Are the romantic myths of gold still present in
the twenty-‐first century?
Mercury pollution caused by small-‐scale gold miners in the
Brokopondo area in Suriname
An integrative approach towards a solution
Tutors: Joris Buis & Diederik Keuskamp Expert supervisor: Kenneth Rijsdijk
Authors (major): Aly, S. (Political Sciences)
Bijleveld, B. (Business) Edelenbosch, N., (Earth Sciences)
Meer, van der, T. (Ecology)
December 21st, 2012 Wordcount: 7441
ABSTRACT
This paper reviews the issue of mercury pollution as a consequence of small-‐scale gold mining in the Brokopondo Province in Suriname. The history of gold mining in
Suriname is described, as well as the stakeholders that are linked to the production process. The political system is found to be the core of the failures to reduce the
pollution of mercury by small-‐scale miners. These failures can be related to the informal character of the sector. Also, a considerable amount of taxes are missed out on and the monitoring on activities of the miners is limited. The impacts are explained by
evaluating the production of gold and the process of how mercury is used to separate the gold from the soil. Elevated levels of mercury lead to direct pollution of ground water, and indirect pollution of the ecosystems in the region. The contamination of aquatic systems leads to pollution in living biota. This pollution moves through the interconnected system, and poses serious health risks to people and other organisms. Based on an impact analysis of mercury pollution a hypothesis was formulated which described a possible solution to the problems that arise from mercury pollution; the first step to begin solving these problems is to form coordinated cooperation between the stakeholders who are involved in the small-‐scale mining industry, such as the government, large-‐scale mining companies, tourist industry and the local population. This cooperation would assist the small-‐scale miners to reorganize and reduce mercury use. To review this hypothesis a qualitative method is used based on interviews with these stakeholders. The data collected from the interviews are analysed for
opportunities and bottlenecks for this type of cooperation. The conclusions are that in the current situation such cooperation can hardly be realized, due to the lack of
emotional interest in the area of international companies and the lack of regulation from the government. It is shown that concepts such as Corporate Social Responsibility are not yet integrated in the business society of Suriname. Therefore companies, such as the Canadian company IAMGOLD, do not feel responsible for this area. Increasing
awareness of the mercury pollution problems among the different stakeholders can contribute to providing a solution by cooperation.
Key words: Suriname, Brokopondo Province, small-‐scale gold mining, mercury pollution, cooperation, environmental impact, human health.
Table of contents
1. Introduction 4
1.1 History 4
1.2 Different types of gold mining 4 1.3 Geography and demography 5 1.4 Involved stakeholders 5 1.5 Structure of the report 6
2. Problem definition 7
2.1 Mercury Pollution 7 2.2 Research Question and Hypothesis 7
3. Methodology 9
3.1 Interviews 9
3.2 Questionnaires 9
3.3 Analyses 9
4. Theoretical Framework 11
4.1 Rational Choice Theory 11 4.2 Role of the government 12
4.3 Impact Analysis 14
4.3.1 Impacts on the National Suriname Economy 14 4.3.2 Socio-‐environmental impacts 15 4.3.3 Gold mining and the use of mercury 15
4.3.4 Impacts on the environment 16 4.3.5 Health effects on humans 17
5. Integrative Approach 19
5.1 Benefits for different stakeholders 20 5.2 Corporate Social Responsibility 21
6. Survey-‐based analysis 22 6.1 Bottlenecks 22 6.2 Opportunities 25 6.3 Objective conditions 26 7. Discussion 28 8. Conclusion 30 9. References 31
1.
Introduction
1.1 History
Gold mining in Suriname has been carried out for over a hundred years. During certain time periods in history the gold mining activities intensified, these periods are called gold rushes or gold mining booms. The gold rush in South America began around 1884 when a large amount of gold was discovered in Tierra del Fuego. Gradually, the gold fever spread to countries such as Venezuela, Guyana and Suriname. Surinamese gold mining was at its peak in 1908, with an annual gold mining yield of 1200 kg (Mol et al., 2001). However, after 1908 the gold mining industries decreased. In 1976 the annual gold production had dropped to two kg. Around 1985, the national annual production was 30 kg per year.
