Cape Town’s BRT envisioning an
integrated city?
Source 1 BRT Business Plan 2012
By Kamr Hussein
Msc International Development Studies
Student number 106540S
Supervisor: Christine Richter
Second Reader: Courtney Vegelin
Date: 30/06/2014
Abstract
One of the main problems that are faced in urban development is the social- spatial exclusion it can cause for the poorer population. There is a current debate in which is encouraging inclusive development, but to what extent can urban development truly be inclusive?
As a case study, Cape Town’s new transport mega project is being examined. Cape Town is implementing a new and innovative mode of transport that is called MyCITI busses which is a Bus Rapid Transit. Cape Town is becoming an up and coming global city but with bad transport which resulted with large congestion. Therefore like cities such as Bogota and Curitiba, Cape Town is implementing a new form of transport known as the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT).
Their main aim is to integrate the city and diminish the Apartheid characteristics that are still lingering around Cape Town. They are aiming to do so in an inclusive manner. However, what appears contradictory with respect to a vision of “integration” is the fact that the project aims to formalize the modes of public transport by replacing the mini-bus taxi’s service but giving them the option to invest in MyCITI. Therefore the main question that was raised was; In how far does the vision in early planning and implementation of an integrated public transport system foster inclusive development?
Throughout the findings, it shown that the early planning and implementation of an integrated public transport system can foster to inclusive development, but only to some extent. There are a number of inherent paradoxes the city is challenged by in which makes it difficult to develop inclusively and therefore having an integrated city. Those are the geographical constraints Cape Town faces, the contestations from other stakeholders and the exclusion of ‘illegal taxi operators’. As the city, did what was theorized as inclusive development, the results show that the city could not incorporate everyone. Groups of people that were either self-excluding themselves, Those who are not regulated, could not be part of the system.
Table of Contents
By Kamr Hussein ... 1
Supervisor: Christine Richter ... 1
Table of Contents ... 3
Abbreviations: ... 4
1. Introduction Urban growth and socio-spatial inequality in post-Apartheid
South African cities ... 5
1.1 ... 5
1.2 New Public Transport projects: addressing both Urban Growth and inequalities?... 7
1.3 Study focus and relevance: the MyCITI BRT Project in Cape Town and the case of mini bus taxis ... 8
1.4 Outline of the Thesis ... 10
2. Theoretical Framework ... 11
2.1 Socio-spatial Inequality ... 11
2.2 Inclusive Development ... 13
2.3 Lack of Knowledge on Integration ... 16
2.4 Influences of the planning stages ... 17
Concluding Remarks ... 18
3. Research Design ... 18
3.1.1 Research Question ... 18
3.1.2 Conceptual Scheme ... 20
3.1.3 Operational definitions of main concepts ... 21
3.1.4 Research Location ... 21 3.2 Methodology ... 22 3.2.1 Research Methods ... 22 3.2.2 Sampling Procedures ... 23 3.2.3 Interviews ... 23 3.2.4 Focus Groups ... 25 3.2.5 Document Analysis ... 26 3.2.6 Ethical Issues ... 27
3.2.7 Coding for findings ... 28
3.2.8 Concluding Remarks ... 28
4. Findings ... 28
First Impressions ... 28
4. 1 Analysis: Vision of Integration: Technological solutions for Socio-spatial
divisions. ... 29
4.1.1 Technical Integration... 30
4.1.2 Social integration ... 33
4.1.3: The Paradox: How to achieve Social Integration through Spatial Transportation Integration ... 35
4.1.4 Concluding Remarks ... 37
4.2 The planning of phases: a contradiction to the vision of social
integration? ... 38
4.2.2Taxi Associations Open for Negotiation ... 41
4.2.3 ‘Phase two will be 5 times bigger’/ N2 ... 42
Concluding Remarks ... 44
4.3 Implementing inclusion? - Stakeholder contestations and the case of
minibus services. ... 44
4.3.1 Negotiation Process... 45
4.3.2 Actors Interests/Strategies ... 47
4.3.3 Conflicts Between Actors ... 51
4.3.4 Underlying Historical/Political Lack of Trust ... 52
Concluding Remarks ... 53
5. The Implicit Rationale: Inclusion Through Formalization. ... 54
5.1Respondents View on Formalizing the Transport System ... 55
5.2 Created Job Opportunities ... 55
5.3 Training Opportunities For the Informal Sector ... 56
5.4 Conflict Over Formalizing ... 58
Concluding Remarks ... 60
6. Inherent Paradoxes and Themes Linked ... 61
6.1 Linkages Between Themes ... 61
6.2 Inherent Paradoxes ... 63
7. Conclusion ... 66
7.1 Answers to Research Questions... 66
7.2 Final Conceptual Scheme ... 70
7.3 Further Research ... 70
Bibliography ... 71
Appendix ... 76
Abbreviations:
ANC- African National Congress
BEE Black Economic Empowerment
BRT- Bus Rapid Transit
CBD- Central Business District
CODETA- Cape Organization for the Democratic Association
DA- Democratic Alliance
DTA- Delft Taxi Association
IDP- Integrated Development Plan
ITP- Integrated Transport Plan
IRT- Integrated Rapid Transit
PPP- Public Private Partnership
PTA- Peninsula Taxi Association
NDP- National Development Plan
NTA- National Taxi Association
VOC- Vehicle Operating Company
1. Introduction Urban growth and socio-spatial inequality
in post-Apartheid South African cities
1.1
South Africa is known as one of the most unequal countries in the world (Bhorat 2013). Geographically, the unity South Africa attempts to portray cannot be seen in its reality. The country’s Apartheid past left the white population dwelling mainly in cities and suburbs and the majority of the poor black population remaining in settlements far from the city centre (Lewars et al 2007). Before looking further into South Africa’s inequalities, the context of the country must be described. Defining Apartheid and Post-Apartheid is imperative because many of today’s inequalities have their roots in the colonial and Apartheid history.
Apartheid is defined as racial segregation through a systematic policy implemented by the Afrikaner National Party (Oxford Dictionary). In Dutch, ‘apartheid’ literally translates into ‘separateness’. Despite the abolishment of Apartheid in 1994, it continued informally throughout. To this day, the Apartheid regime bears down on South African cities in terms of racial, socio-spatial, and economic inequalities that South Africa is currently facing (Lewars et al 2007).
After the Apartheid system was formally abolished in 1994 alongside the growth of globalization, South Africa experienced a shift in which it is now seen as a country with global cities due to rapid urban growth.
It is known that 40% of the world’s population live in cities in developing countries and is expected to increase to over 50% by 2050 (JICA 2013). Cities act as economic centres for the whole country where most of the development is occurring. Global cities occur in some countries that experience rapid urban and economic growth due to globalization.
