8. “Bibi… we’re starving!!” graffiti in Southern Tel Aviv (Source: Satu Tamminen,

artist: unknown) ... 60 Figure 9. Police patrol car outside of Central Bus Station during day time (Source: Satu

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INTRODUCTION

“We went from conflict in Eritrea to different kind of conflict here in our homes.”

-Asmeret,1_{28, Tel Aviv-}

The above quote by Asmeret, an Eritrean asylum seeker woman currently residing in Israel, acted as an inspiration for the entire thesis and contributed to the title “From a Home Country

Conflict to a Conflict at Home”. This research is devoted to an analysis of this particular

subject.

Political tensions, uprisings and economic uncertainties force people to flee their country of origin and seek protection in the West, where human rights and asylum should be granted. However, in reality many states fail to offer refuge for the people in need. The present research focuses on Eritrean asylum seeker women residing in Tel Aviv, Israel, under a temporary group protection status. This study attempts to discover and understand the impact of this precarious refugee status on Eritrean women’s everyday life, and how it influences the occurrence of domestic violence and further shapes women’s perceptions of the domestic violence that they experience.

In 2006, Israel started to experience an influx of African asylum seekers with two main groups being Eritrean and Sudanese. While Israel has been a safe haven for the Jewish diaspora, it has been reluctant to offer asylum for people from different religious backgrounds, as Israel’s asylum policies are mainly guided by the Zionist ideology: the return of the Jewish diaspora (Paz 2011). In the beginning, the number of African asylum seekers in Israel was relatively small, however due to continues influx of people crossing the border between Israel and Egypt, the number reached over 50,000 in 2012, and the asylum

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discourse became a political and public problem (Kalir 2014). Since then, Israel has exercised targeted actions in order to remove the remaining asylum seekers in the country.

Domestic violence has been seen as one of the most pressing issues amongst the Eritrean community in Israel (Ghebrezhiabher and Motzafi-Haller 2015) by numerous international and local organizations. As domestic violence can be seen as intersectional, being affected by outside factors such as: system of power, race, class and gender, research concerning domestic violence requires the inclusion of the social and political realm in which people are living in (Bograd 1999). Therefore, the present research aims to delve deeper into the concepts of the precarious refugee status and domestic violence, which both shapes the lives of Eritrean asylum seeker women, and develop an understanding of the relationships between these two concepts: the precarious refugee status provided by the state of Israel and domestic violence experienced by Eritrean asylum seeker women.

The socio-economic conditions in which Eritrean asylum seekers live their day-to-day lives in Israel is largely guided by the lack of legal recognition. Social and health services are limited for asylum seekers, which many are in need of as events that take place prior, during and after fleeing one’s country of origin can be seen as largely affecting peoples’ mental health and further, to their overall wellbeing and ability to support themselves and their families (Tribe 2002). While conflict in one’s country of origin and difficulties faced during the journey to a host country are the source of post-traumatic stress disorder for many, difficulties faced in a host country are often contributing to the mental health and stress of asylum seekers (ibid.). Poverty, unemployment and increased measures taken by the state of Israel to persuade African asylum seekers to leave the country increases an individual’s and family’s stress levels, to which the state offers no assistance. Hence, as Israel denies asylum seekers access to health services, including therapy, treatment, support and rehabilitation, except in a case of medical emergency that threatens life, the physical and mental health of the women who are faced with domestic violence will continue to deteriorate (ASSAF 2016B_).

While displacement has a drastic effect on people’s lives as they are forced to leave their homes and face the unknown, asylum seekers are also faced with changes in culture, norms, customs and traditions. Changes in perceptions of womanhood and manhood, once perceived

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1995). In Israel, Eritrean asylum seeker women are highly marginalized, as out of the community of 41,000 in 2016, there were estimated 6,700 women asylum seekers (Nathan 2017). This makes them more vulnerable and easier to be discriminated against by the Israeli authorities as well as their own community, as gender and power can be seen as one of the key factors when it comes to the relationships between people, and, people and the society. Without a refugee status, Eritrean women asylum seekers are denied access to welfare and health rights and services, which limits their possibilities and opportunities, and, as of today, no asylum-seeking woman has been granted a refugee status. While, women asylum seekers can be seen as more discriminated against, on the one hand, compared to men asylum seekers, and on the other hand, compared to Israeli women, they are protected from detention and deportation. Despite this, women form a clear minority in a male dominated asylum-seeking community, and thus they are facing more exploitation, poverty, domestic violence, rape and sexual abuse (ASSAF 2016B_).

Grounded in a feminist perspective, and moving between the patriarchal structure of the state and the family, the present research adapted a qualitative approach to explore reasons behind domestic violence against women, the women’s experiences of domestic violence and barriers to violence disclosure. This was coined to a research question: How does the precarious

refugee status of Eritrean asylum seeker women in Israel affect the way in which they experience domestic violence? The research is based on primary data collected from

semi-structured interviews conducted with professionals in the field: social workers, organization workers, academics, lawyers, and Eritrean asylum seeker women. Observational research was implemented to understand the underlying reality in which Eritrean asylum seekers live their day-to-day life in Tel Aviv.

The outline of the research is the following: first, a thorough literature review was conducted in order to develop a theoretical framework, which will be presented in the following chapter and upon which the present research has been reflected. After this, methodological chapter presents the research questions guiding the research, outlines the research methods, which were used to collect the data and how this data was analyzed in order to answer the research questions. Before presenting the research result, a contextual chapter attempts to explain the complexity of the situation of Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel, by shedding light to the past

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The following three empirical chapters presents the main findings and the concluding chapter provides answers to each research questions as well as theoretical reflection and remarks for policy and practice.

