Descendants of sub-Saharan and Albanian migrants in the city of Athens, Greece : exploring their experiences & perceptions of national identity

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MS

C

SOCIOLOGY:

MIGRATION

AND

ETHNIC

STUDIES

MASTER

THESIS

Descendants of sub-Saharan and

Albanian Migrants in the City of

Athens, Greece

Exploring their Experiences &

Perceptions of National Identity

Name: Alvaro Vaitsis

SN: 10634991

Email: alvaro.vaitsis@gmail.com

Supervisors:

Dr. Manolis Pratsinakis

Dr. Flip Lindo

U

N I V E R S I T Y O F

A

M S T E R D A M

J

U L Y

3 ,

2 0 1 4

J

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Acknowledgements

I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my sixteen informants, who were willing to share intimate information and life stories with me and helped me make their voices been heard. I am especially grateful to my informant Lia for her valuable assistance and cooperation in bringing me into contact with the majority of sub-Saharan interviewees.

I would like to thank my sister, Veronica for her psychological support throughout the year. I also wish to thank my friend Iro Gou. for her support and for all the inspirational discussions we had.

A special thanks belongs to my thesis supervisor, Manolis Pratsinakis who guided my approach throughout this research. I would not be able to complete my thesis without his precious and detailed comments that helped me clarify my ideas.

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Chapter 1: Introducing the topic

1.1 Introduction

In June of 2013, the Greek Prime Minister met at his mansion Giannis Antetokounmpo, an 18 year old Nigerian origin second generation migrant basketball player on the occasion of his No. 15 pick in the NBA draft - the highest number a Greek has ever made1_{. The prime minister thanked him for honoring}

the national colors and stated that he made Greek people proud. The paradox was that the basketball player, born and raised in Greece had passed all his life being considered as a foreigner by the Greek state. Few days prior to Prime Minister’s invitation, he was just another second generation young migrant in uncertain legal status. The Greek immigration legal framework does not foresee any special legal provisions for second generation migrants, practically equating them with first generation migrants. Naturalization is their only option for acquiring citizenship which signifies their identification as migrants by the Greek state. Regardless of the strict legal requirements and lengthy naturalization procedures, the young player was swiftly granted citizenship, as a recognition of his talent and sportive qualities in a popular sport in Greece and as a proof of the Prime Minister’s generosity.

In 2010, the Greek state had introduced a new citizenship reform act which adopted the principle of jus soli providing for a considerably more open access to citizenship rights for second generation migrants. Thousands of children and young adults of migrant origin that have been born or received schooling in Greece were entitled to citizenship. However, the law was proclaimed as unconstitutional by the State Council in 2012, putting second generation migrants in a state of limbo. It is noteworthy that the current Prime Minister was strongly opposed to the previous open and inclusive citizenship regime. The Prime Minister declared that citizenship was granted to Giannis Antetokounmpo as a vindification. In so doing, he defined the boundaries of honorary citizenship while at the same time maintained the pathways to citizenship blocked for the vast majority of migrants’ descendants. Greekness was depicted as synonymous with (athletic) excellence while the hidden message behind Greek Prime Minister’s speech was that Greek citizenship can only be accessible as an exception, for those who possess certain abilities, the cream of the crop of the perceived ‘others’.

The Greek citizenship regime is based on the model of a transcendent ethnic community defined by a common ancestry and Greekness is considered to be an inherent feature. This reasoning is highly exclusionary for children of migrant origin disregarding the essence of their developed bonds with Greece. As a

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4 matter of fact, they grow up in an environment characterized by great inconsistency. On the one hand, the Greek state treats them as foreigners in need to prove their legal residence to the country by the acquisition of residence permits. On the other hand, they attend Greek education getting acquainted with Greek values and cultural traditions. Despite the fact that Greece is their primary point of reference, their non-recognition as equal members of the Greek society leads to their social exclusion. Additionally, citizenship is not considered solely as a sum of rights and privileges but also as a form of identity linked with participation in everyday social reality and public institutions (Iliadis, 2013). Lack of citizenship is denying second generation immigrants in Greece from a source of self-determination converting them to ‘informal’ citizens. How do second generation migrants perceive their position in such an exclusionary social and legal framework?

The aim of this thesis is to explore the perceptions of national identity of second generation migrants in Greece by focusing on people of Albanian and sub-Saharan origin in Athens, the capital and largest city of Greece. In accordance to the definition of Portes and Rumbaut (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001, p. 23) the term second generation migrant in this thesis refers to migrants’ children that have been born or raised from their early childhood in the host country of their parents.

My study was not guided by any specific hypothesis. Rather, this is an exploratory inquiry aiming at gaining deep knowledge of my informants’ experiences and perceptions. That is particularly significant, given the lack of academic literature on the topic of migrants’ descendants in Greece. My research was guided by the following research question: How do Albanian and sub-Saharan second generation migrants perceive their national identity within the Greek legislative and social context?

1.2 Greek national identity and citizenship

Much has been written over the Greek concept of national identity (Koumandaraki, 2002; Triandafyllidou, Calloni, & Mikrakis, 1997). Greek national belonging is presented to be a rather bounded and compact concept essentially linked with the nation’s historical and cultural particularities. Unsurprisingly, the creation of the modern Greek state was based primarily to its historical weight. The construction of Greek identity is characterized by the perception of a linear continuity between Greece’s ‘glorious’ ancient past and modernity. As Anderson (2008) has noted, the nation is an imagined community whose identity stretches beyond time highlighting its uniqueness. The temporal dimension of Greek nation has been interpreted along this notion, creating the sense of an own national culture and history which are characterized by the

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5 perception of a common genealogical descent that cements ethnocultural bonds and justifies claims over Greek national identity.

The Greek concept of national identity is constructed on the basis of population’s ethnic ties. Greeks are perceived as a community of people who shares ethnic and cultural traits regardless of the possession of the state, what in Greek language is defined as Ethnos (Triandafyllidou, Calloni, & Mikrakis, 1997). The Greek Ethnos has been present throughout different historical periods irrespective of the political formations that took place in the Greek territory. The uniqueness of its continuity has been a main characteristic of nationalist thinking during the first years of Greek state’s liberation in the 19th_{century, emphasizing}

on an ideology of purity. Historical connections between classical Greece and the Byzantine period with modernity have been invented in order to construct a pure historical trajectory without discontinuities and created a sense of homogeneity through ideologies of common descent and cultural traditions (Triandafyllidou A. , 1998, p. 606). Ethnic customs, linguistic ties and religious beliefs were converted to national sentiments defining a Greek form of life and essentializing the idea of Greek national consciousness.

