AN ASSESSMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA'S ROLE IN CONFLICT
MANAGEMENT, PEACE AND STABILITY IN THE KINGDOM OF
LESOTHO (1993-2014)
By
FOLEFAC HELEN CHAPANYI
Student No: 21505063
Mini-dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Politics and
International Relations at the North West University, Mafikeng
Campus
DECLARATION
I, Chapanyi Helen Folefac, declare that the mini-dissertation entitled "An assessment of South Africa's role in conflict management, peace and stability in the Kingdom of Lesotho (1993-2014)", hereby submitted for the degree of Master of Arts in Politics and International Relations has not previously been submitted by me for a degree at this or any other university. I declare that this is my work in design and execution and that all materials contained herein have been duly acknowledged.
Signature: ... .
C. H.Folefac
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I thank God Almighty and His Son, Jesus Christ and our Blessed Mother Mary for giving me the strength, power and blessings throughout my academic life
I lack words to express my sincere gratitude for the incredible work done by PROF V OJAKOROTU for the selflessness guidance, mentoring, concrete and constructive criticism resulting in the best quality of this work.
A great deal of thanks goes to my family for putting up with me while I went through this daunting process. I wish to acknowledge each other for making it through this ordeal again. To my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Folefac and to my three siblings Ajapwoh, Folefac and Alem for their love and support they gave me through out and always stood by my side and understanding at all times. I also like to give special thanks to Asonglefac Victor Alem to whom I dedicate this dissertation.
ABSTRACT
Post-apartheid South Africa emerged at a time when the southern region was going through violence conflicts with implication for economic and political development. South being a part of the hegemony in the sub region could not remain silence of the political instability facing its neighbours.
The purpose of this research was to access South Africa role in conflict management peace and stability in the southern African region with a focus on Lesotho 1993-2014. It examine the causes of instability and the effects of South African to ensure stability in Lesotho and the region at large
The research is an empirical study which employs a Qualitative Research Methodology. Data was collected from primary and secondary sources.
In seeking to understand why since independent Lesotho have not experience stability. The research has found out that recent effort to promote peace and stability through policy and negotiation arrangement signed by conflicting parties and the government of Lesotho has been thwarted by severe deficiency such as corruption, politics of cultures, election rigging and the lack of mechanism for enforcing legislatures. This paper has made recommendation of what the Lesotho government needs to do in order to avoid political upheaval in the contemporary Basotho society
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
ABC- All Basotho Convention
APSA- Africa Peace and Security Architecture AU-African Union
BCP- Basutoland Congress Party BDF- Botswana Defence Forces
BNDF- Botswana National Defence Force BNP-Basotho National Party'
CAR- Central African Republic DC- Democratic Congress
DDR-pg41- Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration DRC- Democratic Republic of Congo
ECOWAS- Economic Community of West African States
FARDC- Forces Armees de la Republique Democratique du Congo FIB- Force Intervention Brigade
FPTP- First-Past-The-Post GDP- Gross Domestic Product HDI- Human Development Index
..
IEC- Independent Electoral Commission IPA- Interim Political Authority
LCD- Lesotho Congress for Democracy
LCD- Lesotho Congress for Democracy
LCD- Lesotho Defence Force
LLA- Lesotho Liberation Army
LNCM- Lesotho Network for Conflict Management
M23- March23
MDG- Millennium Development Goals
MFP- Marematlou Freedom Party
MLC- Movement for the Liberation of Congo
MMP- Mixed Member Proportional
MONUC-United Nations Mission in Congo
NDPS-National Development Plans
NEC- National Executive Committee
OPDS- Organ on Politics, Defence and Security
PR- Proportional Representation
PRS- Poverty Reduction Strategy
REWC- Regional Early Warning Centre
RLDF- Royal Lesotho Defence Force
SADC- Southern African Development Community
SADCC- Southern African Development Coordination Conference
SADNF- South African National Defence Force
SAP- Structural Adjustment Programmes
SEAC- SADC Electoral Advisory Council
SIPO- Strategic Indicative Plan of the Organ
SMU- SADC Mediation Unit
SSA- sub-Saharan Africa
UNSC-United Nations Security Council
TABLE OF CONTENTS Page(s)
DECLARATION... i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... ii
ABSTRACT ... iii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ... iV-Vi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION . Background of the study ... 1-14 1.2. Statement of the problem ... 15
1.3. Aim of the study ... 15
1.4. Research questions ... 16
1.5. Objective of the study ... 16
1.6. Significance of the study ... 16-17 1.7. Research methodology ... 17-19 1.8. Methods of data collection1 ... 19
1.9.1. Primary source of data collection ... 19
1.9.3. Data analysis ... 20 1.9.3.1. Triangulation of data ... 21-22 1.10. Scope of the study ... 22 1.11. Limitation of the study ... 23 1.12. Ethical considerations... 23-24 1.13. Organisation of the study ... 24-25
Chapter 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Introduction ... 26 2.2. Literature review ... 26-33 2.2.1. South Africa's intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ... 34-37 2.2.2. South Africa's role in the Central African Republic (CAR) ... 37-40 2.3. Theoretical Framework . . . 40-41 2.3.1. Grievances theory ... 41-43 2.3.2. Liberalism ... 43-44
CHAPTER THREE: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS
3.1. Introduction ... 45-46 3.2. Data presentation ... 46 3.2.1. The role played by South Africa in conflict management in Lesotho ... 46-51 3.2.2. Assessment of the impact of the conflict in Lesotho ... 51 3.2.2.1. Economic effects of the conflict in Lesotho ... 51-55 3.2.2.2. Social impact of the conflict. ... 55-57 3.2.2.3. Political impact. ... 57-59 3.3. Data analysis ... 59-61 3.3.1. Questionnaires ... 61-65 3.3.2. Interviews ... 65-68 3.4. Research findings ... 68-70
CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1. Conclusion ... 71-73 4.2. Recommendations ... 73-74
CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
In the past decade, the African continent has been plagued by interstate conflicts; especially with the departure of the masters. This can be attributed to the manner in which the colonial masters left the continent (without preparing African leaders on how to rule their respective countries). However, the nature of conflict in Africa has changed overtime, precisely after the Cold War. While the Cold War era was dominated by
interstate conflict, the post-Cold War era was dominated by intrastate conflict
(Anyidoho, 1997: 1 ). Most countries in Africa have been plunged into intra-state conflicts, some of which have degenerated into arm conflicts. Since independence, Lesotho, like many other countries in Africa, has experienced internal security problems which has plunged the small mountain country into serious political instability. Failure by the United Nations (UN) to handle intra-state conflict in Africa like the conflict in Somali in 1992 (Simon, M 2007: 1 ), affected the UN's impetus in handling intrastate conflicts. This meant that African countries had to find their own solutions to their problems.