Recently the production increased to almost 20.000 kg per year (Heemskerk, 2005). This huge increase happened because of enhanced technology in production processes, interest of large-‐scale companies in the area and gold concessions developed by the government. In many ways, the Surinamese civil war of 1986-‐1992 has
stimulated the small-‐scale gold mining activities. The instability of Suriname led to low levels of education among residents who took to working in the small-‐scale mining sector (Heemskerk, 2009).
1.2 Different types of Gold Mining
Gold mining in Suriname can be divided in small-‐scale gold mining and large-‐scale gold mining companies. Small-‐scale gold miners are very mobile and move around a lot, large-‐scale mining companies, such as IAMGOLD, operate on large concessions granted by the government (Heemskerk, 2009). The gold mining sector in Suriname is
dominated by small-‐scale miners, in numbers as well as surface covered. Small-‐scale gold miners belong to the informal sector in Suriname, because the composition of this sector is constantly changing and most of the workers and companies are not registered with the government (Cleary & Thornton, 1994). Moreover, environmental regulations are difficult to implement and monitor as they are not pursued properly (Cleary & Thornton, 1994).
1.3 Geography and demography
This research will be particularly focused on the small-‐scale mining activities in the Brokopondo Province in Suriname. This province is located an estimated 100
kilometres south of Paramaribo, the capital city of Suriname. Within the Brokopondo province the Brokopondo reservoir is located. This lake is
the result of the construction of a dam on the Suriname River between 1961 and 1964. Most of the nationwide small-‐scale gold mining activities are located around the lake. The population that lives in the Brokopondo province mostly consist out of native Surinamese (Maroons) and Brazilian immigrants (Garimpeiros). An estimated 75% of the gold miners are Brazilian immigrants (Heemskerk, 2009).
Figure 1:Yellow coloured areas: small scale gold mining in Suriname (Heemskerk 2009)
1.4 Involved Stakeholders
The small-‐scale mining industry is not an isolated industry, there are several
stakeholders that are directly or indirectly involved in the small-‐scale mining industry. Although these stakeholders are not the direct focus of this research, they are
introduced in this section because they play an important role. In this research a short analysis of the small-‐scale mining industry has been done in order to assess who the most important stakeholders in the small-‐scale mining industry in the Brokopondo province are. In table 1 the most important stakeholders along with their relationship with the small-‐scale mining industry are shown.
Table 1: important stakeholders
Stakeholder Relation with the Small-‐Scale Mining Industry
National Suriname Government
Are responsible for making and implementing policies and regulations concerning the small-‐scale mining industry
IAMGOLD/ Large-‐ Scale Mining Industry
Currently winning gold in regions which where former gold winning areas of the SSMI. Native population and miners live in the areas where IAMGOLD in mining gold.
Tourism Industry Offering tourist tours in the Brokopondo area, benefit from healthy environmental conditions, just as the local population and SSMI workers benefit from healthy production system.
Researchers (Marieke Heemskerk)
Carrying out research on the SSMI
NGO’s (WWF) WWF’s mission is:
‘It is WWF's Mission Statement to stop the degradation of the planet's natural environment and to build a future in which humans live in harmony with nature.’ They are concerned and involved in the small scale mining industry in Suriname. Local Population
(Maroons)
Working in the SSMI and living in the Brokopondo region
1.5 Structure of this report
The next section of this report describes the problem definition, the research question and hypothesis. Subsequently the methodology that is used in this research is clarified. Section four is the theoretical framework which consists of an explanation of the rational choice theory and a socio-‐economic and environmental impact analysis of mercury pollution. Section five is a short explanation of the integrative approach of this research. In section six an analysis of the conducted interviews is given, describing bottlenecks and opportunities for cooperation. Section seven is the discussion followed by the conclusion.
2. Problem definition
2.1 Mercury pollution
Because of the use of mercury, the small-‐scale mining activities generate a lot of
problems. These problems can be divided into different categories. First of all, because of the use of mercury by the small-‐scale miners to divide the gold easily, ecosystems, biodiversity and agricultural lands are being damaged (Mol et al., 2001). The mercury also pollutes the groundwater, through which it enters the rivers. In the rivers the mercury accumulates in the fish. Beside the environmental stress, the health of the small-‐scale gold miners is threatened due to direct and indirect contact with mercury (Heemskerk, 2009, p.36). The use of mercury has indirect economic effects on the National Suriname Economy as well (Heemskerk, 2011). In the theoretical framework the impacts of the use of mercury on the environment, humans and the economy are comprehensively elaborated.