Religion has been historically a definitional element of Greek national identity, setting up a link with the Byzantine period. The first constitution of the liberalized Greek state set Orthodox Christianity as the prevailing dogma in the Greek territory associating religion with Greekness (Christopoulos, 2012). This notion has been present throughout centuries and resulted in the homogenization of Greek nation (Koumandaraki, 2002, p. 48). Religious definitions of Greekness, although not in an official state level, remain still in close relation with ethnic conceptions of national identity (Tzanelli, 2006, p. 39). The definition of Greek national identity in terms of ethnicity, culture and religion and its transcendental character through time is deeply rooted in the Greek society and public discourse. Ethnic origin is the feature that unites all Greeks in a close knit imaginary family and differentiates them intrinsically from aliens preserving their cultural purity which originates from antiquity. Ethnic homogeneity is attached to symbolic meanings and is considered by the Greek natives as a crucial element for national and social prosperity (Kandylis & Kavoulakos, 2011).

Greek citizenship law is based on an ethnic conception according to which, Greek national identity is constructed applying the principal of blood: Jus sanguinis. It defines that citizenship acquisition is determined by the nationality of one of the parents, no matter the place of birth (Christopoulos, 2012). In other words, a foreign born child is entitled to Greek citizenship as long as one of its parents is of Greek descent. Greeks are those who have a Greek descent not those that live in Greece and are of a foreign origin. In Greece, the terms used to refer to

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6 citizenship are ‘ipikootita’ (nationality), ‘idiotita tou polith’ (citizenship) and ‘ithageneia’. The term ‘ithageneia’ is commonly used in public discourse and legal language concerning citizenship issues.

1.3 The 3838/2010 Act

As mentioned earlier, in March 2010, the Greek Parliament voted a new law2_on

citizenship and naturalization which led to drastic changes in the previous strict citizenship regime moving to the direction of the adoption of specific rules for migrants’ descendants cases. According to the law, migrants’ children that have been born in Greece could become Greek citizens provided that both their parents had completed five years of legal residence in the country. For children that have been born abroad, the new law stipulated that they would be naturalized after the completion of 6 years of schooling in Greece, again provided that both their parents had completed a five year period of legal residence in the country. The reformed law opened a new way of citizenship acquisition for foreign origin minors through their parents’ declaration of continuous and legal residence (Triandafyllidou A. , 2012). At the same time, the legal residence period requirement for naturalization has been lowered from ten to seven years. Contrary to the previous legislation, administrative authorities were obliged to respond and justify naturalization decisions within a specific timeframe. Furthermore, the act provided full local political rights for foreign residents that have been living in Greece for at least five years.

In 2011, responding to a claim made by a Greek citizen, the State Council has questioned the constitutionality of the voting rights and citizenship acquisition provisions leading to the law’s eventual withdrawal in 2012. The main argument against the reformed citizenship regime was that the existence of a vital bond between children of migrant origin and the Greek state cannot be ensured with formal and objective requirements of length residency or by the fact of birth in the country rendering at the same time the principal of blood as a constitutional principle. In other words, Greek citizenship cannot be linked with territorial or civic elements as the ethnic descent is the most crucial factor defining the boundaries of Greek nation and the existence of national consciousness.

Since the State Council’s questioning of the law’s constitutionality, all the citizenship applications have come to a halt. Following the law’s annulment, there has not been provided any further information concerning the already made applications and no governmental plans have been announced so far concerning second generation migrants’ case. A progressive and less restricted

2_{Act No. 3838/2010 :}

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7 citizenship policy seems to not preoccupy current political powers in Greece rendering such issues not of primary concern in the country’s political agenda.

1.4 The current legal framework for Second Generation Migrants in Greece

Currently, as long as they are minors, migrant’s children are under the legal status of their migrant parents3_{. The Greek state considers them legal only if}

their parents have gain a status of legality in the country. Thus, irrespective of being school students they are legally attached to a migrant status. If their parents obtain the Greek citizenship they become automatically Greek citizens. However, the vague and demanding naturalization framework in Greece renders this option almost unfeasible (Triandafyllidou , 2012;Christopoulos, 2012). In the past, due to the strict immigration framework, migrant parents’ legality was a prerequisite for the enrolment of their children in Greek schools leading to confusions. However, with the act 2910/20014_{, this requirement was abolished}

facilitating the way of undocumented migrants’ descendants’ access to Greek education.

In practice, despite this regulation there have been bureaucratic issues concerning the enrollment of migrants’ children in school and negative stances of school administrators to accept their registration of even documented alien children hindering their educational integration (Zachos, 2009, p. 144). In addition, according to the Greek legislation, children born in Greece by foreign citizens are not entitled to a birth certificate which is only a Greek citizen’s prerogative. The only document that proves their birth in the country is a certificate provided by the maternity clinic. This differentiation has led to the complication of their interaction with the Greek state and has put obstacles in their registration at schools5_{. In addition it has generated issues when renewing}

their country of origin passports.

Migrants’ descendants encounter the first serious problems regarding their legal status when they become adults. As soon as they reach the age of majority they have to deal with the issues of legality on their own as they are no longer considered dependent family members, obtaining their own individual residence permits in order to reside legally in Greece. The lack of a specific legal framework for second generation migrants’ case converts them practically and officially into migrants upon reaching adulthood, rendering migration law compliance

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Family reunification provision. Act 4251/2014 : New Code for Immigration and Social Integration. http://www.parliament.gr/Nomothetiko-Ergo/Syzitiseis-kai-Psifisi?law_id=3dc12081-29cd-40fd-890f-3fd8eecc352b

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Law 2910/2001: Entry and stay of foreign nationals in Greek territory. Citizenship acquisition by naturalization and other provisions.

5_{Minor children of immigrants - issuance of birth certificates. Greek Ombudsman :}

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8 indispensable if they do not want to face the risk of imprisonment or deportation. Hence, their cases apply to those of their parents and other foreigners that have just arrived in the country.