Failure by the UN to resolve conflicts in Africa transferred the role of peace keeping to regional organisations as far back as 1992. However, these bodies were to work closely with the Security Council. In conflict situations, such as in southern Africa, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) handled the resolution of conflicts. Another good example of regional organisations handling conflicts in their region is the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in West Africa. This was evident in Lesotho when South Africa, together with other countries in the southern
region (Zimbabwe and Botswana) under the banner of SADC, intervened to quell the
instability plaguing the country since independent.
The aim of this study is to assess the role of South Africa in conflict management and peace-keeping within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) with
reference to Lesotho from 1993-2014. The study also examines South Africa's commitment to peace and stability as its foreign policy objective in the region and the
continent at large.
Lesotho is a mountainous, landlocked country located towards the Southern part of the African continent. It is the 141 st largest country in the world. Lesotho is also known as
Musooa in Sesotho language. However, according to the Basutos people, Lesotho
means land of the Sotho-speaking people. The country is an enclave of South Africa making it the fourth country in the world enclave within another country. It lies between
latitudes 2930 S and 280 30 E longitude in Africa. The mountainous kingdom of Lesotho
covers a surface area of 30,355 square kilometres (11,720 mi), covered with water and
with a total length of 909 square kilometres (World Factbook, 2008). The Basotho is the main ethnic group in the country; a Bantu-speaking people. Other groupings include the
Bakuena (Kuena), the Bafokeng, Bataung (the Tau) and the Batloung (the Tlou),
among others. Sesotho (or Sotho) is the main language spoken by the people. English
is one of the official and administrative languages and its origin can be traced from its
colonial legacy of the British administration of the country. The country is famous for its
mountainous terrain such as highlands, plateaus, hills and mountains with the Thabana
Ntlenyana being the highest peak (about 3,482 m). About 40% of the population lives
below the international poverty rate of U S $ 1.25 per day. The country is ranked under
"Low Human Development" countries (HDI, 2009:35). The kingdom of Lesotho can be
divided into two geographical zones. In terms of its political structure, the kingdom is
divided into three regions as follows: lowlands, highlands, (formed by the Drakensberg)
and lastly, the Maloti Mountain which stretches from the east and central part of the
country. In light of the above and for administrative purposes, the country is divided into
ten districts. All these administrative districts are supervised by district administrators.
The kingdom is also guided with a dual legal system consisting of customary and
general laws operating side by side (Africa Guide, 2008).
Lesotho is blessed with natural resources such as diamond, minerals and water. Water
is very important to the economy of Lesotho because the country supplies water to some parts of South Africa thus generating income for the country. The country also
relies on subsistent agriculture, livestock mining and manufacturing. All these greatly contribute to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the country (Ibid).
The British administration of Lesotho came to an end in 1966 when the country gained political independence from Britain leading to the establishment of the first Lesotho
constitution which was greatly instigated by the commonwealth. Since independence,
the constitutional system of Lesotho has been represented under the British system:
which requires the Prime Minister to be the head of political parties and government and the King as the head the monarchy.
Most African countries have been plunged into intra-state conflicts, some of which have
degenerated into armed conflicts; for example, Congo, Burundi, Kenya and Mali. Some
countries in Africa have been affected by political instability, especially post-elections, with disgruntled voters taking to the streets to riot and protest for one reason or the other. For instance, in the conflict in Burundi, Mandela started the negotiations and
Zuma later took over by the Accord Organisation in Durban and the Arusha
Negotiations, the conflict in Congo which former president Mbeki started the
negotiations but was later assisted by the former Botswana President Masire Sun-City
Negotiations. In the Central African Republic (CAR), Mbeki started the negotiations
which led to the death of some South African soldiers in 2013 while on duty. In
Zimbabwe, Mbeki started the negotiations and Zuma took over Pretoria and Harare
and some capitals in the region, and the conflict in Lesotho which Mandela started the negotiations and then Zuma and now Ramaphosa in the Pretoria and Maseru Negotiations.
Lesotho, officially the Kingdom of Lesotho, achieved independence from Britain on 4
October 1966. Though the pre-independence period was free of violence, nonetheless,
the country did not pave the way for a smooth road to a stable post-colonial society
(Makoa, 2004: 79-95). Since independent, the Mountain Kingdom has been troubled by
the displacement of peopl~ to South Africa as refugees, damage to property, and deepening the country's social and economic crises (Haynes, 2001 ). Therefore, the post-independence period has been charaterised by short, peace-threatening episodes. Since independence in 1966, the path to multi-party democracy in Lesotho has been that of tension and instability. This is based on the fact that the country was undergoing internal transformation, that is, from colonial rule to self-independence. Hence, the political instability in Lesotho began when the country gained independence from Britain.
The instability in Lesotho can be traced from the leadership tussles within all major political parties since independence in 1966 (Nzo, 1996: 3). Since Lesotho gained independence, there has been fragmentation among the major political parties in the country due to lack of trust from party leaders. This was evident within the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP), when some members of the SCP split from the party and formed the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD). The split was facilitated by the Prime Minister, NtsuMokhehle. This ushered in a struggle for power between the two parties resulting in brutal clashes in the country. Most often, during elections, the country is often plunged into violence due to coalitions as a result of efficient trust from the main party leader (Matlosa and Shale, 2006:3).