2.2 Research Question and Hypothesis
The use of high levels of mercury in the small-‐scale gold mining industry in the Brokopondo region in Suriname and the problems that it brings along are the core of this research. Therefore, the objective of this research is finding a solution for the problems that arise with mercury pollution (the detrimental effects on the health of the environment). In order to provide this solution it will be examined how the involved stakeholders can contribute to a reduction of the use of mercury. Therefore the following research question is formulated:
‘How can the stakeholders that are directly or indirectly active in gold winning activities or engaged with the small-‐scale mining industry within the Brokopondo province
contribute to a solution for the environmental and health problems that arise due to high mercury use in the small-‐scale gold mining industry?’
In line with the research question the following hypothesis is formulated:
‘The small-‐scale gold miners, the large-‐scale mining company IAMGOLD, and NGO’s (the WWF) are key actors in providing a solution for the mercury pollution in the small scale gold mine industry. Together with the local population and other stakeholders (in this research: tourist industry) these key actors can cooperate to reduce the usage of mercury and increase the quality of livelihoods and ecosystems within the area.’
The thought process of this hypothesis will be explained in the theoretical framework.
3. Methodology
The theoretical framework in section four describes the findings from literature study. The effects and impacts of mercury pollution are elaborated here. The second part of this research is a qualitative research, starting at section five. This implies that all the analyses, results and conclusions are based on information obtained through conducted interviews. In this section the three aspects that have been important during this
qualitative research are discussed. These three elements are: interviews, questionnaires and the analyses.
3.1 Interviewees
In order to test the hypothesis, different stakeholders within our field of research were contacted. The stakeholders important for this research can be divided in different categories: small-‐scale miners (Jimmy Lebretto), large-‐scale mining companies (IAMGOLD), researchers (Marieke Heemskerk), governmental institutions (COG), tourism companies (Brownsberg Suriname), and NGO’s (WWF). IAMGOLD did not want to have contact by telephone, so the questions were answered by email. The
governmental institution COG was not willing to cooperate in our research and for that reason their opinion could not be included in the analysis and final conclusion of this research.
3.2 Questionnaires
The questionnaires were mainly focused on testing the hypothesis. The questionnaires were prepared before calling each of the stakeholders (see attachments). The
interviews were recorded with two different devices, a mobile phone and a laptop. During the interviews two persons made notes of the important statements made by the interviewee. Of all the interviews a transcript is made, which can be found in the
attachments. Some parts of the interviews were left out in the transcript because the recordings were not always fully understandable.
3.3 Analyses
After the conduction and the transcription of the interviews an analysis of obtained information is made. This analysis consists out of precise reading of the comments of the interviewees, and the constant (with every sentence) consideration whether the
comment confirmed or rejected the hypothesis. Comments of interviewees that reject the hypothesis are reported in the ‘bottlenecks’ section of the analysis-‐report,
comments that confirm the hypothesis are reported in the ‘opportunities’ section of the analysis report. In the analysis report references are made to relevant comments that include the person. The five interviewees which participated in this research are Marieke Heemskerk, Jimmy Lebretto, Jan, Laurens Gomes and Roy van Aerde.
4. Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework consists of three parts. Part one is an explanation of the overarching theory, the Rational Choice Theory (RCT), which is the lens through which this research is approached. It is important to note that the RCT should be viewed in context and should not be taken too literally. Part two is an analysis of the impacts of the mercury pollution. In the impact analysis the social and ecological impacts of
mercury pollution caused by the small-‐scale gold mining industry are described. First of all, it is briefly explained how gold is mined and how mercury is used, subsequently the effects of mercury on the natural environment and humans are described. Besides the social and ecological impacts the impacts on the National Suriname Economy (NSE) are also elaborated on. These economic impacts should be looked at in a broader
perspective of the whole small-‐scale gold mining industry and not as a direct result of the mercury pollution.