It was only until very recently, in 2008, when the Act 3731/2008 established a legal framework especially for second generation migrants. This law foresaw that children that have been born in Greece were entitled to a long-term residence permit of a five year duration provided that they have attended nine years of primary and secondary school education which is actually the duration of compulsory education in Greece. According to the current Immigration Code that entered in force the 1st_{of May}6_{2014, this long-term residence permit}

applies also for children that arrived in Greece during their childhood. Moreover, the prerequisite of mandatory education was reduced to six years and the age limit was increased upon the age of 21. The renewal of this permit is done automatically for five more years only with the submission of the previous long-term permit.

There a few more options given to them in order to regularize their status after adulthood. Those who achieve their admission at a Greek university they are entitled to permits for academic reasons with equivalent duration. However, this permit does not allow full time employment but only part-time. Finally, there is also an option for the renewal of their family reunification permit individually, in the name of each child for three more years until the age of 21.

Concerning citizenship acquisition, as mentioned earlier, the current citizenship law does not contain any specific provision regarding migrants’ descendants. The only way so as to gain the Greek citizenship is by following the naturalization procedure which is practically designed for non-national adults. Thus, the requirements of adulthood, excludes automatically all minor children of migrant origin. Given the fact that Greek naturalization framework is characterized by costly, time consuming and equivocal decisions, a child that has been born in Greece will need to wait at least 18 years in order to apply for the citizenship (Iliadis, 2013; Christopoulos, 2012). When they become adults, second generation migrants have to prove the legality and the continuity of their presence in the country and be subjected to an assessment of their knowledge in Greek language, history and culture. Such procedure illustrates clearly the legislative gap currently present in the Greek legal context concerning citizenship acquisition by children of non-Greek descent born or/and raised in Greece.

Naturalization, however a costly and emotionally burdened procedure is the only realistic option for migrants’ descendants. Lack of Greek citizenship despite putting them into a continuous state of legality/semi-legality is a barrier for their

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9 professional advancement. As a matter of fact, their participation in the economic and social spheres of public live does not occur in equal terms with the native Greeks. Citizenship denial puts barriers to their aspirations and plans since they are deprived of access to certain professions for which Greek citizenship is a prerequisite( work in the public sector, doctors, police officers, school teachers). Hence, they are classified to inferior professional categories, doing jobs that apply primarily to their legal status and not to their qualifications. In addition, they are not entitled to any type of political rights and encounter limitations in travelling and studying abroad. Consequently, citizenship denial has become synonymous with constraints for social mobility and access to opportunities in labor and education sectors.

1.5 Albanian migration to Greece

Much of the attention concerning Albanian immigration in Greece focuses on the population movements that took place during the 1990’s. However, Albanian emigrants had crossed the Greek borders in the late 19th_{century for seasonal}

work in textile and agriculture businesses. In addition, flows of Albanian immigrants have been arriving in Greece in 1912 after the end of Balkan Wars until the end of 1945 when the postwar political regime established in Albania prohibited emigration (Baldwin-Edwards, 2004, p. 51).

The collapse of the communist Soviet Union and Central European regimes in the early 1990’s and the changes in the geopolitical map of the Balkans triggered massive immigration flows. For almost 50 years, Albania has being one of the most isolated countries in the world. The communist regime established in the country by Hoxha restricted contacts with other countries and prohibited population movements. Emigration was prohibited, being considered an act of treason and internal mobility was also rigidly regulated (King, 2003, p. 285). The political transformations that followed the dismantling of the political system established by Hoxha in Albania and the subsequent unstable and chaotic socioeconomic situation that followed, led to a mass exodus of Albanians seeking refuge and work abroad, mainly in Italy and Greece, Albania’s richest neighbors (King, 2003, p. 284). Emigration was considered to be the only realistic strategy for escaping poverty conditions and political oppression. It is estimated that after the border’s opening, one fifth of the population left the country.

By the time the migratory inflows started, Greece lacked a legislative framework in order to manage immigration. In fact, the vast majority of Albanian immigrants arrived in Greece illegally without proper documents. The then existing framework has been in force since 1929 and was revised in 1948 but mainly dealt with emigrations issues (Triandafyllidou & Maroufof, 2009, p. 34). In response to the increasing migratory pressures, the Greek state adopted an

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10 immigration policy that was put in force in 1992. The new immigration law could be characterized as highly exclusionary aiming at the prevention of mass undocumented migrants’ flows without foreseeing though, any realistic legal routes for the vast number of immigrants originating from the Balkans (Baldwin-Edwards, 2004, p. 56). The law had set rigorous requirements for immigrants’ legal entry and stay in Greece, stipulating stricter border controls and criminalizing undocumented residence in the Greek territory. Despite mass deportations and the general orientation of the immigration framework in deterring ‘unwanted’ Albanian immigrants from entering the Greek state, Albanian undocumented flows continued rising steadily. Despite a decrease in the influxes from Albania during the period of 1993-1996 due to the relative political and economic stabilization in Albania, the deterioration of economic conditions triggered by the collapse of pyramids’ investment system in Albanian economy has led to a second wave of Albanian immigrants to Greece in 1997. Albanian immigration was dealt as being a temporary phenomenon linked with the political and economic circumstances in Albania. Population movements from Albania despite considered de iure illegal were de facto absorbed by the Greek economy (Nikas & Aspasios, 2011, p. 288). Due to their illegal status and Greek labor market’s developed sector of informal economy, Albanians were considered a significant source of cheap and flexible labor force that could contribute to the competitiveness of Greek economy (Fakiolas, 2003, p. 552). At the same time these conditions acted as a ‘pull’ factor for their immigration to Greece. The Greek labor market is characterized as rather segmented providing specific occupational niches for immigrants (Triandafyllidou & Maroufof, 2009, p. 23). Generally, Albanians took low status and low skilled jobs at labor intensive sectors that Greeks refuse to do. Agriculture, construction and public works, domestic services and small manufacture firm employment were some of the sectors in which Albanians were employed (Hatziprokopiou, 2003, p. 1042; Baldwin-Edwards, 2004, p. 54). Albanians, irrespective of their educational background and qualifications were forced in poorly rewarded occupations with limited opportunities for advancement but with higher economic returns compared to wages in their home country (Pratsinakis, 2005, p. 199). Although informal economy provided numerous employment opportunities to Albanian immigrants, the lack of legal status has resulted in discrimination and exploitation practices (King, 2003, p. 299).