Importantly, the instability in Lesotho can also be blamed on the election model used in the country. The Westminster-Style First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system was introduced by Britain (Molomo, 2004: 118). According to this model, the dominant party is obliged to win almost all the vote cast, thereby giving the party the ground to form a minority government to rule the country. Based on this premise, the instability that has plagued the mountain Kingdom since independence can partly be blamed not on the elections but on the model that has been used in conducting elections in the country. This is because some parties were excluded from parliament despite the fact that some parties had some degree of popular support, for instance, the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP), the Marematlou Freedom Party (MFP) and the BNP which managed to secure only one seat in parliament, and the newly formed Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) which won 79% of the 80 available seats (Matlosa, 2004: 44). This
implies that 29% of the voters were not represented in parliament. This then led to
protests at the King's Palace by the opposition consisting of the BNP, MFP and the BCP
pleading with King Letsie Ill to dismantle the LCD government and parliament since they believed it had been fraudulently elected and to establish a caretaker government to prepare for fresh elections based on full the Proportional Representation (PR)
system. Following the unprecedented violence in Lesotho, the Prime Minister, Pakalitha
Mosisili appealed to South Africa to intervene militarily in order to bring the situation
under control. In September 1998, the South African Defence Force (SADF) troops
entered Lesotho and were later joined by Botswana. With the help of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) to facilitate mediation talks between opposition parties and the government, stability was restored with the introduction of the
Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) to address the problem of exclusivity inherent in
the FPTP model (Ibid).
With a population slightly over two million inhabitants, the country gained independence
from Britain in 1966 and became known as the kingdom of Lesotho. During colonial
rule, there was no political activity in the territory thus giving way for the British to
perpetrate the harsh treatment they meted out until 1966. Throughout British rule of
Lesotho as a protectorate, Britain did not do much in terms of preparing the country for self-rule but rather focused on exploiting the natural resources of the country. Hence,
when the country gained independence, it was ruled by leaders who were not efficiently
competent enough in managing the political affairs of the country. This therefore
explains why the kingdom has constantly been plagued with conflicts and crises since 1998 (Helen, 2014: 23).
Until 1970, King Moshoeshoe II and Prime Minister Leabua Jonath peacefully managed the country's political and economic affairs. However, when the ruling Basotho National
Party (BNP), under Jonathan lost the first post-independence general elections with 23
seats to the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP) under NtsuMokhele in 1970, political
instability in the peaceful country began. Immediately after the results were announced,
Prime Minister Leabua Jonathan (head of the BNP) refused to accept defeat as well as
declared himself Prime Minister and claimed that Lesotho was one-party state. Leabua Jonathan even went further to carry out series of abuses accompanied by the declaration of a state of emergency. As a result, some members of the BCP were arrested, imprisoned and even forced to go on exile to neighboring countries. With the support of apartheid South Africa, the BCP created the Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA) which operated in Lesotho to contest BNP control. This resulted in a coup executed by disgruntled citizens who ousted the government of Jonathan in 1986 (Ibid).
According to Khaketla and Cobbe (1985:21 ), the conflict in Lesotho can be seen from the lack of propelled management; this is based on the fact that election-related conflicts are not well-managed, hence the lack of national dialogue to resolve pertinent issues in the nation. Based on this premise, most of the differences within the ruling party relating to post-elections conflicts are left in the hands of the elites who are not very competent in resolving such matters. Thus, belligerents are left with no choice than to go on the rampage (Ibid: 21 ).
Furthermore, the issue of political insecurity in Lesotho has become monotonous with each of the contesting parties gunning for political dominance and access to resources through undemocratic means to political power. The fight for political power emanated from upheavals as witnessed among others, the 1986 military coup, the 1994 attempted military or monarchy coup, the 1998 civil instability and the strikes which gripped the country after the 2007 elections (Ajulu, 1995: 9; Sejanamane, 1990: 67). The hunger for power could be attributed as one of the factors that sparked off conflict in Lesotho. In 1986, King Moshoeshoe II came up with a six-page memorandum in which he twisted the Constitution of Lesotho in his favour giving himself more powers over the military. But the people of Lesotho rejected his proposed memorandum and forced him to go on exile to Britain. Nieuwkerk (2004: 68) maintains that while in exile, his son was installed as the new King, Letsie Ill. In 1992, when his father returned home as an ordinary citizen, Letsie Ill tried on several attempts to pressurise the BCP government to reinstate him as King. When the government refused, the King dissolved the government and instituted a provisional one on 17 August 1997. This led to serious
political instability charaterised by major civil unrests and violent protests and demonstrations all over the country (Denis, 1999: 1-5).
Just like in many other countries in Southern Africa, Lesotho's desire for multi-party democracy emanated in the 1990s. This aspiration for multi-party democracy came into reality later in the year when a multi-party election was organised in Lesotho after twenty-three years. During the 1998 elections, the BCP lost to the newly formed party, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD). It is worth noting here that this election was not without criticisms from opposition parties which argued that the elections had been rigged. They also argue that 95% of the elections were not free and fair and compromised hence giving way to violent demonstrations and strikes (Qhobela, 1998: 252). In a similar manner, the Freedom House Survey maintains that the 1998 elections were charaterised by rampant vote-rigging and also that the government had poorly organised the elections, as there were differences between the total number of people who voted and the announced results considered to be implausible (Freedom House Survey Team, 1994: 27). From the above, one can see that multi-party democracy which is considered to be way of curbing discrepancies in an elections is considered to be the opposite in Lesotho because since the birth of democracy, the country has been in deep political instability. This is based on the grounds that the election results were questioned by opposition parties on grounds that, the elections were fraudulent, not free and fair, and that the container carrying the voting equipment seal was broken and packages left open when normally, a High Court order was required to open them (Qhobela, 1998: 252).
In a series of historical happing, such as the Rwanda, Congo and Kenya conflicts, they have often been linked to their diverse ethnic cleavages. For instance, the case in Rwanda where the conflict escalated due to the clash between the Tutsis and Hutus. However, in the conflict in Lesotho, ethnicity cannot be blamed for its escalation. This is based on the premise that the majority of people in Lesotho identify themselves as Basotho and speak Sesotho. Rather, political violence is seen as the result of polarisation in the country; as power is vested in the hands of a small group of elite both within the ruling and opposition parties. As such, citizens become fed up with the same
people ruling the country and consequently, violent protests in the country seeking for change.