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1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The following chapter outlines the theoretical framework present in the research. Based on a literature review, it presents broader concepts and theories related to the ones used in the present study and some key debates from the existing literature regarding legal status, migration and refuge, domestic violence and gender. The first section explores forced migration and refuge, by discussing definitions, statehood and citizenship, looking into how refugees fit into these concepts, and how exile creates different stressors for asylum seekers and refugees. After this, domestic violence is explained, different types of domestic violence are identified and theoretical explanations are presented for reasons behind domestic violence. The last section looks into sex and gender, by linking them into refuge and domestic violence paradigms, in order to reflect and understand discrimination, exclusion and violence against women.

1.1. Refugee status

“Illegal”, “economic migrant”, “infiltrator”. These are some of the terms used to describe

African asylum seekers in Israel. In order to conceptualize “asylum seeker” in the present study, this section first offers definitions to the terminology to determine who is a refugee and an asylum seeker, how they are defined by the international law and how the use of these definitions has been questioned in the academic discussion.

1.1.1 Migrants, asylum seekers, refugees?

Migrant, asylum seeker and refugee are terms that seem to be used inherently in the discussion concerning people who have fled their homes - either voluntarily or by force.

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while agreement of refugee status itself is far from being univocal (Van Gerwen 1995) and refugee studies have been dogged by terminological difficulties (Black 2001, 63). The most commonly used definition for a refugee comes from the 1951 Convention Relating to the

Status of Refugees. It defines refugee as a: “any person who, owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, national, membership or a particular social group or political opinion, is outside of the country of his nationality, and is unable, or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that county” (UNHCR 2010,

14). While, an asylum seeker is a person whose refugee claim has not yet been evaluated and migrants are people who decide to move in order to gain a better life, without facing threats in their country of origin.

Away from legal definitions, in everyday language, those fleeing war or natural disasters for example are normally considered being part of the “refugee category”, however literal interpretation of the Convention covers neither of these two groups of people (Maley 2016). Andrew Shacknove formulated a definition for refugee as a person(s): whose basic needs are

unprotected by their country of origin, who have no remaining recourse other than to seek international restitution of their needs, and who are so situated that international assistance is possible” (Shacknove 1985, 277). This definition is broader in a sense that it takes into

consideration current threats facing refugees. However, this definition raises many questions, the clearest one being: what are considered as basic needs? (Maley 2016).

Hence, the use of the legal definition to refugees has been contested in the academic sphere of the refugee studies, because it simply reflects terms created in a particular Convention at a particular time, within a particular international political and economic context (Black 2001, 63) and therefore uncritical use of the term enhance the perception of refugees laid out in 1951. The decline of Convention refugees has not slowed down the growing number of individuals in refugee-like situations (Helton and Jacobs 1999) such as internally displaced people. Thus, broader definitions to the term have been adopted in academic discussion, (Hein 1993; Kunz 1981; Marx 1990; Richmond 1988; Zolberg, Suhrke and Aguayo 1989) however, there is no common agreement on who should or should not be considered as a refugee. Theoretical discussion concerning refugee studies is weak and has been described as “tactical,

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developments are always connected to the academic field of study (Black 2001). Stein and Tomasi noted that there is a need for a “comprehensive, interdisciplinary and comparative

perspective which focuses on the consistencies and patterns in the refugee experience” (Stein

and Tomasi 1981, 6) as previous studies have lacked ethnographic research. However, Bascom in 1998 noted that there is no “theory of refugees” (Bascom 1998). It can be argued that term refugee (and all terms related to that) should not be used as a label for specific group of people or situation but as a legal or descriptive definition that includes within it socio-economic statuses, personal histories and psychological or spiritual cases (Malkki 1995). For the sake of the present study research, the term asylum seeker is used in its meaning that all refugees are considered asylum seekers, but, not all asylum seekers are considered refugees, as they are still pending their refugee status. The 1951 Convention can be seen as a legal definition for states and state-like-actors to determine, within international law, who qualifies as a refugee, while academic definitions take more into considerations current issues forcing people to flee as well as moral obligations and responsibilities (Maley 2016).

1.1.2. Statehood, citizenship and otherness

The issue of state’s sovereignty is always present in the refugee discourse especially when it comes to shaping the notions of citizenship and statehood (Jacobson 1996; Soysal 1994). Asylum seekers can be seen as a challenge for state’s power over its borders and thus granting or denying an asylum can be either the states or sometimes the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) responsibility (Kritzman-Amir and Schumacher 2012). Under the 1951 Convention, refugees are entitled to a variety of privileges and immunities including social, economic and civil rights (ibid.), however each country implements the convention into its national legislation and thus can determine in which ways they protect asylum seekers and refugees.

Human rights can be seen as rooted in humanitarian grounds, relying more on the notion of common humanity rather than individual nationals. Much like the refugee status, also human rights can be implemented by each nation state, questioning the notion of universal human rights as they balance between rights given and implemented to their own nationals versus

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human rights (Kalir 2014). However, in the political discussion where inequality, economy and class thinking were dominant until the 1980’s in the politics of redistribution, a shift has taken place towards difference, identity, and culture in politics, concerning one’s legitimate recognition (Moran and Skeggs 2003). Hence, in order for one to access legal or other rights, one must be recognized as legitimate (ibid.). Moran and Skeggs also note that recognition politics is a matter of location, as being in and out of place (ibid.).