According to Sassen, a global city is characterized by ‘a focus on practices drawing the categories of place and production process into the analysis of economic globalization’ (Sassen 2000: 79). However, Shatkin (2007) criticizes Sassen’s notion of
a global city, as the same model cannot be applied to cities in the Global South. Sassen and Shatkin do agree that global cities are drivers for economic growth (Sassen 2000; Shatkin 2007).
Focussing on South Africa, we see the emergence of what would be generally considered a global city. With cities such as Johannesburg, Durban, and Cape Town, South Africa has become a place of investment even for foreign businesses especially after the success of the World Cup (Wilson 2010). This was evident since South Africa has become the first African country to be part of the BRICS, which consists of the economically emerging nations Brazil, Russia, India, China, and since 2010 also South Africa. South Africa was growing on an average of 4.5% a year between 2002 and 2008 (Taborda 2013), which is why it qualified as a BRICS country. Despite this, South Africa is still seen as one of the most unequal country in both economic and social aspects. It will be looked at the reason even after Apartheid.
One of the main problems faced in urban development, in the context of developing countries, is the widening gap in class inequalities. Unfortunately, the speed of such population growth in urban growth often overtakes urban infrastructure development and job creation. This results in creating disorderly residential districts in suburban areas with insufficient infrastructure, low housing quality and low-income households (JICE 2013). It is evident that this phenomenon is still prevalent in South Africa, alongside the Apartheid characteristics that are still apparent in cities today
.
Income inequalities have become worse in South Africa, but the inequality is no longer as racially driven (Durrheim 2011). Despite many ANC policies that are trying to close the poverty gap, black people make up 90% of South Africa’s poor population. What needs to be taken into account is that black people are 79.5% of the entire country’s population (Statistics South Africa 2006). High unemployment rates and the spatial inequality still characterize various cities in South Africa. For example black and low-income households still face geographical barriers in order to access good schools (Spaull 2003). The main reason for this is unequal economic growth. Smith and Turok argue that there is a ‘physical disconnection between jobs and population’ (2012:391). As Bhorat argues, ‘47% of South Africans remain poor’ (2013). He says, ‘In 1994, this figure was 45.6%… and the country’s unemployment
rate was 25.4%’ (Bhorat 2013). Therefore, despite South Africa’s success on a global scale, there are still questions in regards to how much has actually changed since the end of the Apartheid and during the Post-Apartheid era.
Focussing on Cape Town, it is evident that the city is attempting to implement projects to improve the city’s infrastructure in varies ways in order to integrate the city (IDP 2012). One important example is the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system called MyCITI. MyCITI is a mega transport project that aims to create a more integrated city, which is the focus of this study. First, BRT will be examined as a whole, followed by an examination of the case of Cape Town.
1.2 New Public Transport projects: addressing both Urban Growth and
inequalities?
Due to rapid urban population and growth in the Global South, there is a strong need for a sustainable public transportation system. There is a new model that provides a sustainable public transportation, which is known as Bus Rapid Transit (BRT). This transportation system is being developed in a number of cities, particularly in Latin America, and shows great promise for revolutionizing bus systems around the world (IEA 2002). In terms of the BRT’s features, this system acts as a metro system, but is a cheaper option in regards to infrastructure, which is the reason why cities from the Global South prefer this option. With dedicated lanes, large-capacity buses, and specialized bus stations that allow pre-board ticketing and fast boarding, the BRT is a quantum improvement over standard bus systems (IEA 2002).
The BRT has already been proven to be a great success in Latin American cities. For example, Bogotá, Colombia is known for its innovation of the BRT (Transmileneo busses) and now stands as an example for other countries that wish to implement similar systems.
Bogotá’s system was originally implemented in 2000 and now transports 1.3 million people a day (Eckerson 2008). It is a highly integrated service with bicycle services and the green bus services (Jaffe 2012). The role of the green busses is to pick up in neighbourhoods for free in order to drive them to the main Transmileneo bus stops (Eckerson 2008). Bogotá’s population greatly depends on a reliable public
transportation system. Whether formal or informal, approximately 70% of motorized trips being made in the city are done by public transport (UN-Habitat).
On multiple occasions, Bogotá experienced riots against the BRT. People were not happy about rising prices and the overcrowding of busses (Raffe 2012). Protests and strikes occurred in 2004, 2008, and 2012, which unfortunately resulted in riots (ibid 2012).
1.3 Study focus and relevance: the MyCITI BRT Project in Cape Town and the
case of mini bus taxis
Cape Town has always suffered from large congestions and bad public transport. Because of the lack of reliable public transportation, people use private vehicles in order to travel around the city, which results in huge peak hours. It is estimated that due to peak hours of Cape Town, travel time is increased by 92%, which means for a hour’s journey, it will take nearly two hours (Williams 2013). This statistic shows that Cape Town is suffering from the worst traffic in South Africa (Ibid 2013). The city has therefore decided that it needs to have a sustainable and reliable mode of public transportation in order to reduce congestion and private vehicle use. This was Cape Town’s deciding factor in deciding to implement the BRT.
The BRT is part of the largest investment project in public transport in Cape Town in present day. The project entails a fifteen-year plan. The first phase (IA) has already been implemented in the city centre (BRT Business plan 2012). Phase IA is the first part that covers the city centre and part of Blouberg, which consists of the affluent areas. The estimated investment for BRT and Rail elements is around 1 billion dollars (BRT business plan 2012). Its aim is to make the city more ‘integrated’ and sustainable following the World Cup and eliminate the uneven character of Apartheid.
The BRT model is a public private partnership (PPP). This means that most operational components are delivered via the private sector (whether it as previously formal or informal) while the municipality is responsible for oversight and quality control (IRT 2014).
However, what appears contradictory with respect to a vision of ‘integration’ is the fact that the project aims to formalize the modes of public transport by replacing the mini-bus taxi’s service but giving them the option to invest in MyCITI. Therefore, the taxi associations are stakeholders in this project. This contradiction and potential gaps in the project plan form a core entry point to this study for further research.
Beall argues that visible symptoms of urban social disadvantage such as growing informal economies and informal settlements were not disappearing and in many cities but were actually expanding is due to the combination of rapid urbanization and its growing socio-spatial inequalities (2000). This is something that is evident when you look at the mini-bus taxi industry in Cape Town. The mini-bus taxi industry initially informally rose to assist the poorer populations with transport. As the mini-bus taxis in South Africa have had some benefit for the urban poor, it also had a lot of negative consequences.