Furthermore, political, social unrest and instability in Lesotho can also be attributed to the role played by the King. It is worth noting that the role of the king is to perform ceremonial rights and promote unity among the Basotho people. Quite often, this has not been the case. In 1994, King Letsie Ill went an extra mile by unconstitutionally dissolving parliament and installing a hand-picked government, and a constellation of forces that included the BNP and BCP. The Marematlou Freedom Party (MFP) unsuccessfully called on him to do the same in 1998. This time, the King showed little effort to respond to the demands of the combined opposition parties, hence the massive violence in the country, which completely paralysed the government. This led to the collapse of law and order as security forces declined to intervene on grounds that this was a political problem that needed the intervention of political leaders. The Prime Minister at the time requested the South African government to intervene which led to the restoration of peace and stability to a large extent.
The political instability in Lesotho can also be attributed to the weak and poor dependent economy. As stated by Ajulu:
"The post-colonial state in Lesotho was, and remains relatively weak in
comparison with other post-colonial states in Africa. The country did not inherit a manufacturing, commercial or a secure agricultural base. In short, it was a dependent state par excellence. This dependent nature placed restrictions on what the state was capable of achieving, irrespective of whichever class or alliance of classes secured control of state power" (Ajulu, 1995: 9).
This has contributed to political instability in the country since the former colonial master left them with no manufacturing advances. On the contrary, the country was left to depend on other countries such as South Africa. As a result, the Kingdom of Lesotho cannot provide its citizens with good jobs opportunities. Even the few jobs opportunities that are available are often occupied by members of the ruling party. This, in essence,
creates competition among political parties for access to jobs and contributes to political tension as well as increase the likelihood of violence (Rakuoane, 2003).
Another reason for violence in the country is, however, the disapproved alliance
between members of Lesotho's governing coalition and certain branches of the security forces, including the police and the army. The decision by the prime minister to replace the head of the army, Lieutenant General TlaliKamoli with his ally, Mahao was totally uncalled for by his opponents since it was to his benefit (Smith Flessner, 2014). This event sparked instability in Lesotho.
Furthermore, the misappropriation of funds in the country can also be considered as
one of the reasons for political instability and social unrest in Lesotho. In light of the above, most financial resources which could have been used to develop the country
were constantly being diverted or invested to purchase military arms. A country like
Lesotho undergoing financial economic crisis, does not need ammunitions. Hence,
disgruntled citizens who did not see the need of investing in military equipment instead of job creation, went on the rampages seeking calling for change in the country.
The most recent cause of the outbreak of the conflict could be attributed to the coalition
government established in 2012. In June 2014, Mothetjoa Metsing, deputy minister and
leader of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), formed an alliance with the
Democratic Congress (DC), the largest opposition party in parliament in order to oppose Prime Minister Thabane and leader of the All Basotho Convention (ABC) insisting that
his rule over the country was hanging in the balance. Thabane, then closed down
parliament in order to prevent his political foes from unseating him through normal
democratic processes. Once more, protests arose, especially as Thabane who wanted
to maintain and not relinquish power; left some members of the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) with no choice than to cut off power in the capital, shut down radio stations for several hours, and attacked three key police stations in Maseru. These actions resulted in riots and street protests. As a result of these protests and strikes, some civilians were
wounded, most businesses run by women on the streets of Maseru came to a standstill,
and people were un-willfully displaced from their homes, property damaged and
military and the mediation of Ramaphosa as well as observers that stability was restored in the country (ENCA news, 2014).
SADC is a political and economic organisation which developed from the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) formed in the 1980s. In 1992, SADC was formed with fifteen member states to provide a framework for regional integration in the region with headquarters in Gaborone.Botswana (Chingono M, &Nakana S, 2009: 398). The aim or function of SADC, among others, include the "promotion of defence and security, cooperation in the area of politics, peace and security as obligatory" (Malan, 1996: 4 ), poverty alleviation, achieve economic growth, and above all, enhance the standard and quality of life (SADC, 2012:16-20). SADC has been playing an increasingly important role in the area of peace, security and stability in the region. In order to achieve the above goal, SADC established a mechanism to ensure that peace and stability reign in the region. This mechanism includes the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS), or the SADC Organ created in 1996 to resolve both inter and intra-state conflicts in the region. This organ has played a pivotal role in maintaining peace and stability in the region (SADC, 2012: 16). This was witnessed during the Zimbabwean crisis where SADC, under the leadership of South Africa, helped to restore peace and stability in the country hence, preventing external interference (International Crisis Group, 201 0c). In addition, SADC, as a sub-regional organisation, has taken some major steps to address the issue of the proliferation of small arms in the region.
In the same vein, SADC recently launched the Strategic Indicative Plan of the Organ (SIPO II), with the vision to strengthen cooperation among member states, in the areas of politics, Defence and security with the intention to promote regional integration. Since the establishment of SIOP 11, member states have been able to share ideas in the area of security challenges, share training institutions (the Regional Peacekeeping Training Centre - RPTC as an example), cooperate in peacekeeping programmes and support each other in times of crises. The organisation has also participated in the deployment of troops in crises in the region. During the crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), Zimbabwe, together with Angola and Namibia, deployed military troops as part of the collective Defence operation with the intention to protect a member state (DRC) against aggression from Rwanda and Uganda. South Africa and Botswana intervened in Lesotho in 1998 (Mollar, 2005: 6).
Furthermore, SADC has also established one of the five proposed regional brigades, SADCBRIG in the region with the police and army ready to be deployed in any country in the event of a crisis. Based on this premise, whenever there is instability in a country, the above brigades will eventually be deployed to maintain peace and stability (Cawthra, 2010: 11 ). It has also launched the Standby Force consistent with the requirements of the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), preparing the region's readiness for joint collaboration in terms of any instability within member states.
In a similar vein, SADC has successfully established some key institutions such as the Regional Early Warning Centre (REWC) for conflict prevention and management, the SADC Electoral Advisory Council (SEAC) and the SADC Mediation Unit (SMU) (SIPO II, 2012:14-15).
Besides military interventions in the maintenance of peace and stability in the region, SADC has being very active in non-military functions in ensuring that peace and security reign, including preventative diplomacy, peacemaking, and mediation. For example, during the conflict in Burundi, former president Mandela was deployed as a mediator. Furthermore, during Thabo Mbeki's reign, he was sent to mediate during the crisis in Zimbabwe, later Ivory Coast. He was also sent as a facilitator during the 2009 referendum in Sudan (SADC, 2001:14-17).