The 1991 census did not provide adequate findings concerning the population of immigrants residing in Greece, reporting only EU - residents and those with a legal status. According to the 2011 census, Albanians are the largest immigrant group in Greece, constituting the 52.7% of the total number of immigrants7_{. The}

census revealed a population of 480.000 Albanian residents. Moreover,

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11 according to Albanian government’s estimations, these numbers range from 500.000 to 600.000 people or around 62% of the total Albanian population living abroad (Nikas & Aspasios, 2011, p. 293). Until 1998, when the first regularization program was implemented by the Greek state all Albanian immigrants were residing illegally in Greece. The Greek state has implemented three main regularization programs, in 1998, 2001 and 2005 respectively. However, the most significant were the former two. Prior to these regulations the number of Albanian immigrants in Greece was undefined due to the lack of reliable data. The 1998 law was characterized by rather bureaucratic procedures and exigent requirements, granting ‘Green card’ permits to less than a million applicants, 65% of whom were Albanians (Fakiolas, 2003, p. 1292). The second legalization law had a twofold aim: attracting those immigrants that had not been registered with the first legalization program and providing regularization opportunities for recently arrived immigrants. However, the law neither reduced the vague residence permit requirements nor facilitated the complex application procedures as various organizational issues and legal ambiguities arose posing great difficulties to immigrants (Triandafyllidou & Maroufof, 2009;Baldwin-Edwards, 2004). As a result, only 29% of undocumented Albanian residents had their status regularized (Nikas & Aspasios, 2011, p. 293). In addition, the immigration framework was characterized by a preferential treatment towards Greek ethnic Albanians. Those who could prove their Greek origin were subjected to less costly economic requirements and less lengthy procedures being granted ‘special identity cards’ that provided them with a variety of legal rights such as voting in local elections. The abovementioned legalization initiatives taken by the Greek government illustrate that the implemented immigration policies lacked thorough planning, adopting a rather exclusionary approach towards foreign residents without aiming to their gradual and successful integration into the Greek society.

Initially, Greek reaction towards immigrants was quite welcoming (King, 2003, p. 300;Gorgonas, 2009). Greeks were willing to assist materially and showed empathy regarding previous negative experiences under the oppressive political circumstances in Albania. Such views changed, however, as negative stereotypes were ascribed to Albanians mainly due to their massive presence and the lack of other prominent immigrant groups. Moreover, the adoption of negative attitudes by the Greek society could be attributed to Albanians’ extreme negative representation in the Greek mass media chiefly during the 1990’s contributing to their ‘othering’ (Baldwin-Edwards, 2004, p. 58;Athanasopoulou, 2011, p. 131). Scapegoating of Albanians in public and political discourse and their depictions in media reports as ‘dangerous’ and ‘criminals’ led to the construction of a public image which displayed Albanians as being inherently ‘primitive’ and ‘untrustworthy’ (Lazaridis & Wickens, 1999, p. 648). Hostile views against them bear no differentiation among Albanians, as they were perceived as a mass of

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12 deviant guests. Negativity and suspicion towards Albanians has being a widespread feature within Greek society, leading to comparisons with other immigration groups who were perceived as friendly and peaceful. Societal attitudes reflected notions of Albanians’ cultural inferiority and backward way of living, frequently attached to specific derogatory wording, fuelling discriminatory and racist practices. Being an Albanian was deemed to represent subconsciously a permanent low social status. The very word ‘Albanian’ in everyday life was characterized by negative and degrading connotations trapping Albanians in a society made of stereotypes. Regardless of Albanians’ contribution to the Greek economy’s advancement, their presence was deemed largely as a threat to society’s cultural purity. Hence, stereotyping was a combination of public perceptions concerning Albanians ethnicity, religion, illegal status and position in the labor market (Lazaridis & Wickens, 1999). Generally, Albanian immigrants’ image in Greece was believed to be related with poverty and marginalization primarily because of the type of jobs they obtained. Over the years however, Albanians were able to achieve a gradual socioeconomic mobility and better their living conditions. This is linked with the fact that most of them obtained legal status, opening pathways to stable and better paid employment and social security (Hatziprokopiou, 2003, p. 1045; BaldwinEdwards, 2004, p.54). These achievements were also related to Albanian’s cultural adjustment strategies aiming at their incorporation into the Greek society. Rapid acquisition of language skills, orientation with employment conditions and the development of interpersonal relations with locals were significant factors in dealing with structural barriers lowering their sense of insecurity. Albanians adopted additional adaptive tactics in order to find their place in the Greek society. As reported by studies on Albanian immigration, voluntary name changing through baptism especially for those who had Muslim names was a rather common practice (Hatziprokopiou, 2003;Pratsinakis, 2005). Changing a central element of their identity demonstrates their willingness for achieving high levels of acculturation for them and their children and gaining acceptance in their relations with the locals. Such tactics can be considered as quite rational given the cultural and religious Greek context. Godfathers were Greeks with whom Albanians maintained a relatively close personal relation. Thus, baptism practices were either a strategy aiming at building relationships with the natives or a confirmation of an existing bond with Greek people (Pratsinakis, 2005, p. 202). In addition, taking up Greek names was also a tactic adopted in order to conceal their highly stigmatized Albanian identity and being viewed as Albanians of Greek descent. The socioeconomic advancement of Albanians is also related to the existence of previously established and developed social networks. Except from those immigrants that arrived during the early 1990’s, a large number of Albanians relied on solitary relations with relatives and acquaintances who proved to be significant contacts for their

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13 cultural orientation in the country and for the minimization of economic costs and vulnerability (Hatziprokopiou, 2003).