The informal taxi and mini-busses in South Africa are notorious for their violence, commonly known as taxi wars. Taxi drivers attack each other in order to create more business for themselves. This has gone to the extent that it has created mafia groups within the taxi industry. Having said that, informal modes of transportation are one of the most common used amongst the commuters (Stein 2013). Lomme argues that the South African government has made previous attempts to scrap the informal mode of transport in order to create a more rational mode of transportation (2008). But this reform attempt failed on most accounts by its policy and processes (ibid). Taxi and mini busses have registered as public transport operators and hold a license (ibid). Just like in previous attempts to formalize the informal mini busses and taxis, the MyCITI is yet another venture to scrap the mini-bus taxis and this time by replacing them with MyCITI busses.
This research has a lot of added value to development, especially when looking at urban development. It is looking at the planning stages and visions of integrating a city and how through mega projects in the global south, different approaches are being taken. The reason is because the urban development approaches that we increasingly see implemented in developing countries may have different impacts on the urban population, and negative impacts on the poorer sections. As such, they
may cause a wider gap between the poor and the rich, a contradiction to the vision of an ‘integrated city’. As we see in previous urban development approaches, implementing mega projects, displacement, and ‘city cleansing’ (Shatkin 2007) are causing for the more vulnerable and poorer populations. The important point of this study is to find out, in how far the vision and implementation of an ‘integrated city’ embedded in a neo-liberal regime of urban planning and development may actually be inclusive. The debate on inclusive development is an important part of South Africa’s current reality. Therefore this research can help contribute towards the debate.
With the BRT in Cape Town trying to ‘integrate the city’ it is important to examine whether there is a chance that it could cause further socio-spatial inequality amongst the population, or if it has learned from previous BRT and mega project implementations to really make sure the poorer populations have more social and economic opportunity through these integrated bus systems. This study examines whether there needs to be a different kind of approach towards city development plans for developing countries or whether Cape Town is setting an example for new practices that foster socio-spatial, and to some degree political integration.
1.4 Outline of the Thesis
This research is organized in seven chapters, which will gradually work towards an in-depth analysis of the vision of integration according to the city of Cape Town and its negotiation process with the taxi associations. Chapter Two and Three make up the pillars of this study. Chapter Two starts by introducing inclusive development in an urban context, as well as a large part of integration. Socio-spatial inequality will be theorized along with how it is embedded in mega projects. Chapter Three outlines the research design of this study, introducing the research question and sub questions that serve as a guideline throughout. Moreover, the operationalization and conceptual scheme will be present for a visual explanation of this study. Then, the research location will be described and the methodology will be introduced with how mainly qualitative and document analysis will be conducted in order to answer the research question and sub questions.
analysis is explained by the main themes that were discovered. Each section of the chapter will represent a theme. First it will examine the notion of envisioning integration according to the city and other factors such as the taxi associations. Then it will examine the phasing of planning and implementations of the projects and why it was chosen to be done that way. Finally, Chapter Four will describe the different actors’ interest and strategies and the conflicts amongst them.
Chapter Five will be presented with the rationale of inclusion through formalization. A leveling up approach will be used to look at how Cape Town is formalizing the system and changing labor conditions for the informal workers (taxi operators). This chapter will look back at the theoretical findings that were discovered in the literature. Chapter Six will be an overarching chapter based on the whole analysis. This chapter will present the argument based on the data and the previous chapter. The data will relate back to the literature that was presented in the theoretical framework. Finally, Chapter Seven summarizes the main findings of this research and presents its concluding remarks to see to what extent it really has been inclusive and managed to integrate the city. Lastly, a section on further research suggestions will be mentioned as well
2. Theoretical Framework
In developing the conceptual framework, both literature on inclusive development and its relation to urban development are drawn from. An important concept in this study is the ‘integrated city’. However, defining this concept is part of the research itself, as there is not much theoretical literature on this concept. There has been literature on why transport has previously failed to be integrated, and this will be examined.
2.1 Socio-spatial Inequality
As mentioned in the introduction, urban development is happening at rapid paces that cannot keep up with the growing populations. In urban development, there has
been a tendency to exclusively focus on economic opportunity and present the city in the best possible way in order to encourage economic globalization. As Dupont argues, emerging economies involve the creation of attractive urban imagery through implementations of mega projects for infrastructure in the context of competitiveness amongst cities on a global scale (2011). It is commonly believed that mega projects are seen as a ‘catalyst of social unity’ but Varrel and Kennedy argue contrary to that. They argue that some of the city development plans, which have a pro growth agenda, can lead to socio-spatial inequality. This is due to the fact that these urban plans usually only focus and cater certain groups. As those groups benefit more, others are being left behind. Varel and Kennedy point out how some people actually end up having zero access to these economic opportunities (2011). This has resulted in larger inequality gaps and therefore causing socio-spatial inequalities. Beall argues that exclusion is a result of either physical, social, and economic deprivation or discrimination and does not allow certain groups of people to participate in city life and activities (2000). Socio-spatial inequality goes in line with this as it physically and socially deprives certain populations from the benefits of urban growth.
Shatkin argues that uneven development in a city occurs in the form of economic inequality and unequal access to liveable space (2007: 2). Therefore socio-spatial inequality is defined as a lack of social or economic opportunities for certain groups of people through spatial measurements. Infrastructure plays a big role in diminishing or aggravating social-spatial inequality. Infrastructure helps or can prevent one from gaining access to certain spaces. For example, improved transportation infrastructure enables better access to economic opportunities (JICE 2013). Typically it would be seen as a minority group that tends to suffer from socio-spatial inequality. However, in the context of South Africa, it is actually the majority who are suffering poverty as stated in the introduction (Lewars et al 2007).
Shensul and Heller argue that in the context of South Africa, the spatial legacies of Apartheid is still present since there has not been that much change ever since the Apartheid era (2010). There is still a complex nature of socio-spatial inequalities in Durban, where the authors’ study is based. They conceptualise race, class and space having combined to generate three distinct but interrelated transformations: the
radicalized city, the class-stratified city and the transformed city (Shensul & Heller 2010:1). Their research shows how the city has been transformed in a sense of it being deracialized but other inequalities still remaining more or less the same.
Thus it is important to divide socio-spatial inequality into race, class and space. However, what Shensul and Heller found was that neighbourhoods that have remained mixed or desegregated are located in or near the urban core, and are well articulated (2012). This is due to better economic opportunity and better access to financial hub. This shows another aspect of socio-spatial inequality in the sense that neighbourhoods in the urban core benefit from average income being well above the city average and unemployment rates being lower (Shensul & Heller 2012).
Their findings argue that since late apartheid, class has progressively come to replace race as the driver of inequality and that class mechanisms are now reinforcing apartheid urban spatial structures (Shensul & Heller 2012). However, linkages with Shatkin’s notion are visible. This is evident through class reproducing the spatial hierarchy of the city. In order words, economic opportunity is based on where one lives because of the level of job opportunity based there. As Smith and Turok argue, there is a ‘physical disconnection between jobs and population’ (2012:391), which causes socio-spatial inequality. Because infrastructure plays a large part in cities, it is important to distinguish whether the BRT can influence or help reduce socio-spatial inequality through its planning process.