Part three of the theoretical framework is an explanation of the (historical) role of the Surinamese government concerning the small-‐scale gold mining industry. This will evaluate what the role is of governmental policies in relation to the current
environmental and health problems in the small-‐scale mining industry and the mercury pollution in the small-‐scale mining industry.
The three parts of the theoretical framework together form the foundation of the research. From this theoretical framework the hypothesis has been established. In the next paragraph the Rational Choice Theory will be discussed.
4.1 Rational Choice Theory
The principles of the Rational Choice Theory (RCT) go back to 1700, a time period in history in which the Scottish philosopher Adam Smith lived. Adam Smith was originally a philosopher but did a lot of research in the political and economic field. He believed that an individual always pursues his own interest and that at the same time this
individual interests are in favour of the social interests (Scott, 2000) In this research the following definition of the Rational Choice Theory is used:
As it is not possible for individuals to achieve all of the various things that they want, they must also make choices in relation to both their goals and the means for attaining these goals. Rational choice theories hold that individuals must anticipate the outcomes of alternative courses of action and calculate that which will be best for them. Rational individuals choose the alternative that is likely to give them the maximized personal advantage (Heath 1976: 3; Carling; 1992: 27; Coleman 1973).
The ‘rational choice’ to use mercury
In the section ‘Problem Definition’ is briefly explained that the use of mercury has several impacts on the ecosystem and environment in the Brokopondo province in Suriname. One of the major problems with the use of mercury is the accumulation in the environment and her organisms. One of the organisms in which mercury accumulates is fish. This fish is traditionally an important food source for the local population and miners in the Brokopondo province (Mol et al. 2001). This case brings a major
contradiction forward: the miners are the main polluters of the food chain of which they are a part. They basically pollute their own food sources. Somewhere in this process the miners have to make the consideration between the pollution of their own food chain, by using mercury and the revenue. This choice which is made is this consideration can be explained by means of the Rational Choice Theory.
4.2 Role of the government
It is important to understand how it is possible that the mercury pollution can persist, before being able to formulate an effective solution. Therefore, the role of the
government will have to be studied. Here, the (lack of) actions of the Surinamese government regarding the regulation of mercury pollution will be described. In the past, the national government of Suriname has tried several times to regulate the small-‐scale gold mining and the related problems such as mercury
pollution. During the Van Wijdenbosch government in the late 90s all non-‐native miners were required to buy a work permit to regulate the mining community. However, there was no legal ground for this requirement and the money the miners paid was lost due to governmental corruption (de Theije & Heemskerk, 2011). Other attempts to regulate the sector were also unsuccessful. Corruption remains an important obstacle for solving problems.
The current government contributes in two important ways to the problems and pollution. First of all, the Surinamese Mining Act of 1986 is not adjusted to the current social conditions and environmental degradation (Heemskerk, 2011). Some question whether the current government should implement a new law on the mining activities. There has been a draft for a new environmental law since 2002. This new law meets international environmental standards and structures labour relations. However, this new law has not been approved by the parliament yet, because it has been criticized by several indigenous and international organizations. Criticized because these groups believe it is discriminating and in violation with certain tribal laws (Heemskerk, 2009). The current legal system is clearly too limited to make efficient policies possible. Secondly, another political cause of the mercury pollution is the on-‐going lack of enforcement of law by the national government on the limited, existing regulations. Therefore these regulations are continuously violated (Heemskerk, 2011).
An example of these shortcomings can be observed in the new government. The Bouterse government elected in 2010 has created a new commission: De Commissie Ordening Goudsector (COG/Commission Regulation Gold Sector) (de Theije &
Heemskerk, 2011). This Commission was installed in the beginning of 2011 to formalize and regulate the small-‐scale gold mining sector. Previously it has expelled several ‘informal’ miners from certain areas and has tried to raise awareness about the small-‐ scale mining sector and its activities. However, the integrity of the COG has been questioned due to a series of events. It is believed the COG has used violence against miners only for the benefit of the political elite of Suriname. The miners were driven away so that politicians can earn money by locating certain gold mining companies there (Heemskerk, 2011). This example shows how much the Surinamese politicians focus on money, on self-‐interest, rather than social welfare for the miners. Robinson et
al. (2006) also claim that individual politicians tend to overexploit resources such as
gold because they believe it gives them greater chances of remaining in power. These characteristics of the situation in Suriname show that the Surinamese government is flawed in many ways and that these flaws indirectly contribute to the problems of mercury pollution.