As already mentioned the case of second generation migrants has not attracted yet much academic attention. Yet, studies conducted on second generation migrants show that Albanian youth acknowledge their parents’ economic sacrifices and risks assumed in the Greek context, engaging in acts of reciprocity in order to meet their expectations (Athanasopoulou, 2011, p. 135). Furthermore, they are aware of the significance of structural barriers in the Greek context and their role in the realization of their aspirations in Greece. This is ascertained from my sample participants as many of them emphasized on the constraints deriving from the lack of legal provisions for immigrant youth in Greece. Other studies focusing on the linguistic capacities in parental and Greek language of second generation Albanians show striking differences among Greek and Albanian language skills. This is very much related with their parents’ willingness to learn Greek quickly in order to improve their chances for upward mobility. Young Albanians tend to experience a rather high fluency in Greek language compared to their parental language which is primarily used in contacts with adult relatives of Albanian origin (Gorgonas, 2009, p. 104). According to Gorgonas (2009), the majority of Albanian youth shows a preference in using Greek language in their interaction with their age-mates of Albanian origin. The embracement of the Greek language is also related with the stigmatization of Albanian culture within Greek society (Vomvyla, 2012). Thus, patterns of language usage reflect both a self-consciousness and a willingness to distance from a stigmatized identity.

Second generation Albanian migrants’ higher linguistic competence in Greek is related with the orientations of the Greek educational system which generally employs an ethnocultural and assimiliationist approach lacking intercultural educational programmes. Although legal provisions stipulate the establishment of classes for immigrant pupils in order to gain knowledge of their cultural background, in practice such policies are quite uncommon rendering bilingualism a non-existing concept (Chatzidaki & Maligkoudi, 2012, p. 678). As my informants’ narratives confirmed, educational policies concerning migrant’s children are limited, providing additional support and reception classes for pupils’ rapid integration into the Greek educational system. Furthermore, the teachers’ capacity in dealing with children of different ethnic origin is described in academic literature as insufficient due to lack of adequate training (Zachos, 2009). As several of my informants affirmed, school teachers made comments that were based on biased perceptions accentuating ethnic differences with Greek pupils.

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1.6 African Migration to Greece

There is a scarcity in literature concerning the historical trajectory of immigration flows originating from Africa mainly because they constitute a small part of immigrant population in Greece. Therefore, my elaboration on the topic is based on a limited number of sources.

The first Africans arrived in Greece in the early 70’s mainly for educational and academic purposes. A large number of them arrived in Greece with study scholarships as a result of bilateral diplomatic relations of Greece with African countries. Having attained a high level of educational capital, many of them after the completion of their studies remained in the country seeking for permanent settlement. During the 80’s, a small number of Africans started arriving as economic migrants in order to work in agriculture, construction and domestic services sectors (Triandafyllidou & Maroufof, 2009). This flow was also triggered by the demand of the Hellenic Federation of Enterprises for labor force in order to be employed at industrial facilities (Kotzamanis et al., 2006). At the same period, Africans’ arrival in Greece was linked with the Greek Orthodox Church. Adults and youngsters arrived as priests or students of theological faculties (mainly Kenyans and Ugandans) (Papaioannou, 2013).

Furthermore, many Africans arrived as refugees due to war and repressive political regimes mainly from Ethiopia and Sierra Leone (Papaioannou, 2013). Until the early 90’s, Africans’ presence in the country was limited in size constituting only a slight minority of the immigrant population as their numbers did not exceeded a few hundreds8_{. This situation however, has changed}

completely as major waves of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers arrived from Africa during the decades of 1990’s and 2000’s. According to the 2001 national census, almost 16.000 Africans were estimated to reside in Greece. These numbers have increased radically throughout the 2000’s as Greece became one of Europe’s main destination and transit countries for hundreds of thousands unauthorized migrants, primarily because of EU’s migration management policies (e.g. Dublin Convention) (Kassimis, 2012). In this decade, Greece has experienced a second vast immigration wave comprised by a considerably more diverse population than the first wave. This fact is closely related with the toughening of immigration policies that took place in Spain and Italy which traditionally were the main entry points for African migrants in Europe. The signing of bilateral agreements of refoulement with neighboring North-African countries altered significantly the direction of African immigration towards Greece. It is noteworthy that the 75% of all apprehensions for unauthorized stay in Europe in 2010 took place in Greece (Kassimis, 2012). A point not to be overlooked is that the prosperous and favorable economic conditions in Greece during the early 2000’s and the excessively developed

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15 underground economy has also attracted immigration waves and led to the absorption of large numbers of Africans in the Greek labor market.

Currently, the combination of large scale influxes of unauthorized immigration with the severe economic recession taking place in Greece, has led to anti-immigrant sentiments and xenophobic attitudes by a significant part of the Greek society. Racial difference and ‘blackness’ are targeted and socially condemned since foreigners are depicted in public discourse as an additional burden to the country’s unfavorable economic conditions. Moreover, the Greek authorities have adopted stigmatizing and discriminatory policies focusing on racially different foreigners in order to crack down irregular foreign residents. The majority of my sample’s African origin informants ascertained having experienced xenophobic sentiments in their interactions with Greeks and police authorities.

1.7 Theoretical framework

One of the main interpretative tools this study will use to in order to explore second generation migrants’ identity construction patterns is Richard Jenkins’s theory on social identity. Having being influenced by Barth’s ethnic identity model, Jenkins argues that ethnic identity is a form of social identity. According to Jenkins (2003), human identities are primarily social identities as self-identifications are a matter of meaning, and meaning always entail interaction: agreement and disagreement, convention and innovation, communication and negotiation (Jenkins, Social Identity, 2004, p. 15). Thus, identity is not a fixed or rigid matter that can be conceptualized in isolation. Rather, it is an understanding of who we are and mutually an understanding of others about themselves and us. Jenkins claims that identity formation is not a unilateral but a two way social process of a dialectic character and is influenced by the interaction of internal and external definitions. The meeting point of both definitions provide the frame in which social identity can be achieved (Jenkins, 2003). Jenkins argues that these definitions interact in both individual and collective levels. At the individual level, internal definitions are perceived as self-identifications whereas external definitions are regarded as other’s views in reference to these identifications. In terms of the collective level, internal definitions may result to group identity formation while on the other hand external definitions could lead to the formation of social categories. As Jenkins points out, the construction of social categories is subject to the perceived ingroup similarity and external differences (Jenkins, Social Identity, 2004, p. 100). Jenkins’s social identity theoretical framework suggests that identity is a product of social interactions. According to this theory, external definitions can

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16 have an impact on the way self definitions of identity are produced. External categorizations also constitute a crucial dimension of internal definition processes, as the definition of the ‘us’ requires the differentiation and the contrast with a ‘they’. Moreover, at the group level, being categorized can lead to identity formation or to the reinforcement of an existing identity through the adoption of reactive and resistant attitudes. As I have already mentioned in the previous chapter, the Greek legislative framework is highly exclusionary concerning second generation migrants’ cases categorizing them as foreigners and migrants while societal notions of Greek national belonging are strictly bounded. In this vein, it is important to examine the implications of such external definitions in their conceptualizations of identity.