However, due to the negative outcomes of rapid urbanization, there is a recent out cry for inclusive development in the urban context. The concept of inclusive development will now be examined to see why it is argued that it should be an alternative option to the kind of rapid urban growth that has been excluding urban populations in the Global South.
2.2 Inclusive Development
As established earlier, urban growth alone cannot eliminate poverty. Sarah Cook argues that, in fact, it may also create threats to social cohesion that in turn can undermine growth (2006). This creates the socio-spatial inequality dynamic that has been discussed earlier. Cook argues that there is a new paradigm being developed.
This paradigm illustrates the important role of government policy in creating pro-poor growth, providing public goods and social protection mechanisms, and creating the institutional conditions for more inclusive and equitable development (Cook 2006), which defines inclusive development. SACHS simply defines inclusive development as the opposition to the pattern of perverse growth known in Latin American literature as “excluding” (from the consumer market) and “concentrating” (of in- come and wealth) (2004).
Furthermore, SACHS claims that “fair inclusiveness” becomes a central requirement for development and, to the extent that an adjective is supposed to draw attention to the most essential aspect of the development paradigm, we may speak of inclusive
development (2004). In line with this, the United Nations argues that there is a need
for inclusion in international development goals. It calls for that no one be left behind and emphasizes inclusive growth and social inclusion (UNDP 2013). This refers to both rural and urban contexts. Inclusive development is an approach that seeks to prevent concentration of the benefits of urban growth among certain groups (JICE 2013). This involves voicing citizens’ initiatives from earlier planning stages, which involves various social classes in various development processes. This is to ensure that everyone is included and benefitting from the development projects. On the other hand, Suzuki et al argues that one of the most promising strategies for advancing socially inclusive development in fast-growing cities, transit, and land-use integration is increasingly being embraced by policy-makers at all levels (2013). As it is important to include citizens, policy makers and government officials at all levels are just as important in order to create inclusive development plans.
Furthermore, OECD and the UNDP both argue that inclusive development is done by brining in different stakeholders into the early stages of planning (2014). This is needed in order to create transparency from the earliest stages of planning. Negotiating with different stakeholders from the beginning also ensures that the development plan is not one-sided from the government side, therefore making it inclusive.
It can be argued that inclusive development can bring integration. Integrated literally means ‘to bring together’ or to ‘unify’. Therefore, an integrated city is a city that is unified. This is of course a very generic term and can cause difficulties when it comes to implementing its meaning. This will be further examined later when previous
transportation systems failing to integrate the system are focused on. First, one of the main forms of urban inclusive development will be examined, which is developing a sustainable transportation system, particularly focusing on public transport (JICE 2013).
In developing countries, lack of urban infrastructure is increasingly becoming a serious issue, since the growth speed of population and urban activities are overtaking that of core infrastructure development (ibid 2013). This is especially the case when it comes to transportation, as it will create better opportunities for the urban population to travel to better economic opportunities. Furthermore, an effective transportation system that combats traffic congestion and other problems faced in urban contexts is necessary. As mentioned before, Cape Town is struggling with high congestion, which is why it is important that an effective transportation system comes into place.
The Public Private Partnership (PPP) is a governance tool that aims to bring together resources, strengths and share experiences of the public and private sector for the purpose of provisioning of public asset or services for public benefit (Gaur & Gupta 224:2013). This can be seen as a tool used towards inclusive development, because it is bringing the public and private sector together in order to be able to deliver services to the public. One of the initiatives is the public private partnership, which is cost effective and shares the burden of the government in social development.
However, there are a number of current debates, which question the form of inclusive development that has been praised. For example, Roy argues that inclusive growth can come with its paradoxes and limits (2013). She particularly looked at the Slum Free Policy that was implemented in India and argued the complexity was notably from transforming the slum land into property markets (ibid 2013). She looks at the notion of bottom billion capitalism which is a stretching of market forces to include the world’s billion people living under conditions of extreme poverty (Roy 2010). However as Roy argues, the bottom billion are always under formation, which makes Slum-free Cities is an impossible project (Roy 2013).
Roy’s debate correlates with Dupont, Varel and Kennedy’s idea that in order to achieve attractive urban imagery, mega projects such as the Slum Free Policy are implemented, which results in displacements for the urban poor. Here it can be seen
that inclusive development is challenging when there is a formal and informal sector involved. Furthermore, it raises questions regarding the extent at which an inclusive project can be fully inclusive. The aim of this research is to be able to contribute to this debate and to see the extent of this new phenomenon of inclusive development is applicable in urban mega projects.
2.3 Lack of Knowledge on Integration
Integration is a prominent concept throughout this research. However, as mentioned before, there is not enough literature on what ‘integrating the city’ actually means. This has caused problems in previous transportation plans and it could be a potential danger to Cape Town when implementing the BRT. We will first look at the example of the UK with how it was difficult to frame integration and why exactly that is. The concept of integrated and seamless transport has wide political support, but framing effective policies that deliver the desired outcome has proved to be difficult (Preston 2012). This is the case in the UK, even though it is notoriously known for its effective transport system. According to Preston, four main issues are highlighted. The first is the failure to define the concept, the second is the failure to operationalize the concept, third is the lack of an evidence base on the success of integrated transport policies (Preston 2012).
The fact that it is difficult to define and operationalize the concept makes it difficult to measure and therefore implement integration into the transport system. Even though the city of Cape Town has presented in its rhetoric that they are aiming to integrate the city through the new BRT system (IDP 2012), they have not set a definition for what exactly they mean by ‘integration’. This could potentially cause failures in the project without having defined and operationalized the concept of integration. Furthermore, failure in integrating transport policies has been present in previous case studies (Preston 2012), which causes Cape Town to be walking on a thin line. This is something that will be addressed during the research stages, as it is vital to have a clear definition of integration and how exactly Cape Town is aiming to achieve that. This is why a clearer definition of integration will be looked for during the research.
Preston argues that one of the difficulties in operationalizing integration relates to individual barriers (Ibid 2012). This is in relation to individual behavior in regards to transportation. Even if there is a great transport system in place, individuals can still remain trapped in a high degree of car dependency. Individual barriers and behavior patterns can make integration a challenging process, even if there were to be a clear definition for it. It is something that is out of the government and urban planner’s control, as it lies with the citizens.
However, it is important to examine what the government and urban planners can control, which is early agenda’s in the planning stages of urban development. Therefore examining and researching the early stages of urban planning is important to look at, especially if it has caused contestation as it already has in Cape Town.