Closely linked to division between nationals and non-nationals is the idea of “us” and “them”, which mostly obeys the borders of a sovereign state. The definitions of refugees highlight these distinctions as it is and has been necessary for historical and political reasons (Warner 1992). As discussed earlier, division into refugees and non-refugees is important in order to determine who is in need of protection but moreover it also highlights the differences between “us” and “them”. Otherness highlight the tensions between state nationals and non-nationals as they are seen as a threat to the sovereign state, blurring the idea of a legal border normally separating these two groups of people (Kalir 2014). This threat imposed by the Others creates fear towards non-nationals which on the other hand enhances the feeling of national belonging of the nationals (ibid).

The concept of “other” in the perception of immigrants can be seen based on real or imagined differences in physical appearance, culture, norms, and values, which form a basis of exclusionary measures and upon which their otherness is based on, while being physically present in the society but not full members of it (Kritzman-Amir 2009). Making a clear distinction between “us” and “them” creates a sense of national identity which can be shaped against the idea of the others, which furthermore creates and reinforces an idea of risks, threats and chaos linked to them (ibid).

1.1.3. Exile and stress

While the state is free to decide on whom to include and whom to exclude from their territories when it comes to immigrants, they have a duty to guarantee the civil and economic rights for refugees under international law (Kritzman-Amir 2009). The socio-economic services play an important role for the refugees as displacement has shaped their

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rights may be non-existent, even though they are experiencing more fear and uncertainty whilst waiting for their asylum application decision (Tribe 2002). Denying or granting asylum can take only a few hours or even a few years, and this can be identified as a time when psychological well-being can be extremely fragile due to stress and uncertainty (ibid.). As immigrants have relocated voluntarily, they have been able to plan their move practically, psychologically and systematically over time, while refugees have fled into unknown destination, leaving everything behind (ibid).

While reasons for fleeing can vary, most asylum seekers and refugees are facing similar problems in their host country. According to Tribe (2002) “loss of country, culture, family,

profession, language, friends and plans for future” are immediate losses a person needs to

leave behind when fleeing one's country of origin which can be identified as a stressor (Tribe 2002, 242). However, challenges faced in the country of asylum can vary from “racism,

unknown cultural traditions, uncertainty of the future, psychological and practical adjustment, multiple change, traumatic life events and stereotyping by a host country” (Tribe

2002, 242) and poses more challenges for asylum seekers and refugees.

According to Watters (2001) previous studies on refugee mental health have mainly focused on the past events, especially those that took place in the country of origin, and trauma stemming from fleeing the conflict as the main contributors to mental health problems (Watters 2001). However, exile-related stressors can be as powerful as events prior to flight (Tribe 2002), as in addition to past trauma and displacement, asylum seekers live in a state of insecurity and constant fear of deportation (Becker and Silove 1993). During the refugee determination process, asylum seekers may be denied access to work, education, social security or health care (Cox and Amelsvoort 1994), which furthermore can increase anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (Silove et al., 1997). With no access to services, these symptoms will remain undiscovered and untreated.

Traumatizing events taking place prior to displacement can be seen having a larger impact on a person what it comes to their probability of experiencing mental health problems in the host country (Silove et al., 1998). Silove et al. (1998) also pointed out factors such as fear of deportation, interviews with immigration officials, separation from a spouse, threats to family,

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are often used to describe the experiences that refugees have faced, and the outcomes of these experiences. Traumatic events can be defined as an event that provokes fear, helplessness or horror in response to the threat of injury or death, while people who are exposed to such events are at risk of post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as depression, anxiety and substance abuse (Yehuda 2002). In order to medically diagnose someone with post-traumatic stress disorder, various of psychological and physical tests can be used (Bisson 2007). Whilst symptoms vary from person to person, it causes significant distress in social, occupational or other areas of basic functioning (Yehuda 2002). The severity of the trauma is the main factor associated with the development of post-traumatic stress disorder, however, social support, or lack thereof, has in recent years become one of the factors influencing the level of post-traumatic stress disorder (Bisson 2007).

1.2 Domestic Violence

Domestic violence has been theorized within various frameworks and viewpoints in order to understand different types and forms of domestic violence, and to construct an understanding of reasons behind it. According to Dempsey (2006) domestic violence is best to be understood in three elements: violence, domesticity and structural inequality (Dempsey 2006, 306). The intersectionality of domestic violence requires to look beyond gender inequality or other single-factored aspects of domestic violence as the reality of it is more complex, and shaped by many different factors, and thus research concerning domestic violence should start looking into social and political factors (Bograd 1999).

1.2.1. Definitions of domestic violence

Domestic violence, or intimate partner violence, can be seen as a form of violence which is influenced by complex social, cultural and psychological factors. It is often described as violence that occurs between husband and wife or partners living in an intimate relationship, which is present across all religions, ethnicities, cultures, ages and economic status (Pyles and Postmus, 2004). Even though, violent acts can be committed by anyone, in domestic violence it is more likely that women are a subject of violence, while the men are the perpetrator of the

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problem in many countries (Heise et al. 1994), as social services, health care and the criminal justice system are much required services, however the physical, emotional, psychological and behavioral damage affects each person differently and is more problematic to treat (Berry 2000).