Despite the above achievements by SADC in the region, the organisation has some challenges as well. Firstly, there is division among leading member states in terms of military and diplomatic intervention which resulted in severed tensions in the 1990s (Adetula, 2008: 9-21). To this end, Williams (2005: 1-12) argues that the division between the leading countries was evident in SADC's 1998 intervention in the DRC, where it acted as a 'bipolar' entity, adopting two different strategies led by the two
sub-regional powers. This division or rivalry has hampered SADC's objective of achieving sustainable peace and stability in the region. Hence, the case of DRC remains an illustration that continues to hamper the region.
Hammerstad (2005:269-280) suggests that despite SADC's establishment of strong protocols on security cooperation and safeguards on democracy and human rights, the organ still continues to operate on the pillars of absolute sovereignty and solidarity which serve as a setback in the promotion of democracy in the region (Hammerstad, 2005:269-280).
Another challenge faced by SADC is the problem of insufficient resources and the availability of funds to finance operations. Since the funding of SADC operations is done by equal contributions of member states, it becomes difficult for the organisation to have sufficient funds to finance its operations due to division of member states in their approach to intervene in a country. In order to operate as envisaged, SADC OPDSC requires a sustainable source of revenue. In a nutshell, SADC is still facing some threats in the region basically in the area of peace and security which include the following: political and electoral violence in some countries such as Lesotho, and Congo, economic insecurity, poverty, refugees and illegal migrants, unconstitutional changes of government, food insecurity and fragmented ideology in terms of conflict management by member states (SADC, 2012:16). Despite the above flaws in the past years, the region has enjoyed enormous peace, political stability and security resulting in economic development in the region.
South Africa, considered in southern Africa as a centre to promote its foreign policy, remains committed in enhancing the African agenda, particularly regional peace, security and stability, as the key determinants for socio-economic development in the continent at large. The history of South Africa since apartheid, and it relations with other southern African countries shows that South Africa is dominating over the other states in the region. However, this concept of South Africa as a regional power was strongly supported by the first democratic president , Mandela who, in 1993, stressed the fact that "Pretoria foreign policy should reflect the interest and concerns of the African continent" (Mandela, 1995: 2).
However, before looking at South Africa as a regional power in the region, it of necessity to provide a brief definition of the term 'regional power'. Regional power can refer to as a state considered as powerful in its own region irrespective of whether the state represents regional relationship of enmity or amity (Wright, 1978). According to Osterud (1992: 12), regional power can still be refer to a state which is highly influential in regional affairs and able to stand up against any coalition of other states in the region. South Africa, as a regional power in the SADC region, is expected to play a pivotal role in resolving conflict through dialogue and reconciliation, and maintenance of peace as one of the primary goals in its foreign policy objectives. Since the dawn of democracy in 1994, South Africa has been playing an important role to ensure peace and stability in the region.
In southern Africa, South Africa is considered as a regional power because it's military might, economic dominance, abundance of minerals and other natural resources and above all, its promotion of peace and stability in the region. Economically, South Africa has span across the African continent by dominating in export and investments in other African states; for instance, MTN in Nigeria and Cameroon. In addition, South Africa's military power is projected through its involvement in peace keeping missions in the region; for instance, the country has established a military base in Congo, it also provided a utility helicopter, which is a much-needed resource in UN peacekeeping missions in order to ensure peace and stability in that region (defdenceweb, 2015). South Africa further deployed 400 South African National Defence Force (SANDF) soldiers in the Central African Republic (CAR) in an effort to ensure peace and stability in CAR (SA year book, 2013). In order to promote the African agenda, South Africa has been actively involved in mediation with mixed results in countries such as Burundi, Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia-Eritrea, Cote d'Ivoire, Madagascar and Zimbabwe (ibid).
Through the promotion of good democracy in Africa and the sub region in particular, South Africa has helped some countries like Lesotho in the region to set up institutions such as the Independent Electoral Commission. The latter has also contributed 1,268 personnel to MONUC, and provided financial, human, and logistical support for the
2006 presidential and 2007 provincial elections in the DRC (Gwinyayi, Dzine and Laker, 2010: 2).
It is also actively involved in humanitarian crises in the continent, especially in countries such as Mali, Chad, Niger, Mauritania and Mozambique in the region in the wake of the humanitarian crisis facing them and donated products and materials that were directly requested by these countries (ibid).
Broadly speaking, South Africa, as a regional power, cannot be limited only to the country's involvement in the maintenance of peace and stability. Regionally and continentally, South Africa has provided support to SADC and the African Union (AU) (Kagwanja, 2009:8). South Africa continues to support the AU at different levels, key among which is South Africa's pivotal role in the establishment and development of the AU and became its first chair in 2002. Again, it has contributed to the establishment of the organisation. South Africa supported the ratification of the AU treaty establishing the organisation's peace and Security Council. It has also contributed military force to AU's peace keeping missions which includes Dafur, DRC, among others. Globally, South Africa has also played a pivotal role in the UN system, and particularly within the UNSC as a non-permanent member (Kagwanja 2009:9). Despite the above strengths of South Africa as a regional power, the country, over the years, has undergone some challenges. There are ongoing social strikes in the country, especially in the mining sector, protests for social facilities, and the recent xenophobic attacks which put South Africa on the world map and questioned its hegemony in the region. Another challenge that could jeopardise South Africa as a regional power is the quiet withdrawer of South African forces during the conflict in CAR which raised a lot of questions about the strength of the country's military power and also the inability for south peacekeeping forces to meet UN serviceability standards.
South Africa is thus, considered to be a regional power because of its resources, economic stability and military might. Its quest for leadership role in the region is most visible based on the country's involvement in the region. To crown it all, South Africa's population outnumbers that of its regional neighbours.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Conflict and political instability continues to characterise most states in Africa. Post-independent Africa has been a breathing ground for conflicts, especially after independence from the colonial masters. The causes of conflict differ from one region to another and from one country to the other. In the case of Lesotho, the outcome of elections coupled with other factors such as factionalism among political parties has led to instability in Lesotho. This has transformed into violent conflicts and has affected the political and economic status as well as caused the death of several people in Lesotho. The conflicts in Lesotho reached their peak, especially in the 1998 when the people went out of control and the government sought intervention from South Africa. Given this gap, this study therefore, assesses the role of South Africa in conflict management in the SADC region and Lesotho in particular from 1993-2014. Based on this premise, the researcher examines factors that sparked the conflict and how the outcome of elections is being used by disgruntled citizens to demonstrate their dissatisfaction as seen in the 1998 and other elections in Lesotho. This is of paramount importance because it helps to determine that violent conflicts on the African continent have changed direction as most conflict situations in Africa have moved from ethnic and religious to elections and other motives.