In conclusion, the government indirectly causes mercury pollution because of the on-‐going corruption, lack of proper (environmental) laws and lack of regulation. The characteristic informality of the small-‐scale gold mining industry is driven by flaws of
the government.
4.3 Impact Analysis
4.3.1 Impacts on the National Suriname Economy
The National Suriname Economy (NSE) is influenced by the gold-‐mining industry in various ways. Revenues from the gold mining industry are derived trough several taxes like income, payroll and property taxes (Heemskerk, 2011). In reality these taxes are barely paid by small-‐scale gold mining companies. The big gold production company IAMGOLD is better organised and from financial perspective more profitable for the NSE: the total tax income from IAMGOLD company was in 2010 $128,50 million, this in
contradiction to a tax income of $2.200 from the small-‐scale mining industry (Heemskerk, 2011). Based on production ratios and comparisons of tax ratios a calculation has been made what the estimated loss on tax revenues of the small-‐scale mining industry in 2009 was. The estimated loss on tax revenues of the small-‐scale mining industry in 2009 was $ 153,6-‐ million dollar. See the attachment for the complete calculation.
Though the use of mercury is not the direct cause of the lack of tax payments, the use of mercury is part of a larger system, the whole small-‐scale mining industry. It is this system that is responsible for the lack of payments, and it is the same system that is responsible for the use of mercury. The reason why these economic impacts are named without being a direct effect of mercury pollution is the assumption that the mercury pollution and the whole small-‐scale mining industry operate parallel: when the small-‐ scale mining industry will become better organised and starts to pay taxes, this will perhaps simultaneously lead to a reduction of the use of mercury when the use of mercury decreases this will simultaneously contribute to a better organised small-‐scale mining industry as a whole and therefor improve tax payments as well.
4.3.2 Socio-‐environmental impacts
Many mining projects are in ecologically sensitive areas that have high conservation values (Bridge, 2004). It is important to note that mercury also occurs naturally in the environment (Jackson et al. 2011). Among the ecosystems, tropical rainforest,
subtropical rainforest and riverine systems are affected by mercury (Mol, 2009). In this part the social and ecological impacts of mercury pollution caused by the small-‐scale gold mining industry are described.
4.3.3 Gold mining and the use of mercury
The small-‐scale gold mining industry in the Brokopondo province uses mercury to delve gold. The mercury reacts chemically with gold and separates the gold from the
sediments. Approximately equal amounts of mercury are used for the amount of recovered gold. An estimated 135 tonnes of mercury have been emitted into the environment since 1993 (suriname.wedd.de, 2012). Heemskerk estimated a yearly release of 10.000 to 20.000 kilogrammes of mercury in the environment and air (Heemskerk, 2012). The estimated gold production of 20.000 kilogrammes per year in Suriname resembles this, according to the approximate equal amounts of mercury needed to win gold. The bond between gold and mercury is called a mercury-‐gold
amalgam (Arets, 2006). After the usage of mercury in the mines, a so-‐called sluice-‐box is used to separate the mercury-‐gold amalgams from the sediments. The sluice-‐box is a
box with riffles on the bottom to trap the heavier gold particles as water washes them and other material through the box.
Figure 2. Process of gold mining (Based on Arets, 2006)
The residues are the mercury-‐gold amalgams, which are boiled. Due to the low boiling point of mercury, the gold is left over and ready for selling. The rest of the sediment and remaining mercury, which passed through the sluice-‐box, is excess and released into the environment. The mercury that enters the environment is approximately 90% of the originally used mercury (UNEP, 2008). Arets et al. (2006) have researched the soil in the Brokopondo National Park area as well as the level of mercury contamination after gold-‐exploitation. The results of this soil sample research show that the percentages of organic matter and clay are significantly lower compared to primary and secondary forests. The decrease of organic matter and clay has a direct influence on the fertility of the soil. Which can lead to a poorer, less diverse environment. The mercury levels are high in the water ponds that remain after the usage of the sluice-‐boxes, though
relatively low in the surrounding areas. According to Arets et al. (2006) this can be explained by the fact that the mercury is deposited to downstream water flows. These downstream water flows are connected to a large network of water through the area and are ultimately also connected with to the Brokopondo lake. From this impact analysis it is clear that mercury pollution degrades the soil and water quality. Besides the direct contact of mercury with the soil and water surface, gold mining also has other indirect impacts that accelerate the mercury pollution. The deforestation, burning of vegetation and excavation of soils to create mining lands contribute indirectly to mercury emissions (Cleary & Thornton, 1994). These techniques cause mercury deposited in the biomass to enter the atmosphere and precipitate in the water afterward (Mol et al. 2001).