Various definitions for domestic violence can be found, as they are socially constructed and have been developed to reflect understandings, interests, and power distributions of that time (Muehlenhard and Kimes 1999). The United Nations defines violence against women as: "any

act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life." while intimate partner violence

refers to: “behaviour by an intimate partner or ex-partner that causes physical, sexual or

psychological harm, including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviours.” (World Health Organization 2018).

Goldstein (2007) defines domestic violence as: “behaviour driven by a need to control. It can

range from threats, annoying telephone calls and stalking (such as following the victim to and from work, and threatening her/him), to unwanted sexual intercourse, hitting and, in the worst case, even death. Domestic violence is usually not a single event and often becomes more severe and frequent over time. Many abusers are not violent in other relationships, such as at work or with friends. They routinely deny the domestic violence and the severity of that violence. When confronted with their abusive behaviour, they tend to blame their partner for provoking it or refuse to accept responsibility for it” (Goldstein-Bolocan 2007, 9).

Some researchers restrict violence to physical assaults or acts committed in order to cause another person physical pain (see Gelles and Straus 1979), however when it comes to domestic violence is can occur in different forms of violence and according to Goldstein (2007) the type of violence depends on “cultural, ethnic, educational and economic

backgrounds” (Goldstein-Bolocan 2007, 10). When discussing domestic violence against

women, it should be studied within the wider context of violence and events that have taken place (Dobash 2004), in order to leave behind old notions of domestic violence only taking form in physical violence. Hence, in the present research domestic violence is understood as:

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psychological, economical, emotional, and sexual any other acts that are committed in order to control one’s partner.

Domestic violence is often seen as an invisible problem as it occurs within immediate family and thus is a form of silent violence (Bograd 1999). It tends to take place inside the privacy of the home compared to other forms of violence which mostly takes place in a public-setting (Gelles 1997). Hence, domestic violence is not often reported by an outsider as there are no witnesses to intervene or assists. It is often considered as a private affair between family members which makes bystanders, such as neighbors reluctant to intervene, and, in the case of a law enforcement such as the police, their response can differ to other forms of violence (ibid.).

1.2.2. Types of domestic violence

As stated earlier, domestic violence can take various of forms of emotional, physical, psychological, sexual, and economical, and numerous of studies on types of violence have been published. The term domestic violence is embedded with assumptions of the type of the violence and the perpetrator, mostly being controlling violence committed by a male. Hence, acknowledging different types of domestic violence is as important as acknowledging different forms of it. Away from distinguishing the different forms in which domestic violence can occur, four main patterns can be found according to Johnson’s and Ferraro’s (2000) research on literature regarding domestic violence: common couple violence, intimate

terrorism, violent resistance and mutual violent control (Johnson 1995, 2000), which are

based on more general patterns of control of the perpetrator and the partner (Johnson and Ferraro 2000). The distinction between types and patterns of violence is important in order to understand the nature of domestic violence.

The first type, common couple violence, identified by Johnson, is not a general pattern of control, it has a low frequency and severity, and is more likely to be mutual violence, which arises in the context of a specific argument with a physical use of force by one or both partners (Johnson 2000). The second type, intimate terrorism, is a way to gain control over one’s partner. This type of violence is less likely to be mutually committed by both sides of a

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serious injuries. However, Johnson notes that in both of these types of violence there are different variations of severity and different levels of violence used, with the distinguishing difference being in intimate terrorism the pattern of violent and nonviolent behaviours that

indicated a general motivate to control (Johnson 2000, 949), and which also often involves

emotional abuse.

Violent resistance, can be seen as one of the last indicators that one is about to leave their

partner and it is a violent act or pattern of actions to defend oneself against intimate terrorism (Johnson 2000). This should not be taken as self-defense as violent resistance might not always meet the legal definition of it (ibid.). Discussion about violent resistance takes often place in the case of women defending themselves against men (ibid.). The last type, mutual

violent control, is when both partners in a relationship are controlling and violent (ibid.).

According to Johnson this last type seems to be rare and under-research and often described as self-defense or mutual combat (ibid.)

Similar types of distinctions have been developed. Dempsey (2006) categorizes types of domestic violence into strong sense and weak sense. Dempsey’s strong sense can be seen as all violent acts that are committed to sustain or perpetuate structural inequality in a relationship (ibid.). Weak sense category includes all violent acts that are committed which, however, do not tend to sustain or perpetuate structural inequality (ibid.). Both distinctions offered by Dempsey and Johnson take into account issues of power and control affecting the type of domestic violence, which are important in order to determine the perpetrator of the violence as well as the underlying power relations in a relationship.

1.2.3. Reasons behind domestic violence

Six different theories and models can be identified to explain domestic violence that have gained most popularity: general system theory, social learning theory, social situation / stress

and coping theory, resource theory, exchange / social control theory, and patriarchy theory

(Gelles 1995). All of these can be seen as impacting the occurrence of domestic violence, however the reasons that can be seen behind the violence vary between institutional or family structures to individuals.

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General system theory emphasizes the interchange between environment and family, and its impact on domestic violence (Bellack et al., 2013). General system theory applied by Straus (1973) and later Giles-Sims (1983) argues that family violence is a product of the system rather than one individual’s pathology. Straus (1973) looks at family as a system in which if violence occurs is guided by feedback (either positive or negative), it can either increase violence or keep it at a tolerable level. This generates either stability or conflicts. He also identifies three basic elements: alternative course of action or causal flow, the feedback mechanism that enable the system to make adjustments, and system goals (Straus 1973). Social learning theory refers to patterns learned, most likely from one’s parents, as use of violence is seen as an effective and instrumental strategy (Heise 1998). Violence and aggressive behavior in a relationship is learned as an integrated cycle of abuse (Mihalic and Elliott 1997) as those individuals who experienced violence in their past are more likely to use it than those who experienced none or little violence (Heise 1998). Experiencing violence can be taken as being subject to violence or witnessing violence in one’s childhood.