1.3 AIM OF THE STUDY
The main aim of this research was to evaluate the part played by South Africa in conflict management in the SADC region and Lesotho in particular. This was achieved by drawing inferences from a series of electoral crises such as the 1993 elections, among others since the advent of democracy in Lesotho.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The research questions derived from the research problem were as follows:
• What are the factors contributing to the conflict in Lesotho?; and
• What role has South Africa played in conflict management and maintenance of peace and stability in Lesotho?
1.5 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The objectives of the study were to:
• Examine the role played by South Africa in conflict management and mediation in Lesotho; and
• Assess the impact of the conflict in Lesotho in the period under review.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The study is intended to provide insights into the role played by South Africa to manage and maintain peace and stability in the SADC region and Lesotho. This is in line with the fact that over the years, with the introduction of democracy, the kingdom of Lesotho has been experiencing a lot of political instability.
Lesotho is a country faced with numerous challenges such as poor governance and adverse social conditions. The study is vital because the Mountain Kingdom of Lesotho fuels skirmishes in the region and if there is peace in Lesotho, it will reduce violence within the Southern African Development Community (SADC). A stable Lesotho will liberate the country as it will have total control of its political activities and control over its natural resources and hence, limit the interference of foreign players in the country. The study is also relevant as it serves as a reference document for other countries in
Africa in order to respect the will and auspices of citizens or the practice of democracy. By so doing, there will be no consequences such as tensions and conflicts in any given country.
This study is also significant because it adds to the body of knowledge in the field of Political Science and International Relations. The study is geared towards providing a comprehensive assessment of the part played by South Africa in managing and maintaining stability in the region and Lesotho in particular. Furthermore, the study is vital because it will document information and recommendations that could be used to sensitise the public and governments.
The people who stand to benefit from this study are scholars, resolution makers and policy makers. The study is beneficial to stakeholders in that it will be a model for peace making in Africa in general, Lesotho, Southern Africa and the SADC region in general. The research will be very beneficial to Africa in general, particularly to countries that still practice undemocratic regimes to be conscious of the consequence of the outcome of elections, especially in situations where elections are not properly conducted. This study will enhance knowledge on already existing studies on the role played by South Africa in managing and maintaining peace in Africa. The study is also expected to provide the researcher with tangible arguments on how conflicts can affect a country as well as assist the researcher to understand how to separate personal life from activities that could result in violence in the country and hence, pave a good way for a well-organised human being in this contemporary society.
1.7 METHODOLOGY
Research methodology is an over-all approach to study a research topic; it includes the whole aspect of conducting a research project, developing appropriate methods of data collection and comparing and constructing different techniques and methods. It also offers a theoretical underpinning for understanding which method is best suitable for the research. According to Silverman (2006: 275), the entire purpose of methodology in a research is keen to explaining why certain methods are used in a research project by a
researcher. Further it explains the reasons why particular methods used to collect data, why such methods are chosen, their advantages and disadvantages, how such data is analysed and finally, the limitations of the method of data analysis.
Considering the fact that the current study is based on the socio-political conflict faced by the Kingdom of Lesotho and the role played by South Africa in conflict management and mediation in the SADC region, particularly Lesotho, given the fact that the research conducted is based on the effects on the society, the researcher made use of the qualitative approach given that qualitative research is based on a real life situation and not an experimental situation. It helps demonstrate a common belief that can offer a deeper understanding of a social occurrence. The research methods are flexible and sensitive in the social context in which data is generated and produced (Mason, 2002:3).
Furthermore, a qualitative research method is said to include symbolic material which needs explanation; different interpretations of the same materials are of importance; and material practice that made the world visible. The qualitative approach deals with a variety of other methods, including, interviews, observations and research questions exploring personal or social meaning (Denzin and Lincoln, 2000: 3). Yin (2003: 309) refers to a case study research as a research approach, an empirical inquiry that examines a phenomenon within its real-life context.
Case study research simple means one or more case studies; which includes quantitative evidence; relies on multiple sources of evidence and benefits from the prior development of theoretical propositions. With a case study, the researcher is representing or showing a case among a series of numerous cases that exist in order to describe the importance of the study.
A qualitative research approach helps to bring out the dynamic evidences by developing discussions, gathering and getting people to talk through their own words how they understand a particular idea; the procedure and result of data gathering derived from documents, such as journals, newspapers, articles, artifacts, internet sources, theses and even quality data in order to be able to guarantee a worthy and understandable
assessment of the study as well as give much room for explanation. Based on the fact that there are similar cases peculiar to sub-Saharan Africa, one of them is used to demonstrate the general trend of political instability and the part played by South Africa to manage and maintain peace and stability in such situations (Congo, Mali, Burundi and Sudan).
1.8 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION
Document analysis, reviews, interviews, and questionnaires were used in the study to collect data. These are important qualitative methods of collecting data as they help guide the researcher not to lose focus of the unique purpose of the study. Other studies have been conducted by South Africans in managing and maintaining peace and stability in the African continent, on what triggers violence in the continent and a deductive reasoning from facts and evidences as well as the assessment of qualitative data.
1.9.1 Primary source of data collection
Primary sources were used to collect data such as questionnaires and interviews. These techniques were used in order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the research problem. Furthermore, it helped the researcher to extract data from target groups and individuals. This method was vital because it aims at seeking and interpreting the meaning people bring to their own activities rather than to describe any regulation on statistical association between variables. An interview is also probably the most widely employed method in social sciences because the researcher gets information through well-placed and organised individuals in relevant institutions and the society. Furthermore, an interview is considered suitable because of its flexibility and moreover, 'gives voice to the voiceless' in the society.