4.3.4 The effects on the natural environment
The construction of mines, camps and villages lead to habitat fragmentation in the Brokopondo area. The aquatic ecosystems are however affected the most. The direct impact of habitat fragmentation is the loss of biodiversity (Mol, 2009). When mercury enters the aquatic ecosystem it is converted by microorganisms to methylmercury (MeHg), which is the toxic and biologically active form (Bank et al. 2007). This is the most dangerous form of mercury, even a low dosage of methylmercury can cause neurological problems in living organisms (UNEP, 2008). The biomagnification process starts here; the methylmercury spreads through the food web (Jackson et al. 2011; Mol et al. 2001). Biomagnification is the increase of the concentration of an element in the
food chain (Jackson et al. 2011). Plants take up the mercury through the groundwater, and herbivore animals consume these plants (Cleary & Thornton, 1994). In this way mercury is magnified up the food chain in both aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems. Mercury is a dispersive and persistent contaminant; it has a long environmental residence time and accumulates in aquatic food webs, these properties contribute to magnification (Jackson et al. 2011). Mercury is therefore not easily broken down by environmental processes.
Recently it became clear that terrestrial ecosystems indirectly get contaminated by mercury coming from the aquatic ecosystems (Jackson et al. 2011). Due to the
interconnectedness of the tropical forest ecosystem, many different plant and animal species are directly and indirectly affected by the elevated mercury levels in their natural environment. All organisms in the food-‐web are thus affected by mercury pollution, which can therefore have detrimental effects on the biodiversity of the area. Aquatic organisms with high concentrations of mercury in their body have been found to alter their behaviour (Bank et al. 2007). The alterations in behaviour include for example reduced ability of avoiding predators and reduced foraging. Other measured effects are lower productivity and growth, reduced development and reproduction, and death. These lethal or sub-‐lethal effects make mercury a limiting factor contributing to widespread population declines in fish, amphibians and other groups of aquatic biota (Bank et al. 2007). It can be stated that the use of mercury leads to degradation of the environment. This degradation poses a threat to biodiversity and all living organisms. 4.3.5 Health effects on humans
The exact effect that mercury pollution has on humans is difficult to measure. Intake happens through inhalation from mercury vapour, food uptake and the skin. The
significance of human exposure depends on different factors: age, duration of exposure, route of exposure, overall health, dose and the chemical form of mercury (De Kom et al. 1997). Methylmercury has higher influence on children and fetuses. Pregnant women exposed to high methylmercury levels have the chance that their baby is born with severe disabilities (Environmental Protection Agency, 2012). Other findings of effects after mercury outbreaks include lack of coordination, muscle weakness, impairment of vision and disturbance of sensations (Environmental Protection Agency, 2012).
Though the miners and local villagers of Brokopondo are aware of the hazards of mercury pollution, there is not enough awareness of the problems for them to alter their patterns of life. The small-‐scale miners keep on using the mercury because of the high costs of alternatives and lack of knowledge (Heemskerk, 2009). Mercury pollution is also not the only problem that occurs in the region of Brokopondo, there is a major concern about accidents, malaria and violent crime. Local villagers keep drinking water from the river and eating the fish from the lake, although these are no longer suitable for consumption. The local residents assume that the health problems are mainly caused by poor personal hygiene, bad physical condition and poor food (Heemskerk, 2001).
The higher concentrations found in predatory fish that are used for consumption are in many cases considered toxic by standards set by the World Health Organization (WHO) (Mol et al. 2001). The WHO recommends a daily intake limit of 0.43 picogram per kilogram of body weight (Cleary & Thornton, 1994). According to the United Nation Environmental Programme (2008), the intake of mercury by some miners is now more than 50 times daily intake limit.