Social situation / stress and coping theory suggests that violence occurs because of two main factors. First being structural stress and lack of coping mechanisms, the second one the cultural norm concerning the use of violence (Straus, Gelles and Steinmetz, 1980). Stressors such as low income can cause violence and thus it can be seen as an important factor. The resource theory according to William Goode (1971) proposes that the use of force inside the family unit can indicate a lack of resources, such as education, income, and may cause a person to begin to use violence in order to maintain the dominant position (Goode 1971). This is contradictory to the belief that more resources, social personal and economic, person has the more force he or she is able to use.

As violence takes place inside the family unit, the low risk of involvement of outside forces can be seen as reducing the costs of abuse. Hence, the exchange / social control theory developed by Richard J. Gelles (1983) suggest that violence is governed by costs and rewards. The reluctance of social institutions and agencies to intervene lowers the cost of violence, while cultural approval, for example, increases the rewards (Gelles 1983). The last theory, patriarchy theory argues that patriarchy leads to the oppression of women, which causes

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communities, as economic and social processes support the naturally patriarchal social order and family structure.

1.3. Gender

Gender can be seen as a product of society which creates socially guided interactions (West and Zimmerman 1987). The interactions between a person and the surrounding society take place on different levels, and reinforcing one’s perceived gender and influencing one’s actions. While the notion of gender has shifted away from biological sex, the conceptions of womanhood and manhood are largely based on a specific culture’s idealization of femininity and masculinity (ibid.).

1.3.1. Sex and Gender

Gender can be considered to be only marginally related to biological sex at present, and it can be seen as a social conduct: “socially learned behaviour and expectations that distinguish

between masculinity and femininity” (Peterson and Runyan, 1999, 5.) While biological sex

(male, female, intersex or other) is a legal, anatomical and/or biological distinction, gender includes social, cultural and psychological qualities that are associated with being a man or woman, which reflects structural, cultural and societal norms.

Gender and power can be seen as one of the key factors when it comes to the relationship between people, or, people and the society. Patriarchy gives men the right and power to judge and punish a behavior, especially if it can be seen as more feminine rather than masculine (Dobash and Dobash 1979), as patriarchy can be understood as male control and male superiority over women. However, patriarchy can also be seen as institutionalized, not only natural men’s domination over women, but embedded in everyday settings such as family life and economy (Connell, 1987). State, as a structure of power, reinforces the structure of gender relations and acts as a main organizer of the power relations of gender, such as gendered division of labor (ibid.).

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identified five features: (1) a distinction between the person and the social position (role) they

occupy; (2) attached set of behaviours; (3) roles are accompanied by expectations or norms appropriate to them; (4) which are represented by people in the counter-positions surrounding the role; (5) who reinforce them with sanctions - rewards and punishments

(Connell 1987, 47). Being a male or a female, feminine or masculine, is thus tied into a society’s norms of gender and sex, and being a man or a woman means acting according to one’s sex.

1.3.2. Gender and refuge

The 1951 Refugee Convention has been criticized for leaving out sex as a variable from Article 3 “without discrimination as to race, religion or country of origin” (Spijkerboer 2017). The role of gender in asylum seeking and refugee process in the original 1950s Refugee Convention can be seen as male-dominant and many of the United Nations subsequent readings of the Convention has continued the male-centered perspective while leaving out women and making their experiences of displacement less visible (Ghebrezhiabher and Motzafi-Haller 2015).

In 1979 United Nations adopted new “Gender Guidelines” after feminists questioned the Refugee Conventions capability to protect women’s rights (Ghebrezhiabher and Motzafi-Haller 2015). The more gendered framework acknowledges that women are facing violence and torture for different reasons than men and on occasion, are forced to flee their countries for different reasons compared to men (ibid.). These may include threats of death or sexual violence, and many times women are reluctant to speak about these experiences because of fears of not being believed, or because of cultural or community shame (ibid.)

Hathaway (1991) argues that asylum seeker women and girls constitute the majority of the refugee (displaced) population, and many of them are exposed to special problems in the international protection field (Hathaway 1991). However, women have been generally under-represented as asylum seekers, as over-representation of women in displacement have reversed to under-representation in claims and/or settlement processes (Boyd 1999). This can be seen as women’s experiences of persecution going unrecognized (Greatbatch 1989).

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Even though both men and women asylum seekers face challenges in their host country and have significant needs in resettlement, women’s experiences and needs are qualitatively different from those of men (Deacon and Sullivan 2009). War, flight experiences prior to resettlement, and stressors they face in exile, can be seen as gender specific (ibid.). Hence, the refugee paradigm which favors men, mostly focuses on survivors of warfare (ibid.), while women are at a greater risk of gender-based violence prior and during the flight from their country of origin, as well as during their stay at a refugee camp (Hynes and Cardozo 2000). These gender specific experiences also reflect on women’s physical and mental health (ibid.) and can have an effect on exile-related stressors in the host country (Miller et al., 2002).