2.4 Influences of the planning stages
As the BRT has only implemented Phase 1A, it is difficult to point out whether it has caused socio-spatial inequality. However, as it is still mainly in its planning stages, it can influence or affect the population. Aibar and Bijker argue that the city planning is a ‘powerful tool in building new boundaries between the social and the technical, therefore in building new forms of life’ (1997:23). This argument came from creating a frame in which they analysed a town-planning innovation in Barcelona in the 19th
century. There was a clear controversy between the planning agenda of the engineer and the architect. The engineer’s agenda of planning was more concerned with the hygiene issues and mobility and the architect’s motives behind the planning favoured techniques of urban control by building social differences between the centre and the periphery (Aibar and Bijker 1997).
This argument clearly shows that there could be potential agendas and motives behind the planning, which can evidently cause socio-spatial inequalities in the future. Therefore it is important to examine the planning stages of the BRT to see what the potential motives are behind the planning.
In Cape Town, taxi unions have already been protesting against the planning and implementations of the BRT. The National Taxi Association (NTA) spokesperson,
Mandla Mata complained ‘that the BRT project would wipe out the taxi industry, leaving most players without the means to put food on the table’ (2009). With all of this contestation, it raises question regarding the extent of which the BRT can integrate the city when the taxi industry is concerned with being ‘wiped out’ and left with no job. Therefore, it is important that part of this research see both sides of the planning process in order to get the full picture of the BRT implementation.
Concluding Remarks
Correlating with the theoretical framework of mega projects such as MyCITI, there is still the question of what their vision of ‘integrating the city’ actually is. Furthermore, the question of how inclusive development is achieved with its other stakeholders such as the taxi associations.
In the next chapter, the research question is presented alongside its sub-questions. With that, a detailed explanation of how the research is approached through the methodology is presented.
3. Research Design
This chapter delineates and elaborates the research matter and the methods employed to conduct this study. It starts by introducing the research question and sub questions, where after it presents the conceptual scheme and operationalization scheme, in which the concepts as described in the theoretical chapter are made visible.
3.1.1 Research Question
Derived from the theoretical framework, the following research question and sub-questions are the leading thread in this research.
Question: In how far does the vision in early planning and implementation of an integrated public transport system foster inclusive development?
Sub 1-In MyCITI, how is socio-spatial integration envisioned?
The first part of the research is to be able to envision what the BRT means by integration and integrating the city in a socio-spatial matter. As mentioned in the theoretical framework, integration is a complex term to define and operationalize and can lead to failure in implementing the transport system. Therefore, it is vital that MyCITI have a clear and concise definition of integration in order to be able to measure its success.
Sub2- How is this vision carried out in the phase planning?
What appears striking at this point is the fact that Phase 1A, which was implemented in 2011, is mainly on the West Coast. This is where the Central Business District (CBD) is based. What is contradictory to this point is that they have started off in richer areas rather than poorer areas, such as the Metro South-East1. Therefore, it is
important to examine the phasing plan to see how it is reflected upon their vision.
Sub3- How do stakeholders contestations carry through the implementation?
Finally, one of the most crucial parts of the research is to examine how the other stakeholders interest and strategies carry through the implementations of the BRT project. The stakeholders include both the taxi associations and Golden Arrow bus services. However, the taxi association will have a greater focus because they are informal workers going into the formal sector. Their perspective of MyCITI and integration will be examined and to see if it meets the cities’ version. Furthermore, it is also important to see exactly why there has been contestation about the new transportation system. The overall aim is to see if the city of Cape Town is practicing inclusive development with this transportation project.
1In the Metro South-East Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain are based. They are the largest town ships in
Cape Town. These townships were created during the Apartheid era where the majority of black people are still based. The Metro South-East is also known as the Cape Flats where 1/3 of the population lives.
3.1.2 Conceptual Scheme
Figure 1 Conceptual Scheme
Based on urban development and urbanization, I have divided into two concepts. Those are exclusive development and inclusive development. Exclusive development, focuses particularly on economic growth. As seen in the theoretical framework, when focusing on economic growth, it benefits only certain parts and people in the urban space in which results in socio-spatial inequality. As Dupont argues, this has been done through mega projects which causes displacements for the urban poor. Inclusive development on the other hand, calls for social cohesion. It is more of a pro poor approach in which claims to include the everyone regardless of social or racial background. The actors involved in inclusive development are the policy makers, stakeholders and citizens. Therefore a scope of bringing different dimensions can be seen. As mentioned in the theoretical framework, inclusive development leads to integration, which is why it is presented in the conceptual scheme. However due to Roy’s arguments on the inherent paradoxes of inclusive development, I am asking to what extent can inclusive development be fully inclusive? This is why inclusivity/ integration is with a question mark. Overall, the aim of the thesis is to see to what extent can a mega project such as the BRT foster to inclusivity.
3.1.3 Operational definitions of main concepts
The main concepts of this study are as follows: BRT, socio-spatial integration, stakeholder’s contestation. As mentioned in the introduction, the BRT is a new and innovative transport system that has been popular transport project in the Global South. It calls for integrating the transport system. Socio-spatial integration goes in line with the BRT. Socio-spatial integration looks at how infrastructure and society are merged together. The BRT aims to do so with its infrastructure.
As mentioned in the theoretical framework, during the planning stages, when there are external contestations then during the planning and early implementations of the BRT project in Cape Town. This is therefore one of the concepts that needs to be looked into.
3.1.4 Research Location
In Cape Town, the Apartheid is echoed when looking at the population distribution. During the Apartheid Era, blacks were evicted from city centres and forced into townships outside the city (Lewars et al 2007). These townships were built on bad land and standards of living were extremely low in comparison to the other areas where the whites lived. At the same time, people from
rural villages in search of a better life left their homes and settled in and around these townships, creating “informal settlements.” The Cape Flats, located South East of Cape Town, are where many of these townships can be found.
It is evident that spatial economic inequality is highly visible in Cape Town due to the population distribution. Smith and Turok argue that there is economic dominance in the city centre but not in places such as the Cape Flats, where one third of the population live but only contribute to half of the city’s total turnover
(2012: 404). Hence why there are still many issues that are faced in every sector,
Figure 2 Cape Town (source google)
which problematize in how far South Africa can be recognized as a fully democratic country.
Another challenge Cape Town is left with is bringing formerly marginalized individuals back into the city centre and other urban nodes for employment and services (Lewars et al 2007). Proper transportation is therefore crucial in order to give those outside of the settlements the opportunity to access the Central Business District’s and gain access to job opportunities in other areas rather than being limited to their own settlements.