Jenkins distinghishes three orders under which the social world can be understood and experienced. The individual order, the interactive order and institutional order. The three orders occur simultaneously and provide the framework for the synthetic interplay of internal and external identity definitions’ processes. The individual order is about selfhood and internalization. Drawing on G.H Mead’s work, he distinighuishes between ‘I’ and ‘me’ self identifications. He argues that ‘I’ can be interpreted as the the unique individuality of selfhood whereas ‘me’ consists of others’ reactions and attitudes which are incorporated into the self. The interaction order provides the framework where identity is validated. He stresses his argument about the relational character of identity by drawing a distinction between self image and public image. He defines self image as the way we see ourselves and the way we would like to be seen by others. On the contrary, public image is the outcome of our identifications’ evaluation. Jenkins draws attention to the fact that identification is not unilateral, being more than self – definition requiring appropiate social evaluation. In reference to the institutional order, Jenkins draws a distinction between groups that define and identify themselves and groups which are defined and identified by others (2004, p.32). It can be argued that group identification and categorization processes feedback upon each other attesting the internal – external dialectic.

In a similar vein with Jenkins’s arguments about self-image evaluations, Hage (2000) discusses the concept of native nationals’ spatial domination arguing that national cultural dominance derives from perceptions about a particular model of nationals. Drawing a distinction between citizenship policies and communal perceptions of national belonging, he states that migrants’ and non-natives’ acceptance as equal nationals is primarily managed by national communities and not by formal state recognition. By introducing the concept of practical national belonging, he argues that everyday social interactions between dominant groups and individuals with minorities are the indicator for the recognition of non-natives’ position in the host society. The basis of social acceptance is determined by societal notions over cultural descent which is a main characteristic of

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17 culturally and ethnically defined communities. Given that premise, it is important to investigate how second generation migrants position themselves in reference to the rigid boundaries of Greek national belonging described above.

Drawing on Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital, Hage argues that practical national belonging is interpreted in terms of national capital within a field of national power. Hage identifies national capital as the sum of all the national cultural styles that constitute socially defined notions of national belonging. Migrants aim to accumulate as much of the socially valued cultural dispositions in order to establish their position in the dominant society and gain national acceptance. On the other hand, natives’ closer proximity to the national culture bestows them with the right to assess the level of non-natives national capital accumulations.

Native nationals and migrants possess different types of national capital. This is affirmed by the very fact that migrants follow an incorporation process into the national society whereas natives are born in it, being in direct contact with the national culture. Hage argues that this is the main determinant that constructs the dynamics of cultural dominance in societies of reception. Furthermore, the extent of the recognition of migrants’ national culture possessions is also related with societal perceptions concerning racial appearance and physical differences. The incompatibility of physical appearance with the dominant model of a national in host societies can lead to lower levels of social acceptance and equality. With that in mind, focusing on my informants racial and ethnic backgrounds, I turn to explore whether perceptions of racial incompatibility with the dominant model of Greek national are actually present in the Greek society.

Children of migrant origin are situated within different social worlds. They are influenced by dissimilar cultural contexts being exposed to multiple norms, values and languages. This duality of contexts makes identity formation process more complex as they have to define themselves in reference to different ethnic groups in both host and origin countries (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001, p. 150). A large body of literature has employed a hybrid perspective in examining second generation migrants’ identification patterns. The hybrid concept is opposed to essentialist notions of identity and national culture as being a fixed and inherent concept characterized by traditional or historical continuity and authenticity (Bhabha, 1994, p. 58). Hybridity involves partial identities, multiple roles and pluralistic selves and by no means can be conceptualized in relation to notions of purity (Iyall Smith, 2008, p. 5). Bhabha argues that the hybrid space represents a place where different cultural identities interact. He claims for the liminality of this space, naming it as ‘Third space’, the ‘in between’ space where hybrid identities are formed as an outcome of cross – cultural encounters.

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18 Drawing on DuBois description of hybridity as the emergence of double consciousness, Smith and Leavy (2008) point out that individuals occupying hybrid space are influenced by two or more cultural assemblages as two identities intent to fit in one person. As in the case of members of diasporized groups illustrates, hybrid identities arise as a product of the interpenetration of cultural elements resulting from both homelands and societies of reception. Such identities are fluid and are under continuous negotiation in both localities and can be never complete (Anthias, 2011, p. 625). Anthias argues that the emergence of hybrid identities by marginalized or subordinate ethnic groups is related to the dominant society’s will to accept or incorporate diverse cultural products and detach from its own central cultural symbols. Theoretical discussions concerning the experiences of European immigrants in post 1965 immigration era in America illustrate that discrimination and social exclusion favored the development of hybrid ethnic identities. Hostility and isolation from the mainstream American culture led to the attachment to diasporic consciousness (Weiner & Richards, 2008). In addition, Anthias states that narratives on belonging are constructed in relation to different levels of locations and positionality. She argues that identity markers need to be understood in contextual and situational terms leading to different types of self-attributions and attributions by others. These arguments are significant in examining how migrants’ descendants in Greece, established within a well-defined cultural context, understand their identity as being rooted in two different origins. Lastly, the hybrid perspective can be a useful tool in understanding the particularities developed from the association with two cultural contexts.

Adapting to the challenges of globalization and immigration, Western European nation-states’ integration policies have been reoriented according to a neoliberal rhetoric (van Houdt, Suvarierol, & Schinkel, 2011, p. 409). Citizenship as a status that defines membership to a political community has emerged as a tool for migration management. Western European states have adjusted their citizenship regimes and integration policies towards the concept of ‘earned citizenship’. This approach has two components: 1) cultural adaptation to the nation and 2) individual effort in ensuring such adaptation. Hence, the burden of integration is shifted mostly to migrants’ responsibility, converting citizenship as a prize to be gained individually (neoliberalization of citizenship).