1.3.3. Gender and domestic violence

Gender paradigm and its effect on domestic violence is a contested area in the academic discussion as some consider it as a key issue, while others treat it as a non-meaningful variable that has no effect at all. Domestic violence is often treated as gender-based violence, as some consider men’s violence against female partners more common and having more serious consequences than women’s violence against men (Hilton, Anngela-Cole and Wakita 2010). According to Walby and Allen women are more often the subject of assault than men what it comes to sexual violence, and the most common type of violence against women in the world is domestic violence (Walby and Allen 2004), which includes physical, emotional and/or sexual abuse of women by their partners or ex-partners (Heise, Ellsberg and Gottemoeller 1999).

Fergusson, Horwood and Ridder (2005) argues that there is need: “for a broadening of

perspective in the field of domestic violence away from the view that domestic violence is usually gender issue involving male perpetrators and female victims” (Fergusson, Horwood

and Ridder 2005, 1116). Suzanne Steinmetz’s paper on “The Battered Husband Syndrome” (Steinmetz 1978) points out that husband abuse is not uncommon and many tend to ignore it or treat it with “selective inattention” (Steinmetz 1978, 499). Steinmetz notes, that women might be more comfortable voicing their complaints and seek help from social services and police, while men are under pressure to maintain an image of having a dominant position over a female (ibid., 501) and thus men are not eager to express their physical weakness to a third

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lack of empirical data, selective inattention by media and researchers, severity of physical damage to women making their victimization more visible and the reluctance of men to acknowledge abuse by a woman (ibid., 504).

Johnson points out the importance of the types of domestic violence what it comes to the discussion on gender, however when people hear the term “domestic violence,” most people think of a controlling type of violence, which is primarily male perpetrated and is most definitely a gender issue (Johnson 2005, 1126). While violence against men is an area of concern and which requires more research, the gender paradigm cannot be taken away from the domestic violence discussion (Johnson 2005). Current domestic violence theories put an emphasis on gender, as being a form of oppression and social control, while domestic violence can be seen as intersectional, being affected by many different factors, systems of

power: race, class, gender and sexual orientation and oppression: prejudice, class stratification, gender inequality and heterosexist bias (Bograd, 1999, 276).

Dobash and Dobash (1998) argue that violence is a result of the conflicts of interest within relationship which are based on the more powerful status and position of men in a patriarchal society. Such conflicts can be based on men’s possessiveness and jealousy, disagreements and

expectation with regard to domestic work and resources, men’s sense to punish “their” women for perceived wrongdoing, or the importance to men of maintaining or exercising their power and authority (Dobash and Dobash 1998, 144). As domestic violence and reasons

behind can be seen as largely resembling patriarchal structures of family and society, Mary Douglas in her book Purity and Danger (1966) points out that sexual dangers express the hierarchy, and moreover acts as a symbol, reflecting on hierarchical symmetry which applies to larger social systems (Douglas 1966, 4).

1.4. Chapter summary

This chapter attempts to bring up academic discussion and debates concerning refugee status, domestic violence and gender, and, explores and exposes the relations and connections between them. Being a refugee has embedded notions of specific needs that differentiate

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be seen as a threat to the nation state, its borders and citizens, and thus a threat to the traditional idea of statehood. Beyond the hostile or discriminative environment asylum seekers might face in a host country, displacement has a drastic effect on one’s psychological health, along with events prior, during and after fleeing one’s country of origin.

While the previous research has largely focused on events taking place prior to displacement, in recent years focus has started to shift on stressors that asylum seekers are facing in a host country, one of them being waiting for an asylum decision. Domestic violence in asylum-seeking groups is common, however, as previous studies have demonstrated, domestic violence occurs in all socio-economic groups, despite language, culture, or religious differences. While domestic violence can vary in its type and form, it can be seen being as influenced by many different outside forces, such as patriarchal society, as it is not only linked to a single individual or family unit. The factors that can be seen to reinforce the experienced domestic violence has to do with different limits, challenges and stressors, which, in the case of displacement, can be caused as such by past experiences in their home countries, uncertainty of the future, unemployment, limited language skills and limited access to services.

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2. METHODOLOGY

This chapter presents the methodology used to carry out the research. First, the chapter provides discussion of the aims of the research and how this led to the formulation of the research questions. Following this, the research approach is discussed, which acts as a platform to formulating the research methods suitable for data collection. After this, the research location and unit of an analysis in which research took place will be presented. Data analysis will be exhibited before ending the chapter with a discussion concerning ethics, challenges, and the limitations of the present research.

2.1. The aim of the research

The central aim of the research is to study the relationship between the precarious refugee status and domestic violence experienced by Eritrean asylum seeker women in Israel. Moreover, the research looks into how the neglected responsibilities by the state of Israel and domestic violence against women are linked. The contribution this study wishes to make is to be useful in terms of being part of the emerging literature concerning this subject and to add to the growing body of knowledge on the Eritrean asylum seekers situation in Israel, and its effects on women. Especially, the outcomes of this research seek to contribute to knowledge improvement amongst practitioners in the field of Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel. The key objectives of this study are:

1) to explore the effects of the precarious refugee status on Eritrean women asylum seekers in Israel.

What kind of status is given for Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel? What are its limitations and what is its impact on Eritrean asylum seekers everyday life in Israel?

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2) to identify the effects of the precarious refugee status on Eritrean asylum seekers’ family structures and relations.

How precarious refugee status has shaped family relations? How precarious refugee status shapes traditional gender roles within family unit?

3) to research connection between the precarious refugee status and violence against women.

How has the domestic violence experienced by the women changed since arriving in Israel? How have women’s experiences (/views) on domestic violence changed since arriving to Israel?