The key-‐concepts and data of this theoretical framework are summarized in the figure
5. Integrative Approach
The analysed impacts and the theory of causes of mercury pollution show a complex situation of interrelations. The main actors in the case of mercury pollution by small-‐ scale miners are shown in the next figure.
Figure 4. Concept map of actors and integrative approach of cooperation
The theoretical framework and the concept map shown in Figure 3. ultimately led to formulating the following hypothesis:
‘The small-‐scale gold miners, the large-‐scale mining company IAMGOLD, and NGO’s (WWF) are key actors in providing a solution for the mercury pollution in the small scale gold mine industry. Together with the local population and other stakeholders (tourist industry) these key actors can cooperate to reduce the usage of mercury and increase the quality of life in the area.’
An important concept in this the hypothesis is ‘cooperation’. In order to frame the hypothesis and this research the concept ‘cooperation’ includes in this research at least one of the three following elements:
1. Cooperation includes creating awareness of the hazards of mercury use through information and education programs.
2. Cooperation includes the sharing and the implementation of knowledge and techniques of alternatives of mercury use.
3. Cooperation includes incorporating small-‐scale miners in the large-‐scale companies (IAMGOLD)
The possible cooperation between the stakeholders will require a certain input for the stakeholders, to prevent a unilateral cooperation a certain output is required as well. The output for the cooperation is not necessarily financial reward; in the next
paragraph it is explained what the benefits for the different stakeholders are in case of cooperation.
5.1 Benefits for different stakeholders
As can be seen in the concepts map all the key-‐actors are related to different impacts and could benefit from an improvement. The tourism sector is closely related to environmental impacts and economic impact, as the environmental losses lead to less value for them and the missing taxes lead to less development for the tourist sector. The large-‐scale mining industry is related to the human impacts as the impacts of mercury are hazards for human health of their own staff. Also the environmental impacts are partly the responsibility of the mining companies as they mine in the same areas. Additionally an improvement of the situation concerning the mercury pollution in their initiative will be a good incentive for their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR – definition given below). WWF is related to the environmental and human impacts as well, as they are an organization that aims to protect the nature and environment.
5.2 Corporate Social Responsibility
‘Corporate Social Responsibility involves managing business in a manner that make companies partners and co-‐partners in the social development process. Socially responsible companies are also able, when planning their activities, to incorporate the interests of their different parts (shareholders, employees, service Providers, suppliers, community, government & environment), striving to serve all interest not just those shareholders and owners’ (Sethi & Sood, 2006).
As the governmental approaches did not have any effect until this moment, this
research will focus on the cooperation of other stakeholders that are directly connected to the mercury pollution and the small-‐scale miners.
6. Survey-‐based analysis
As previously described, this second part of the research is based on interviews. Contact was made with Marieke Heemskerk, Jimmy Lebretto, Jan from tourism company
Brownsberg Suriname, Laurens Gomes from WWF and Roy van Aerde from IAMGOLD to test the hypothesis. First, bottlenecks that were mentioned during the interviews will be described. Secondly, remaining opportunities for verifying our hypothesis will be set out. These bottlenecks and opportunities will mainly be based on the opinions of the stakeholders that were interviewed. Finally, an objective view on the opportunities and bottlenecks together will be given to reflect on the feasibility of the hypothesis.
6.1. Bottlenecks
During the interviews some bottlenecks for the described hypothesis came up. It became clear that cooperation between local companies and small-‐scale miners will face a lot of difficulties, which are described in this segment. Bottlenecks to other possible solutions are addressed as well.
First of all, as mentioned previously, the actions of the small-‐scale miners are mainly driven by money. This was confirmed in every interview. The kind of work needed in the gold mining industry does not require a lot of education, which makes it an appealing job for a lot of people. The small-‐scale miners do not know much about the dangers of the mercury (Personal communication, Jan, 2012) or chose to ignore it, because the money is more important to them (Personal communication, Heemskerk, Jan, Lebretto, 2012). As long as the direct benefit of cooperation with local companies is not clear to the miners, there is no willingness to participate in such cooperation. Also, the internal organization of the small-‐scale mining industry is flawed and therefore it is very difficult for other companies to efficiently work together with this sector (Personal communication, Heemskerk, 2012). Not only the lack of initiative of the miners, but also the lack of initiative of the government can be seen as a bottleneck because of various reasons that are discussed here. Although intentionally left out of this proposed solution, the government is an obstacle in the realization of the cooperation for the following reasons.