The focus on obligation and duties has replaced the past conceptualization of citizenship as a right linked with longtime residence to national territory (Joppke, 2007, p. 14). Reflecting a post national model philosophy, civic integration is regarded as a prerequisite for citizenship acquisition focusing on the activation of prospective citizens’ values of autonomy and self-sufficiency (Joppke, 2007). The concept of earned citizenship draws a distinction between

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19 deserving and undeserving migrants and is organized on the basis of conditionality and effortfulness (Andreouli & Dashtipour, 2013, p. 14).

The perceived ‘others’ are expected to fulfill the requirements of cultural and economic criteria and achieve a certain level of socioeconomic integration on their own in order to gain access to citizenship benefits. Law obedience, proficiency in national language, economic self-sufficiency and integration in the national way of life are some of the conditions that individuals have to comply with so as to be considered worthy of being granted the citizenship status. In addition, willingness to contribute to the host society and manifestation of worthiness to be a valuable and active member of the nation are presented as moral values and ideals of the national community. This symbolic dimension accentuates the premise that citizenship is a right to be earned.

As mentioned above, Greek citizenship law foresees the requirement of sufficient knowledge of Greek language history and culture. However, citizenship legislation does not reflect an orientation towards earned citizenship discourse. Citizenship does not function as a mechanism for the promotion of foreign residents integration (Baldwin - Edwards, 2005) neither its acquisition is linked with an official social and economic incorporation policy. What is more, the intrinsic and long standing problems of Greek immigration framework (bureaucratic and time consuming character of procedures, numerous laws and legal ambiguities) render integration, as described by the neoliberal approach above, a non – existing concept.

In the next chapter I will proceed to the presentation of the methodological approach of my research and I will provide a short introduction of my informants.

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Chapter 2: Methodology

2.1 Methodological approach

My research utilized a qualitative case study research method in order to investigate how second generation youth perceive its national identity and understand their position in the Greek society. The research is a double case study since I focus on Albanian and sub-Saharan second generation migrants so as to draw comparisons between their cases. Furthermore, this is an exploratory case study research since no detailed academic research has been conducted on this topic concerning the Greek context so far. My unit of analysis consists of individuals since I was interested in investigating the concept of national identity from their perspective.

The main purpose of study is to investigate the identity formation process and the meanings that second generation migrants of Albanian and sub-Saharan origin ascribe to their national identity. The overall aim of the research is to examine the role of the legislative framework and societal attitudes in their understandings of identity and incorporation into the Greek society. In addition, focusing on their different ethnic and racial backgrounds, my intention is to gain insight about general societal attitudes towards diversity in the Greek context. The research period took place on March and April 2014, in the city of Athens. Since I was interested in individuals’ personal stories and experiences, I adopted the research instrument of in-depth interviews. Having being described as a “conversation with purpose” (Marshall & Rossman, 2006), in-depth interviewing provided me access to individuals’ emic perspective concerning their personal life and understandings of their national identity and helped me gain significant contextual information in order to interpret their stories (Hennink et al. , 2011). I conducted 16 interviews and one focus group discussion with members and representatives of an advocacy group that pushes for second generation migrants’ rights. More concretely, I took 9 interviews with informants of Albanian origin and 7 with informants of sub-Saharan origin while the composition of the focus group discussion was mixed. Moreover, before starting my fieldwork, I had a discussion with the director of this advocacy group who provided me with a detailed description of the current immigration and citizenship framework in Greece with which I was not acquainted before beginning my research. Furthemore, during my fieldwork I attended a conference at the offices of the Greek Ombudsmann, organized by the African Women Union in Athens where several issues about second generation migrants’ rights were discussed. This meeting was an opportunity to acquaint myself with children’s of migrant origin reality and legal problems and gain knowledge about the existing gaps of the legal framework.

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21 All interviews were of semi-structured and open-ended format. I do not claim that my sample is representative of the larger population of Albanian and sub-Saharan second generation migrants in Athens, since I acknowledge that my sample is quite limited. Thus, my findings cannot be generalized for the total population of second generation migrants in Athens but may provide an insightful understanding of their experiences and beliefs.

In order to recruit my participants I mobilized my personal and social networks. This approach helped me ensure an initial number of participants mainly of Albanian origin. The rest of my participants were recruited via applying the snowball sampling technique through my participants’ social networks. I also approached two interviewees after the discussion at Greek Ombudsman office’s and ensured their participation in my research. All but four of my respondents fulfilled my initial sampling eligibility criteria, namely at least 6 years of schooling in Greece and lack of Greek citizenship. As I was able to notice during my research this differentiation did not affect my findings. However, finding sub-Saharan origin participants proved to be a quite laborious and time consuming task. Several of my African interviewees’ acquaintances were unwilling to participate to my research or gave me vague responses that made me feel uncertain about the progress of the research. For that reason I decided to change my return flight tickets to Amsterdam and spend ten more days in the field in order to gain access to more participants.

All but three of the interviews were conducted in quiet cafeterias in the city centre of Athens. The remaining interviews were conducted at my informants’ houses and one was conducted via skype because the respondent is currently studying abroad. Although I had the opportunity to accommodate my interviewees at my home, I hesitated in inviting them due to lack of previous acquaintance. The majority of the interviews were conducted in the same place which I considered to provide a tranquil atmosphere that would facilitate taping. In the beginning of my empirical research, I encountered some problems dealing with the role of the researcher, mainly because I was inexperienced in conducting interviews. The fact that I was asking questions about their personal life and intimate experiences without previously having an acquaintance with the interviewees, sometimes brought me in an awkward position. That was the reason I tried to share information about my research and my personal and student background prior to the interviews in order both to build rapport and feel comfortable with my role as a researcher.