These key objectives were coined to the following research questions:

Research question: How does the precarious refugee status of Eritrean asylum seeker

women in Israel affect the way in which they experience domestic violence?

Sub-question 1: How precarious refugee status effects Eritrean asylum seeker women’s lives

in Israel?

Sub-question 2: How forced migration and precarious refugee status has shaped family

relations?

Sub-question 3: How domestic violence is perceived by the Eritrean women?

2.2. Research approach

The nature of the study is based on exploratory and descriptive research. The current literature, presented in the theoretical chapter (see chapter 1), concerning relationship between the precarious refugee status and domestic violence is un-researched, as the past research has mainly been focusing on gender-based violence as a reason for granting asylum or domestic violence among immigrants or refugees in a host country after receiving a legal status. Therefore, exploratory research is used as it is a suitable research method when there is a need for more information concerning a situation or an issue.

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Research concerning domestic violence against women can be conducted from the side of the perpetrator – men, or, from the side of the subject of the violence - the women. Research on men can provide important insight into reasons behind violence and the impact of different forms of intervention. Whichever way domestic violence is discussed, be that reasons for it or how to prevent it from occurring in the first place, it needs to be remembered that in the work conducted to reduce domestic violence, the main focus needs to be on the men and women. Thus, even though the present research tries to understand women’s perspective on their experienced domestic violence and how they view the situation in Israel, it also tries to understand the reasons behind domestic violence, as it can be an important factor on how women perceive and experience domestic violence. Therefore, research on domestic violence should always include both sides in order to present a coherent understanding of the situation. The study is qualitative in its nature, as based on the feminist perspective, it explores experiences of Eritrean women in Israel. The feminist methodologies cannot be identified as a particular set of techniques or procedures for data collection (Neysmith, 1995) but moreover an attempt to shed light on structural inequalities. The present research was done by, for and about women, as an attempt to understand social reality as experienced by a certain group of women and develop knowledge on eliminating gender-based oppression (ibid.). The feminist perspective has been implemented throughout the study as assessing the researchers influence in the study, placing individual’s experiences into social context, emphasizing the centrality of gender and transforming knowledge (ibid.).

The selection of qualitative methods was the most appropriate approach as the research attempts to construct an understanding of the research problem by raising up participants voices (Creswell and Plano Clark 2011) rather than measuring variables. The research lies in a constructivist stance as it does not try to seek solutions to the research problem but rather gain an understanding of a complex reality and to comprehend the subjective meanings of women’s experiences, which are complex and varied, rather than narrowing the meanings into a few categories (Creswell 2009).

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2.3. Data collection

According to Osborne (1990) domestic violence cannot be straightforwardly quantified (Osborne 1990). Hence, the data collections methods in the present research were based on qualitative observations and interviews, both formal and informal, which were constructed in a semi-structured manner and were used to collect the primary data. The secondary data was collected prior, during and after the fieldwork, and is presented throughout the study. Furthermore, qualitative methods were seen as a more appropriate method to study the experiences of domestic violence however, various authors have been using different types of methods when conducting research about domestic violence.

Ethical and Safety Recommendations for Research on Domestic Violence Against Women by the World Health Organization report notes that there are limitations of service-based data concerning domestic violence, and accurate figures on the prevalence of domestic violence must be collected through population-based surveys (World Health Organization 2001). While population-based surveys can also be used to obtain insights of the consequences of violence, and in the long term to monitor trends and impacts of different interventions, qualitative methods provide more in-depth insights in to the setting and the context in which violence takes place, and how women are effected by violence (ibid.). While, mixed-methods research is considered as a way to use quantitative methods to extend qualitative analysis (Creswell 2014), in the present study, the mixed-methods approach would have been inappropriate as the study tries to understand to complex reality of the precarious status and its impact on domestic violence, as opposed to measuring quantitative variables, and thus, qualitative methods better serve the purpose of the present research.

2.3.1 Observations

Observations were part of the qualitative methods implemented to the present study. Observation research is commonly used during a long period of time (Guest, Namey and Mitchell 2013) however, during the two-month fieldwork period conducted for this study, observations provided important information, upon which, allowed reflection for the primary data collected from the interviews, and the secondary data based upon the collected literature.

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minimize the impact of researcher presence on people's behavior. Observations acted as a platform for gaining informal interviews, as being part of certain neighborhoods for a longer period of time resulted in becoming acquainted with the local residents of the area. These informal talks included everyday interactions, and, towards the end, offered more insightful information concerning the topic of the research.

Observations were carried out in the more socio-economically neglected parts of Tel Aviv. These mainly included Shapira, Neve Sha’anan and parts of Florentine, located in Southern Tel Aviv, where most asylum seekers reside. Locations varied from restaurants and cafes popular among Eritreans, to parks, playgrounds and shopping areas. The objective of the observations was to witness and collect descriptive data which could be reflected against data collected from the interviews and from secondary sources. The data collected from observations was discussed together with other academics and professionals in order to understand the full context and how to implement it.

2.3.2 Interviews

Qualitative research highlights women’s experiences on violence and may provide a better understanding of the context in which violence takes place, compared to quantitative methods, as interviews and, moreover, semi-structured interviews, offer flexibility in the responses and thus enabling participants to contribute new knowledge on the research topic (Ellsberg and Heise 2005). Hence, formal interviews in the study were conducted in a semi-structured manner as it provides interaction between the participants and the researcher, further enabling to coverage of the research problem more thoroughly, to gain an in-depth insight of the impact of precarious status and domestic violence on Eritrean women’s lives.