Over the past the relation between the government and the small-‐scale mining industry has become increasingly distrustful (Personal communication, Heemskerk, Lebretto, 2012). The small-‐scale miners do not trust that the government wants what is
best for the small-‐scale miners, because of the lack of actions shown by the government. Promises have been made by the government to help the small-‐scale miners, but so far these promises have not been fulfilled. The government claims to try to solve everything peacefully, but in reality this is not the case. For example, in the past, the government has sent the army to remove the miners from certain areas. The miners feel strongly threatened by this military approach (Personal communication, Heemskerk, 2012). Also, the small-‐scale miners do not feel like they are treated equally by the government.
People with a higher social status tend to get concessions much more easily than the small-‐scale miners. Heemskerk made clear that people with good relations with the political elite are often favoured when it comes to giving out concessions, and this worsens the view of the small-‐scale miners on the government even more (Personal communication, Heemskerk, 2012). Finally, the trust in the government is absent, because it is clear to the population that corruption is an on-‐going feature of the government. Jan stated that the political corruption is the first thing that should be improved if one wants to come up with a proper solution for the mercury pollution (Personal communication, Jan, 2012). This bad relation between the government and small-‐scale miners is also the reason the government favours a top-‐down approach by governmental enforcement. Any initiative of other parties to help the small-‐scale miners, will be seen as an interference in the political approach of the national government and will thus not be appreciated.
Even if local companies are willing to help the small-‐scale mining companies in improving the situation, they are in many ways constrained by the Surinamese
government. Tourism company ‘Brownsberg Suriname’ stated that helping the small-‐ scale miners will not improve their social image, but worsen it. When an individual company would take the initiative to improve the situation, they will get thwarted by the government. These elements taken together, cooperation between companies such as the tourism company would produce more problems for the local companies than benefits for the entire society. The political elite does, even though not directly involved, discourage cooperation between companies and miners.
Within the described hypothesis, large-‐scale mining companies are also proposed as possible companies to participate in cooperation. The employers of
IAMGOLD get hindered in their activities because of the presence of small-‐scale miners; it affects the safety aspects of their work (Personal communication, van Aerde, 2012).
Therefore IAMGOLD claims to support regulation of the small-‐scale mining sector. However, IAMGOLD does not play any part in this regulation and there is no
cooperation between IAMGOLD and the small-‐scale miners (Personal communication, van Aerde, 2012). IAMGOLD would be willing to look for solutions, but only while cooperating with the government. A direct kind of cooperation between IAMGOLD and the small-‐scale miners would be impossible (Personal communication, van Aerde, 2012) because of various reasons. Also, IAMGOLD is originally a Canadian company and its employees are often flown in from different countries all around the world. These employees often work for IAMGOLD for a short amount of time before they return to their home countries. The employees therefore do not feel any significant connection to the area and the local problems such as the mercury pollution. IAMGOLD makes sure their employees do not eat the polluted food (Personal communication, Heemskerk, 2012). Finally, Heemskerk does not believe that IAMGOLD will cooperate out of the idea that it will improve their social image (Personal communication, Heemskerk, 2012). IAMGOLD is a company based on profit and does not feel responsible for their neighbours. It seems they agree on the minimum of principles they have to set according to the government, though further responsibility as known in Europe’s countries are not accountant in their business thoughts (Personal communication, Gomes, 2012). In the past IAMGOLD has had contact with the small-‐scale miners.
However, nowadays there is barely any direct contact between IAMGOLD and the small-‐ scale miners (Personal communication, Lebretto, 2012).
Other solutions, such as regulation or aid from the United Nations are also being taken into consideration. The United Nations can, for example, put pressure on the Surinamese government to solve the mercury pollution. However, international pressure has not worked until now, because it opens up feelings of neo-‐colonialism. Interferences of other countries in national policies are in Suriname still seen as attempts to take over the country like during the times of colonialism and is not accepted (Personal communication, Heemskerk, 2012).