The approximate time of interviews was of one hour and a half. The general atmosphere was easygoing and relaxed. I attribute this to the fact that our ages were close. Over time, the interviews became more unstructured since I tried not to stick to the interview guide. I generally let my respondents to take the initiative, narrating their stories and emphasize on the topics they consider to be

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22 more important. Whenever I was noticing that the discussion was wandering of my research subject I intervened in order to bring the focus on the issues I was interested in. I was able to tape all the interviews since none of my informants expressed any objection to be recorded. After the end of the interviews, I spent considerable time discussing with my interviewees. The conversations were of a more casual character and revolved around more specific or general subjects. During these discussions, my interviewees shared their thoughts about their future plans and more intimate details about their lives in Greece. Most of my respondents expressed their interest in my topic and were willing to help me find more participants for my research. At the end of each interview, I took abundant and extensive notes about the interviews’ atmosphere and my informants’ attitude.

Only one informant was actively engaged in a second generation migrants’ advocacy group by the time the interview took place. I tried to avoid speaking to many people involved in such groups to avoid a certain bias in my sample. However, 11 of my participants were female and only 5 male, therefore my sample is possibly biased towards male second generation migrants. Moreover since the vast majority of my informants have attained a relatively high level of education, being students or graduates of tertiary education, my research might be also biased to more educated people.

2.2 Informants’ presentation

My initial plan to interview people that have not acquired the Greek citizenship was altered since it proved to be complicated to recruit respondents of sub-Saharan background. Overall, all but one of my informants are entitled to the Greek citizenship. Two of my African origin respondents had acquired the Greek citizenship during their childhood. Likewise, two of my Albanian informants had only recently acquired the Greek citizenship due to their Greek background. It is important to mention that all of my informants would have acquired the Greek citizenship if the previous law that foresaw citizenship for children of migrant descent had not been abolished. All but four of my respondents have been born in their countries of origin. Those born in Greece were all of African origin. The rest of my sub-Saharan informants arrived in Greece during their infancy

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23 whereas the majority of my Albanian origin respondents arrived in Greece during their childhood or early adolescence.

My informants’ ages ranged from twenty one to thirty years old. They have been residing in Greece for at least sixteen years. Twelve of them have attended all twelve years of Greek education while the rest have attended from eight to ten years of schooling. It is important to highlight that the Greek educational system foresees a nine-year of compulsory attendance to Greek school. They are all legal residents in Greece and their friendly networks consist mainly of Greeks. I will proceed by outlining the main characteristics of each respondent so as to familiarize the reader with their cases. In addition, I will provide some information concerning the atmosphere of each interview. The names of my informants are fictional.

Mara is 23 years old and she was born in Greece. I met her by chance at a café in the center of Athens. I noticed that she was speaking Greek and she was among Greeks, so I approached her and I asked her if she wanted to participate to my research. She was very eager to participate and to suggest other people that might fit to my sample criteria. She originates from Uganda and she grew up in a Greek island. Her parents arrived in Greece in the mid- seventies due to the civil war in Uganda. She did her bachelor degree on human resources and marketing and she is currently working part-time as telephone operator in a travel agency. She has acquired the Greek citizenship at the age of fourteen because her father was naturalized Greek. She expressed her gratitude towards her father for having acquired the Greek citizenship. The interview took place in a quiet café in the center of Athens and despite the fact that in the beginning she seemed a little stressed about being interviewed, she was pleasant and open to share quite a lot of experiences with me. After the interview we continued talking mainly about previous job experiences, our professional futures and the unfavorable economic conditions for young adults in Greece.

Tomi is 23 years old and he was born in Lagos, Nigeria. He arrived in Greece in 1992, at the age of two with his mother and his younger sister. His father had already been established in Greece few years before as an economic migrant. Tomi was a friend of Mara’s and we arranged the interview two days after my interview with her. Prior to our meeting, Tomi has been speaking to the telephone with the Canadian embassy in order to gain more information concerning the requirements for the issuance of the immigrants’ Visa. As he told me later, migration is the only way to pursue his professional dreams. He graduated as physiotherapist from a private school in 2013 but stable job opportunities in his field are quite limited in Greece. Tomi seemed to be a pluralistic character. He has several hobbies to which enjoys dedicating a lot of his free time. He currently plays volleyball for a third division club while his

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24 primary avocation is writing lyrics and singing reggae music. I tried to build rapport with him by asking him general questions about Nigeria and his volleyball career. He had participated to a similar research one year ago and he appreciated the fact that there are people who show academic interest for second generation migrants’ cases. He expressed his disappointment about the way that migrants’ children are treated by the Greek law and his belief that the legal system will not change in the near future. He was easy-going and eager to talk and explain his experiences approaching them with a good sense of humour. This helped to create a relaxed atmosphere between us. His interview was one of the most insightful one’s. After the end of taping we continued talking about everyday issues he faces because of his migrant status and due to the fact that he had never travelled in Europe, he asked me questions about life in the Netherlands.

Lia is 22 years old and she has been in Greece since she was two. She arrived in Athens, after her mother’s decease together with her father who by this time was a law student with a scholarship at an Athenian university. She was born in Democratic Republic of the Congo and she has not visited the country since her departure because she holds the status of the political refugee. She has recently graduated from the faculty of French Language and Literature in Athens and she is currently looking for employment. I contacted Lia via an acquaintance of mine. The interview took place at a quiet café in the heart of Athens. From the first moment she appeared to be a dynamic character and she shared numerous experiences expressing her frustration concerning the legal barriers and discrimination practices that people of migrant origin face in Greece. During the interview there were moments when the atmosphere was tense and Lia’s tone of voice became high especially when she recalled personal incidents that made her feel uncomfortable and considered them to be racist. The interview lasted more than two hours and after the end we had a conversation about Greek immigration legal framework. She stated that she is not satisfied with her life in Greece and that makes her considering migration to another European country. Lia has been very interested in my research facilitating the recruitment of other sub-Saharan origin respondents through her friendly networks.

Iro is 23 years old and she was born in Greece. Her parents arrived in Greece as students from Uganda during the seventies and they met in Greece. She told me that she has also a Kenyan descent. The interview lasted approximately forty five minutes due to her tight schedule. She is an undergraduate in international economics and she is currently working as an intern in the ministry of economics. She is a holder of a Greek passport since 1996 because of her parents’ naturalization. The atmosphere during the interview was relaxed since Iro was open to answer to every question. She felt grateful to her parents for mobilizing and gaining the Greek citizenship because of the complex and time – consuming