The Department of Transport of the City of Cape Tow n
a system that w ill m aintain low cos the safety and
security of passengers through im plem enting a sustainable bus rapid transit system. The vision of this plan is “to provide a world class sustainable transport system that
moves all its people and goods effectively, efficiently, safely and affordably” (Integrated Transport Plan for the City of Cape Town, 2006). The BRT integrated with other modes of mass transit can provide this access. The BRT is defined as bus services operating similarly to rail, mostly on separated rights-of-way with special stations and modern control systems (Vuchic, 1994).
3.2 Methodology
3.2.1 Research Methods
In order to collect the suitable data needed to answer the research question, research that consists of qualitative methods was conducted. Qualitative methods is defined as ‘the understanding of the social world through an examination of the interpretation of that world by its participants’ (Bryman, 2008: 366).
It is argued that the combination of qualitative and quantitative research techniques can produce more knowledge on the topic and provide stronger evidence for a conclusion through validation of findings (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004). However, due to the nature of this research, conducting qualitative methods and document
analysis would be the most feasible method for this study. The reason is due to the fact that the BRT is still very new. Only the first phase has been implemented and solely covers 10% of the city’s road based public transport (Van Reyneveld 2014). Therefore, quantitative measurements of what is actually happening at a larger scale are not yet accurately available. Furthermore, it is necessary to examine the visions and planning of the BRT officials versus the interpretations the taxi associations have on that stance. This can be mainly done through qualitative data.
T
he different methods used include interviews, focus groups, and document analysis. The importance of these particular methods and why they were necessary to be conducted with the research is explained. Along with these methods, a journal comprised of personal experiences, thoughts and recollections during a personal stay in Cape Town. Data that can be useful will be included from this journal depending on research findings.3.2.2 Sampling Procedures
The sampling was mainly done through snowballing. The participants include the BRT officials, planners, and business developers, Mayor Committee of Transport and other city planners. Taxi associations that are part of the negotiations, taxi owners and MyCITI drivers were also spoken to. At the end of each interview, the participant was asked if he/she had any recommendations on who should be spoken to. When they did offer suggestions, they were asked whether it would be okay to say that he/she personally were the ones to refer being spoken to and their address were noted. .
3.2.3 Interviews
I have conducted 18 interviews with a wide network of different actors that are involved with MyCITI’s planning and implementations. I managed to get different perceptions on the BRT and I pressed on certain topics that other participants may have been vague about. This all depended on the department the participant was from. The research went to the point where certain views were being repeated, which was why I went to look further by interviewing different stakeholders.
Before I started with my field research, I thought it would be important to speak to someone who is more specialised in this subject. This is why I interviewed the Head of Transport Studies of the University of Cape Town. That way, I would have been given more insight from an academic perspective when interviewing the participants. After meeting with the Head of Transport of the University of Cape Town, I interviewed people that were involved with MyCITI on a larger scale. Those participants either involved in the Integrated Transport Spatial Plan or the Committee of Transport. On average, the interviews were 30 minutes long. By talking to them first, it provided an overview of the important themes that need to be addressed in future interviews. It has also allowed me to look at the bigger picture when it comes to the other development plans that are included in my document analysis. Finally, it enabled me to do effective snowball sampling as they directed me to the particular officials that I needed to talk to in order to be able to be specific with the themes that I have discovered.
The next step, I managed to speak to planners and actors from specific departments. Those interviews were more in-depth and therefore lasted between an hour to an hour and a half. During this stage, the negotiation processes and the divides between social and technical integration started to emerge. Once the participants from the cities’ side had been covered, it was time to find different actors involved in the MyCITI process.
Then other actors such as taxi associations, taxi owners and MyCITI bus drivers were interviewed. These participants were not found through snowball sampling but by who was willing to participate in either a focus group or a one-on-one interview. Getting these participants was more challenging due to lack of willingness to participate. This was due to a number of factors. Firstly, it was due to its informal nature. For example, with the taxi association, it took me a whole day to find out where the office is based, because there was no official address on its website. Once the office was found, the secretary claimed that these negotiators are too busy to be able to have an interview. After numerous phone calls and emails sent back and forth, an interview was agreed upon. Another factor that made the process more difficult was the participants being suspicious of the researcher. For example, the
MyCITI drivers that were interviewed were very anxious on whether I was from the media or not. This was even reflected through one of the driver’s answers to the questions.
Conducting the interviews allowed me to understand the context of the BRT and the impact it can have through a more detailed account of the official perspectives, as the documents and plans had some gaps. In one-on-one interviews, people can share more personal thoughts and coping strategies than in-group sessions (Punch, 2002). Therefore it is important to me to have conducted one-on-one interviews with the officials as well as the other actors rather than having a focus group.
By using this method, I had a top-down approach with seeing the visions and design of the BRT first before I get to research the perspectives of the stakeholders involved. These interviews were semi-structured. This enabled me to get my participants to talk about the subject of my research’s interest, yet still be able to give them the space to address topics that would be of interest to my subject. By keeping it semi-structured, certain aspects that were not anticipated when developing the interview guide, came up during the interview, which were of valuable to the research.
3.2.4 Focus Groups
I have used focus groups mainly with taxi owners and MyCITI bus drivers. Focus groups are seen as a form of a participatory method. Participatory methods include small group discussions or more visual and interactive techniques such as creating tangible maps (White & Pettit 2004). Participatory methods are used to allow participants to engage in the research in order to get meaningful findings that reflect the participants thoroughly. Chambers argues the advantages of participatory include validity and reliability insights into unexpected findings (2007). Furthermore, it provided a representation of diverse opinions and ideas. This is what I was hoping to get from the various stakeholders. This method was more useful than interviews in this regard because it is inherently more dynamic and interactive as people feed off of one another (Grønkjær et al. 2011).
The focus group worked better in some cases than in others. For example, with the MyCITI bus drivers, it was quite hard to interview them one-on-one, but as a focus group, they were more open to debate, their answers grew and changed based on
the other driver’s answers. Usually the groups were no bigger than three participants. This was to try and make the atmosphere less intimidating for the participants, in particular those who are more reserved. However, in some respects it was still challenging sometimes to not have a participant dominating over the others.
3.2.5 Document Analysis
A document analysis is vital alongside the interviews in order for me to fully understand the policy procedures and interpret especially the planning and visions behind the BRT. In order to have fully understood the BRT, I needed to look at the Integrated Transport Plan (ITP) and the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). It was important for me to look at these documents in-depth in order to be able to conduct the interviews with the officials. Through these interpretations of the documents, it enabled me to see whom I need to interview, what issues needed to be addressed and what kinds of gaps there were.
The pyramid below shows the hierarchical relationship between the plans. My main focus is the BRT plan, but I need to look into the ITP and IDP in more detail in order to get the bigger picture of the BRT plan and why it is so important to implement it. The National Development Plan (NDP) does not need to be fully examined but it is helpful to look at in order to get an idea of visions of the future of South Africa and its city’s.