1.9. 2 Secondary source of data collection
The study relied also on secondary data sources from published (and un-published) materials, such as books, journals, newspapers, articles, and magazine sources. Data
was also collected from existing documentation on the subject matter from libraries lecture notes, theses, and internet sources. Note should be taken of the fact that verbal discussions were also taken into consideration in order to obtain a complete understanding of the research problem. This method provided detailed knowledge of the researcher's area of study.
1.9.3 Methods of data analysis
According to Churchill (2002: 35-136), data analysis is the application of logic to understand and interpret data that has been collected about a research problem. In this study, several techniques were used to analyse the multiple sources of data. Considering the fact that data was collected from interviews, questionnaires and documents analysis, each approach helped to develop and come up with a comprehensive and effective purpose of the study. Here, content analysis was suitable since it deals with documents, speeches, texts and presentations and to examine emerging themes. Content analysis is used when working with narratives such as diaries, or journals to analyse qualitative responses to open-ended questions and to transform texts into useful objects of the research. Secondly, it is very systematic as it deals with details in both qualitative approaches thus; it is not tied to a single theoretical
interpretation (Abercromie and Warde, 2002).
In addition to qualitative orientations, the researcher also employed another method by carrying out discussions with students of International Relations in order to obtain valuable information to enhance the research problem. In other to confirm the data, strengthen findings and draw conclusions from the study, a system of triangulation was utilised. Triangulation involves various methods such as qualitative and quantitative approaches to ensure that each concept is examined thoroughly from different angles. In this viewpoint, the triangulation method was best suitable in the context of the complexity associated with the subject matter of the study; to assess the part played by South Africa in conflict management in the SADC region (a case study of Lesotho from 1993-2014).
1.9.3.1 Triangulation of data
According to Jick (1979: 602-611 ), triangulation refers to the use of different kinds of methods or data, including qualitative and quantitative approaches for the purpose of enhancing the study. Sarantkos (2005: 145) states that the word triangulation came into existence because it involves three parts of action and originally, was used to reflect multiple operations.
Jick (1979: 601-611) maintains that triangulation, as a multiple function, can help inspire the researcher to create inventive approaches. This permits the researcher to view a particular aspect in the research from different perspectives, hence, to enhance knowledge and test validity of the subject matter as well as to enable the researcher to be more confidence in his or her outcomes.
Denzin (1978: 301-302) identifies five types of triangulation as follows: data triangulation explains that range of data sources used in the study in order to cross check the same information; theoretical triangulation is the use of multiple theories or perspectives to interpret the same data for the purpose of increasing the validity of the findings; investigator triangulation uses more than two different researchers or evaluators in the same study such as interviews; analysis triangulation uses more than two methods of analysing the same data (that is, qualitative and quantitative) and lastly, methodological triangulation involves the use of various methods to gather data for the same study. These methods have been widely used by social science researchers
The purpose of triangulation is that it allows for cross checking of data or findings from other methods; it can also simultaneously address a range of confirmatory and exploratory questions, provide a better, stronger inferences and the opportunity for greater assortment of divergent views. Flick (2000c: 18) states that the use of triangulation is to create incentives for the researcher so that he or she will be able to
increase knowledge to enrich the research data, and a develop higher degree of
Furthermore, Green et al. maintain that the importance of using triangulation in a research is for complementarity which clarifies and illustrates results from one method with the use of another method which stimulates the research difficulties obtained through one method and expansion which provide richness and detail to the study exploring specific features of each methods (Green et al., 1989: 271 ). This argument is therefore to buttress the fact that the research strategy used in this study produced better results in terms of quality and scope. However, it is important to note that triangulation within a qualitative approach can be acquired by combining both observations, interviews and mixing different kinds of purposeful samples, for instance, both intensity and opportunity sampling, hence, this source of information gives more insight into the study.
Denzin (1978: 301-302) further explains that triangulation could be within methods. The researcher used both qualitative and quantitative approaches in the same study with the aim of achieving convergent validity. In the case of qualitative methods such as assessment research, this can take the form of multiple scales, meanwhile, in the case of quantitative approaches, such as participant opinion, inference can be drawn from multiple comparison groups (Glaser and Strauss, 1965:7) so as to employ more confidence in the study. Despite the fact that triangulation methods have been criticised by Lamnek and Silverman (1993) that by expanding the variation of the research through the use of triangulation does not guarantee better results, but the truth remains that the use of triangulation produces more and reliable results than the use of single methods hence, the use of triangulation was necessary for this study for the purpose of complementing other data sources.
1.10 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The scope of the study is to access the role played by South Africa in conflict management, and-maintaining peace and stability in the SADC region, a case study of Lesotho given the fact that since independence, the country has been a breeding ground for political instability caused by the non-acceptance of election results by the
various political parties. Much attention is focused on the factors that caused instability and electoral processes and its outcome in the Kingdom of Lesotho. In order to strengthen this study, some countries in Africa facing similar challenges such as Mali, Burundi, Sudan, Ivory Coast and Congo were used as examples to portray the general trend. However, greater emphasis was placed on analysing the role played by South Africa in the conflict in Lesotho as vividly experienced with the recent 2014 instability in the Mountain Kingdom of Lesotho.
1.11 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY.
Inadequate funds to travel to collect data in the Kingdom of Lesotho constituted a limitation to the study. The country is several miles away from the North West University. This was a limitation because there were no funds to go to Lesotho to observe and collect primary data from citizens of the country. The researcher relied on data from Lesotho citizens based in South Africa and other foreigners such as Congolese and from documentaries on conflicts in Lesotho.
This being a sensitive research topic, participants were rather skeptical of the whole political environment and the responses were not straight forward. A language barrier was another difficulty encountered due to the fact that some respondents could not express themselves well in English. Furthermore, the researcher does not originate from Lesotho.
The main limitation that could have hampered the study was the issue of insecurity, especially as there are still instances of violence in Lesotho. This prevented the researcher from travelling to the country. The difficult a terrain also constituted another limitation.