Interviewees for the research were selected in a purposive sampling manner, which is commonly used in social sciences research on specific groups of people, as organizations taking part in the research were decided on the grounds of their field of work. Subsequently, the organizations varied from health care to workers’ rights to international refugee organizations as well as women's grassroots organizations in order to cover a variety of topics which are affected, due to the precarious refugee status and/or domestic violence.

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the study and were selected based on their knowledge and experiences with the Eritrean community in Israel. In order to gain a coherent and cohesive understanding of the study topic, the variety in the organization’s mandates helped to cover a various of aspects of the situation, which contributes to the understanding of the impact that the precarious refugee status had, and therefore, how these might contribute to domestic violence. Some of the interviewees were found based on snowball-sampling as prior interviewees contributed to recruit further participants for the study.

The semi-structured interviews were based on an interview guide, constructed together with research supervisor and a local contact and which was based on a literature review, however the types of questions were adjusted depending on the organization's field of expertise and the shifts in the nature of the discussion. The structure of the interviews can be divided into three broader topics 1) organizations field of expertise (i.e. socio-economic-health care or other) 2)

status and its impact on asylum seekers concerning their field of expertise 3) people visiting the organization/using the organizations services. Subsequently, depending on the

organization's type, questions concerning domestic violence were applied. The semi-structured interviews took place face-to-face ranging from thirty minutes to an hour.

In addition to the formal interviews with the professionals, the study includes a number of informal discussions with Eritrean asylum seekers, which were conducted in as unstructured interview manner, in order to allow women to share their experiences in their own ways, and, without the researcher being in control of the conversation. Concerning the nature of the study, direct questions of domestic violence were not presented to the participants as it could cause distress to the participants, as approaching possible victims of domestic violence can be seen as a task that requires education, experience, and sensibility as it could be harmful for those interviewed. Thus, the discussion mainly covered their everyday life in Eritrea and in Israel and other common topics concerning their family life. If seen appropriate, questions concerning domestic violence were presented in an indirect manner such as asking whether they have heard such kind of incidents in their community or in their neighborhood. In all occasions women addressed the question based on their secondary experience and in one occasion based on her own experiences.

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and quality of the research. In these discussions, primary findings were presented and discussed in order to adjust the research focus if needed.

2.4. The research location and the unit of the analysis

Research was carried out in Tel Aviv which is the second largest city in the state of Israel. The research location concentrated on Tel Aviv, as the city hosts the most asylum seekers currently residing in Israel, and due to the researchers’ local contacts and gatekeepers based there. The Eritrean asylum-seeking populations are mainly residing in Southern parts of Tel Aviv: Shapira, Neve Sha’anan and parts of Florentine, which acted as the main research area. These neighborhoods are considered as one of the most socio-economically neglected areas in Tel Aviv and hold the reputation of being the most dangerous neighborhoods, with high criminal statistics.

The unit of the analysis of the present research can be divided into two categories 1)

professionals assisting Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel 2) Eritrean asylum seeker women in Israel. The first group was coined from seven professionals working in non-governmental

organizations and municipality units offering assistance to Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel, related to the topic presented in the research. All the interviewees were women, either originally from Israel, who immigrated to Israel at young age or later in their life. All of the interviewees have been working in the organization for at least a year to seven years with a wealth of background in the asylum field. Their professions varied from social workers to executive directors of the organization (see Appendix). The second group of Eritrean women include informal interviews collected during observations. Informal discussions were held with five Eritrean women, all residing in Israel for more than six years with their husbands and children.

The main criteria for selection of the research participants was based on the subject of the present research i.e. organizations specialized in asylum seekers in Israel in the field of socio-economic, health care, or women’s empowerment, professionals working with gender-based violence related topics, or Eritrean asylum seeker women currently residing in Israel.

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2.4.1. Data analysis

The data analysis was conducted manually and was based on a model by Ritchie and Lewis (2003, 212). As the formal interviews were recorded and transcribed no longer than the following day, the early-stage data analysis started during the fieldwork. Preliminary data analysis conducted during the fieldwork started out by highlighting initial emerging themes and concepts as well as interesting and surprising aspects, and linking conducted observations to interviews. After the fieldwork, the transcribed interviews were printed out blank and themes and concepts were highlighted again, manually, and labels were added according to a color coding. After a few attempts, the main themes were identified, after which four of the most important and relevant quotes for each theme were identified.

After the data was organized according to themes, important quotes were extracted out of the main data, while being divided by color coded themes. Sub-themes could be identified within the main themes and suitable quotes were identified for each sub-theme. In order to understand the underlying relationships between themes, a short summary was written that described the main themes and their relationships to each other. This helped to adjust and redefine these categorized themes. After this, identified themes were linked to the concepts studied in the research questions in order to have the main concepts broken down into main themes and sub-themes, which were most relevant for the present research. Observational data was part of the analyzing process, as it was compared against the transcribed interviews in order to generate in-depth transcriptions. After the data was organized into categories according to themes, explanations were developed in order to understand the bigger picture of the data, and recognizing inconsistencies of the data and what this implies. Later on, the main themes and sub-themes were presented in the empirical chapters providing answers to the research questions.

2.5. Ethics, challenges and limitations

Ethical considerations were taken into account at every step of the research process: prior, during and after the fieldwork. As discussed earlier (see section 2.3.2) the topic of the present