Figure 3 Hierarchy of document analysis
NDP (vision
for 2030)
IDP (2012- 2017,
Cape Town)
ITP draft (2014-2018)
Luckily, during my interview with one of the policy makers, I was offered the new and updated ITP version. It enabled this research to rely on updated data rather than older documents.
By doing document analysis, it allowed me to see the differences between the rhetoric of MyCITI and actually what is occurring on the ground. Having analysed some of the documents prior to me being in the field, it was actually confusing and led me to certain assumptions about the transport project. However, interviewing the officials and stakeholders with the documents in mind showed the challenges of what MyCiTI is facing was more than expected. Also, seeing how the documents are being updated on a regular basis shows how this transport plan is a learning curve for the city as well. They seem to strongly take into account the challenges that they face, and learn from them by altering the policy documents.
3.2.6 Ethical Issues
When conducting any kind of research, it is important to consider the ethical issues. The biggest ethical consideration was the mini- bus taxi drivers. I could not speak to them and had to respect that. There was a lot of suspicion whether I had worked for the government or the media. If they had spoken to me they would have lost their jobs, and that was something I did not want. Furthermore, according to the contract of MyCITI bus drivers, they are not allowed to speak to the media. Therefore, I had to reassure them that I was only a student and confirmed by reassuring their names would not be mentioned. Some of the candidates’ names, such as the taxi owners, were not even mentioned due to the participant’s anxiety. Of course, as a Western woman in South Africa I needed to take in consideration the impact that may have had on some of the owners and/or drivers that refused to speak to me. In regards to the government officials and city planners I have spoken to, I always asked firstly if I could record them. I was also very transparent about my research. I also asked them if they wanted me to quote them personally or quote it as the department and complied with their requests.
3.2.7 Coding for findings
In this chapter, the empirical findings of this research were done through thematic coding. It allowed themes to emerge from my data, rather than searching for pre-defined themes. During the course of the analysis, a number of themes constantly came up, whether the participant or myself addressed it. During the first reading of my empirical findings, I made notes of major issues that kept coming up, as the topics were embedded in the data. For the second round, I examined the text more in-depth and was reading in-between the lines, in order to have some from of open coding as well. This helped me identify any new information by de-contextualizing bits of data embedded within the primary material.
3.2.8 Concluding Remarks
This chapter has introduced the research questions and discussed the choice of research location and methodologies used. It presented an overview of the different operationalized concepts and explained the conceptual scheme that schematically intertwines the different theories discussed in the theoretical chapter. It is argued that this research builds upon a qualitative approach alongside document analysis to answer the study’s research questions, but with a wide scope of participants. In the next chapter, the empirical data that was collected in the field will be analysed. This will be divided in the different themes that were presented throughout the data. First, we will look at the technical integration.
4. Findings
First Impressions
During the course of the fieldwork, a lot of interesting observations were made. There was no doubt that the MyCITI busses were a hot topic throughout Cape Town and everyone had an opinion on the matter. The majority of people were happy with it but there is still a minority that is highly critical of it. On one hand, the people I have
spoken to seem happy with having a bus rapid transit after having bad public transport. Areas are becoming more accessible and are on a scheduled time.
Having used the public transport myself during my stay in Cape Town, it was surprising to see how efficient the busses actually were. Cape Town suffers from extreme single flow of traffic during peak hours. But having used a MyCITI bus during peak hours, it was not as much of a hassle as it is expected to be. Busses would come every two to five minutes, and it was not so heavily packed. Mini-bus taxis on the other hand, were more chaotic and the waiting times were longer due to its informal nature.
4. 1 Analysis: Vision of Integration: Technological
solutions for Socio-spatial divisions.
In this section, empirical findings are presented, specifically I identify the vision of integrating the city in the MyCITI project. This will answer the first sub question and is an important entry point for other empirical findings due to the fact that the term ‘integration’ is difficult to define. We will look into the terms from the documents and what the officials believe integration means for the city of Cape Town. Based on the data that I have received, integration has been split into two categories: technical integration and social integration.
The first part of this section will look at the current situation of Cape Town in regards to transport and why integration is such a big issue. Then I will introduce one of the main themes, which is technical integration and what the city is aiming to do with the transport system. This includes technical integration in regards to the card system the City Municipality use and the network of transport they are planning to bring together.
The second part of this section examines the social integration. This part is not as straightforward as the technical integration but it does still play a big role in the planning stages. First, I will look into how and why they would like to socially integrate Cape Town. Then the underlying problems will be analysed in order to
examine the extent at which this can be achieved. Then some of the problems the city is facing in regards to land use, density and irregular flow of traffic in which the city is challenged by will be addressed and analysed.
It is important to consider how the themes in each chapter interlink. Even though this will not be mentioned in the analysis chapters, it will be mentioned in chapter 6.
4.1.1 Technical Integration
First of all, MyCITI and the Integrated Transport Plan’s (ITP) vision of an integrated city, is to create a network of transport, or as the Chancellor of Transport puts it:
The ultimate goal is to have one public transport network which the city will manage. And within that public transport network will be rail, and BRT MyCITI offering the rapid transit component supported by Golden Arrow and mini-bus taxis as feeder services, all as the one brand and network being MyCITI. So ultimately all transport should be MyCITI.
This was the most common response that was received when the question about integrating the city was asked. The city is not permitting mini-bus taxis and privately owned busses (Golden Arrow) to drive the routes they were on. They were given full permission to do so by the national government. However, as they have done for the
mini-bus taxis, they allow bus drivers from Golden Arrow to work for them. This is what they see as integration of transport as well.
The Mayor Committee of Transport partially explains how Phase Two will be implemented and demonstrates how technically integrated the system will be:
There are some very important missing connections. So from Khayelitsha to Mitchells Plain, our first major dedicated headway, redroad, will connect Khayelitha, Mitchells Plain to Claremont and Wineburg. Because there is a mass movement in that direction but first people have to go to CBD and then to Claremont. So there are three major routes that we are planning for phase two. First part of phase two will be that Khayelitsha, Mitchells Plain to Claremont and Wineburg. The second one will be connecting the Cape Flats with the northern suburbs and the third one will be connecting the Cape Flats with Table View route. So it will integrate Phase one and Phase two
Here you see a part of technical integration that MyCITI is envisioning. In figure 5 on the map, all the Phases are planned to be integrated together in order for better access to remote areas. Furthermore, the CBD is not needed as much to transfer anymore. This can reduce congestion in that area as well. In short, technical integration implies formalizing the transport system through inclusion of what are now more informal, and previously existing modes of public transport, such as mini busses.