1.12 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
The researcher ensured that the appropriateness and confidentiality of data obtained from respondents was be maintained considering the fact that some of the subjects were actively involved in government services and post-war reconstruction. Subject personnel were informed that participation was voluntarily. The researcher provided subject personnel with a report of the findings. Interviewees and institutions that requested anonymity about the information provided were assured of their privacy and anonymity. Assurance of the outcome of the research was made available to all participants and furnished to them upon request. Personnel identities were not included in the data for confidentiality and anonymity reasons
1.13 ORGANISATION OF THE STUDY The research is divided as follows:
Chapter 1 (introduction) presents the subject of the study, which is an assessment of the part played by South Africa in conflict management in the SADC region (the case study of in Lesotho from 1993-2014). The chapter also presents the background and the general causes of conflict in Lesotho. The chapter then looks at SADC in enhancing stability, and South Africa as a regional power. The chapter then proceeds with the problem statement, the research question, aim of study, objectives of the study, rationale for the study, research methods, method of data analysis, scope of the study, limitations of the study and ethical considerations.
Chapter 2 constitutes the literature review and theoretical framework. The literature review provides the background and the general trend of the causes of conflicts in Lesotho, and how elections could be used as a tool to fuel conflicts in Africa. The states of Congo, Burundi, Sudan and Ivory Coast are used as examples to analyse the general trend of conflict in Africa as a whole, and the role played by South Africa to manage these conflicts. On the other hand, the theoretical framework examined the various theories used in this study and portraye the relevance of the research area of study.
Chapter 3 is the presentation, analysis and findings from the data. The data presented was collected from a series of documents, journals, and other sources and further analysed through content analysis and triangulation. The data collected on the field was analysed and presented in this chapter to give the research a clear indication of the findings of the study.
Chapter 4 presents the conclusion and recommendations. The conclusion provides a summary of the findings while the recommendations are suggestions to the Lesotho government on how to avoid the escalation of future conflicts.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter comprises of the literature review and the theoretical framework. A review of key literature regarding the study is presented. The purpose of a literature review is to explore and present what other researchers have done on the subject matter and to provide the researcher with coherent and current issues concerning the research. It also ensures that the works of others are not reproduced; better still, it identifies limitations in literature and contributes something original to the body of knowledge thereby providing something different about South Africa's role in conflict management in the SADC region (a case study of Lesotho) and understanding to the field of study (Denscombe, 2007). Literature review is very important in research because, it sharpens and deepens the theoretical framework of the research as well as familiarises the researcher with current developments in the field of study and in related areas. The researcher thus, becomes familiar with the problems, hypothesis and results obtained by other researchers and can discover flaws by comparing investigations.
Additionally, a theoretical framework is very vital in any study because it describes the relevant theories that can be used to support targeted studies. It also explains how the research topic is linked with the theory. It further identifies key variables that are related to the research problem. This allows the researcher to shed light on the dependent variables with the independent variables.
2.2 LITERATURE REVIEW
Several studies have been carried out on how conflict can be managed but this is different because scholars have not yet researched on the role played by South Africa in conflict management in Lesotho. This chapter examines some countries where South
Africa has intervened in order to restore stability and the factors fueling conflict in these countries. The wind of change that swept across the Africa continent in the 1950s championing calls for self-rule and independence from colonial rule were also actively heeded to by the tiny kingdom which had suffered under British imperialism since 1868 (Bukae, 2012). Most countries in Africa, including Lesotho, have experienced political stability. The struggle for democracy on the African continent has been long and strenuous to achieve. This is because post-independence African governments were predominantly regimes characterised by authoritarianism wherein the head of state dominated his/her population and did not accept or tolerate any form of resistance on the part of citizens in terms of how the country was governed. States in Africa that were involved in this art did so as a measure to addressing the heterogeneous nature of their statehood and to bring about economic and social development. In an attempt to achieve their goals, leaders showed little respect for the civil liberties or the citizens' right to objection (lsmaila, 2008).
Despite the fact that countries in Africa started gaining independent from their colonial masters in the 1950s, since then, there have been significant progress made in consolidating stability in Africa. The paragraphs that follow discuss factors responsible for instability in Africa and the role played by South Africa in managing and ensuring stability in some countries such as the Central Africa Republic (CAR), Congo and Burundi.
Firstly, the birth of democracy in Africa, among other factors fueling conflicts in Africa, can be considered as one of the main causes of conflict in the African continent. Since the birth of democracy in the 1990s, Africans still struggle to defeat military and authoritarian rule which in most cases, turn into violent conflicts. It can be said that African people and societies since 1990, have embraced democracy as "the only game in town" and that mandates and legitimacy for leadership shall only be granted to individuals and political parties through a ballot box. This condition was driven by the belief of African civil society that a plural democratic society will greatly contribute to the promotion and attainment of good governance.
The reality, however, remains that most African leaders indirectly still practise authoritarian rule and thus, make African countries like Lesotho, Mali, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Congo and Tanzania (Staffan, 2006: 143) to be considered as practising hybrid regimes wherein African government adopt partial aspects of democracy like multi-party elections but on the other hand, have held on to some elements of authoritarianism (Archer, 1995; Collier and Levitsky, 1995; Joseph, 1997; Przeworski, 1988). The above is evident when one takes a close look at the outcomes of previous elections in countries such as Lesotho, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Nigeria, the Central Africa Republic and , Zimbabwe.
All the countries cited above have a common similarity (conflict following the outcome of electoral). Though different in geographical location or the occurrence of their various resistances did not take place in the same year, they were all aimed at establishing democratic states. As Francis (2002: 2-3) comment:
"the sovereignty lies with the people and therefore the government is responsible to the people; and that the will of the majority is more important than that of the minorities" (Francis, 2002: 2).
This view is consistent with that of Aristotle who contends that:
"In a democracy, the people are the king because they are in the majority and because the will of the greatest number has the force of law" (John ed. Korwa et al, 2008).
Besides the fact that the birth of democracy in Africa has brought instability in most parts of Africa, there are other factors responsible for fueling conflicts in the continent. Ethnicity can be considered as one of the reasons why conflict is inevitable in Africa. Collier and Binswanger (199) argue that Africa is a continent with the highest diversity of ethnic groups and that many countries in Africa are distinct and have multiple groups with a strong identity. It is therefore difficult to organise rebellion against ethnic divisions since each group will want to defend its own identity.
Mozzato (2010) argues that conflict in Africa could be attributed to the former colonial master who indirectly still practises nee-colonial attitudes, especially in former French