With having the one system, MyCITI is also aiming to have one payment method for it. Eventually, all modes of transport in Cape Town will use the same card in order to use these public transports, which is the MyCITI card. As mentioned by one of the spatial planners, ‘obviously the idea is one brand, one colored bus, one schedule which means you will have one card. One payment system. So if you have a taxi ride or bus ride then train you use the same card.’ The vision of an integrated system is interpreted as a network of roads, and systems of public transport that interlink. Here it can be seen as well how the transport of Cape Town is formalizing. Even now, having to use a card instead of money brings a form of sophistication into the transport system. This can be interpreted as Cape Town striving to compete with the global city imagery that was mentioned in the introduction. It is a feature that the
Figure 5 Integration of the Four Phase Plan (source BRT Business Plan 2012)
planners and officials have mentioned consistently during the interviews. Implicitly this imaginary is expressed in the following quote with respect to the card system winning an international award:
That card based fare system in terms of regulation that the national government want to see been put in place, is now there and I think has huge potential to be rolling out to other services in the city over time. And what is interesting is that the Cape Town fare system was awarded last month, the Master Card award, international award as the best system in the world in terms of bank based products. Because the particular feature of the fare system that it is compatible with the credit card systems. So what that mean is that the city does not have to have its own fare system back office.
Figure 6 shows how the card system is integrated with other systems of usages. This shows how MyCIT is a new formal system not just with public transport, but also in consuming matters.
The three main points of technical integration are as follows: first, formalizing the transport system through inclusion of what are now more informal, second, the whole notion of ‘one brand’, which relates to having the formalizing system, and
third, the card system that makes the transport system more sophisticated and supports the notion of ‘one brand, one card system’. Next we will look into what the city means by social integration in order to get the full view of what the city envisions as an integrated city.
4.1.2 Social integration
Another important theme that has been addressed during the interview stages was that Cape Town as a whole, is aiming to create social integration through the use of Spatial and Transport Planning. As mentioned in the IDP ‘an inclusive city is one where everyone is at stake in the future and enjoys a sense of belonging. For historical reasons, the South African society has been divided along artificial lines (IDP2012: 2017). This is in reference to the Apartheid Era in which it was racially based. Twenty years later, it had become more class based but those ‘artificial lines’ are still present. MyCITI is aiming to achieve class integration through its methods of routes. As mentioned by the Mayor Committee of Transport in reference to the Phase 1A routes:
And so it’s a route that would take actually quite wealthy areas as well as quite poor areas. So Dunoon (pause). I don’t know if you have been there, very densely settled, shack squat areas. And Atlantis is decentralized area, which is right up north. So you know we can put in a single service that is attractive enough to be used by the middle class but it will also serve these very poor areas.
Through an integration transportation system it is access to mobility, which is sought to be increased for wealthy as well as poor people. In turn, this would lead to social integration of communities, which is illustrated in the following quote:
I think it is essentially about access. So it is about access to any resident in a seamless way. So the integration to communities, poorer, wealthier, black, white can happen to access to mobility. So integration is really about removal of barriers, and those barriers are no longer legal barriers they are transportation barriers for many people so it is removing the access to mobility, that barrier that will start to integrate communities and give people choice to be where they want to be. We see that already on the West Coast.
Through personal observation, in the West Coast is the fact that on a daily basis the busses are taken by a variety of people based on class and race. This is something that has been noticed through daily observation whilst taking the busses. Whether it is domestic workers, commuters that work in the Central Business District (CBD), school children or tourists taking the bus, it is a variety of people. When one looks at the busses, it can be said that it is socially integrated. However, as it has only implemented Phase 1A, it is still too early to tell.
Another important aspect of social integration is to reduce travel distances and time between home and work, which goes in line with access. As one of the officials stated, ‘because the poor live, like any other city in the world, often on the outskirts of the city, far away from jobs, the layout or the design, or the phasing of the BRT strong intention to balance the work, home distance and also the cost, proportional cost of transport takes on people’s wages.’ However, this is easier in rhetorical terms than in practical terms. This is because Cape Town is badly designed spatially due to its geographical nature. This will be analysed later on in this chapter.
Furthermore, there is a linkage between social integration and spatial integration. As one of the officials mentioned, ‘class integration is linked to spatial integration. The better spatial integration the city is, the continuous development corridors transport services that make it easier for people to move into other areas into the city is a precondition for better class integration.’ Therefore social integration needs to be hand in hand with spatial integration. As there cannot be social integration without spatial integration, the same applies vice versa. This is because the current spatial situation faced in Cape Town is lingering with Apartheid character, which is preventing the society to be fully socially integrated. This is one of the reasons spatial planning is alongside the MyCITI planning.
Next I will examine and analyze the challenges the city faces. This is in regards to land use, densities and how Cape Town is a badly designed city in order to have a fully successful and efficient transportation system.
4.1.3: The Paradox: How to achieve Social Integration through Spatial
Transportation Integration
The unfortunate fact about Cape Town is that it is a weak centered city. The CBD has decreasing importance and the city itself is very spread out. As there wasn’t any reliable transport, the city was very out of touch. Personal observation was that the city was really hard to get around to without a car. MyCITI was useful but it is only covering 5% of the city’s footprint. All of the respondents have mentioned this during the interview. One of the systems planners of MyCITI said:
You have chosen for your study an unusual city. Because we don’t really have a very definite center. This historical center is actually small it is probably 12/15% of your work opportunities. 85% of your work opportunities or more is actually outside the CBD..…The CBD is diminishing in its importance. As there are a number of people and jobs that grow, the CBD is not growing at the same rate.
I: And why do you think that is?
P1: Geographically constrained by Table Bay and the mountain (Table Mountain). We don’t want to move either, (Laughs)’
Because the city centre is diminishing in importance, and the city is widely spread out, there is a wider problem with densities. Cape Town’s ‘average density is around 15 sq/mi. And that compares poorly with Asian cities and Europe density that are in the 50 to 150 range.’ Having low densities in Cape Town in combination with a very high peak base ratio causes many challenges in trying to integrate the city. Because the city is so spread out, there is also some inconsistency in profit making in which can potentially damage the transport system. An official from the business development sector said:
You get places like Khayelitsha which is a long way away. Atlantis, which is a long way away. There are no destinations between Atlantis and Table View. It’s 30 kilometers, but there is no getting on and getting off. So what you get is people piling in at the beginning point travelling a long way. What you want is a city that has a corridor, people getting on and off all the time. So the whole route may be 30 kilometers but average journey may be 7 kilometers people getting on and of all the time.
A route with people constantly getting on and off would be generating cash flow, as there is a movement in passengers. However, in Cape Town, that is not so much the case. Furthermore, the peak lasts only a short amount of time, which makes the off
