Actions speak louder than words : how the Reclame Code Commissie regulates gender ideology in Dutch advertising : case study: Suit Supply's 'Toy Boys' advertising campaign

(1)

Actions Speak

Louder Than Words

How the Reclame Code Commissie Regulates Gender Ideology in Dutch Advertising.

Case Study: Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ Advertising Campaign.

Kelly Meijns – 10375651

Supervisor: dr. S.A.E. (Sarah) Bracke Second reader: S.P. (Sherria) Ayuandini

Master Thesis Sociology – Gender, Sexuality and Society Amsterdam – July 2017

(2)

2

FOREWORD

Sexist imagery in advertising is considered harmful by the UN’s International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which requires the Netherlands to pursue an active role in combating harmful gender representations in advertising. The only advertising regulating body in the Netherlands, the Reclame Code Commissie (RCC), has the power to rule on the limits of what is permissible in Dutch advertising. This study examines representations of gender circulating in men’s fashion retailer Suit Supply’s advertising campaign, as well as how these representations are perceived and responded to by The Feminist Club Amsterdam (FCA) and the RCC. Through a visual analysis of nine images from the campaign and a critical discourse analysis of an online discussion about the campaign by The Feminist Club Amsterdam, and of the ruling of the complaint against Suit Supply by the RCC, the discursive practices in relation to the campaign are examined. Analysis reveals that Suit Supply is aware of their use of harmful gender stereotypes, which are perceived as controversial and hurtful by members of the FCA. The RCC, respectively the College van Beroep (CvB), rules in favor of Suit Supply and deems the imagery acceptable, and not sexist. The study concludes that the RCC as an institution is counterproductive in combating harmful gender representations in Dutch advertising.

I would like to thank dr. M.P.C. Janssen for providing an intensely exciting and interesting Master’s program that, above all else, has been inspiring to experience and helped me shape my final thesis. I would like to thank dr. S.A.E. Bracke for the guidance while writing this thesis, for asking me difficult questions and therein pushing me further than I could have imagined. I would like to thank S.P. Ayuandini for providing me with guiding feedback and inspiring me to use critical discourse analysis for this thesis, which has turned out to be most appropriate and fruitful in this study. Last but not least, I would like to thank my family and in particular dr. Chris Meijns for proofreading and supporting me in the process of writing this thesis.

(3)

3

1. INTRODUCTION

“The real political task in a society such as ours is to criticize the workings of institutions

that appear to be both neutral and independent, to criticize and attack them in such a manner that the political violence that has always exercised itself obscurely through them will be unmasked, so that one can fight against them.”

- Michel Foucault

In the spring of 2016 the men’s fashion retailer Suit Supply released an advertising campaign named ‘Toy Boys’. The campaign sparked considerable controversy and media attention for its imagery, and received complaints for its presumed sexist content. These complaints have been judged by the Reclame Code Commissie (RCC), the only institution in the Netherlands concerned with the regulation of advertising. Surprising to many, however, was that the RCC ruled in favor of Suit Supply, deeming the advertisements acceptable, and not sexist.

The Reclame Code Commissie is situated within the advertising industry, as parties took it upon themselves to regulate their own industry, instead of an outsider institution or the government doing so. This makes it a self-regulating institution, working independently under its stated purpose: “(...) to ensure that advertising in the Netherlands is

accountable.”1_{Self-regulation serves, as the term states, for organisations to monitor the}

participants in their own industry for adherence to the standards of the industry. The main organisation involved in the regulation of Dutch advertising is the Stichting Reclame Code (SRC). The SRC has set up the Nederlandse Reclame Code (NRC), the set of rules that any Dutch advertisement should adhere to. When advertisers receive complaints about their advertisements, the RCC assesses these complaints for compliance with the NRC. In the past the RCC has received multiple complaints about previous Suit Supply campaigns regarding sexist advertising. The RCC has in some cases reprimanded Suit Supply, while in others the complaints have been rejected. By reprimanding, the RCC recommends Suit Supply to no longer advertise in this manner, but connects no actual negative consequences to the company’s actions. Unsurprisingly then, Suit Supply continues to use sexist imagery in their advertisements. This leaves one to wonder how

(5)

5

sexist imagery can be addressed in an effective manner that will reduce the degree of sexism in advertising, as the RCC seems to be falling short in this respect.

The need to combat sexism in advertising is prescribed in the UN’s International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which the Netherlands has ratified in full, together with its Optional Protocol. By ratifying CEDAW, the Netherlands must pursue an active role in eliminating all forms of discrimination on the basis of gender and sex2_{, which includes harmful gender}

representations in advertising.Advertising is omnipresent in Western societies, where the average person is exposed to an estimated 3,000-5,000 advertisements on a daily basis.3_{It is at the heart of our social existence, and the magnitude of its influence has}

been compared to that of education or organized religion. Advertisements are central to the political economy of media; they influence – both directly and indirectly – the kinds of programmes that are, and are not made. It has a profound impact on the entire shape and content of contemporary media, where gender ideology is the biggest resource for advertisers.4_{In these advertisements a certain Western, idealized beauty standard is}

upheld, with the attached gender ideology. This ideology reinforces predominately stereotypical gender norms, notably through hypermasculine and hyperfeminine representations of gender. These gender norms are on the one hand institutionalized through advertising and media, and on the other hand sustained on an individual level. As advertising can be seen as a vast structure in society, the frequent exposure to these gender norms adds to a historical ritualization of gender5_{, as representations of gender in}

advertising are only effective if they are recognizable and adhere to gender norms. Advertising then, has a considerable amount of influence in the construction of a gender ideology.6

Gender ideology refers to a set of societal norms regarding the types of roles, rights, responsibilities and behaviours that are considered appropriate for women and men.7_A

gender ideology that is either directly or indirectly discriminatory to any gender is considered harmful. Direct discrimination on the basis of gender and sex is understood as explicit differential treatment, while indirect discrimination is understood as all laws,

2_{Public International Law & Policy Group (2015a). Sexism in Advertising: International Framework under the}

Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women.

3_{Killbourne, 2000.} 4_{Gill, 2007.} 5_{Berger, 2008.} 6_{Goffman, 1979.}

(6)

6

policies, practices, or institutions that have a discriminatory effect in practice.8_Regulating advertising that contains harmful gender ideologies should therefore be of feminist concern, as it provides a means of working towards a more equitable media landscape, reducing discrimination on the basis of gender. The gender representations that we are exposed to in advertisements can be seen as a constant reminder of these idealized gender norms; an institutionalized and accepted form of gender stratification in society. The gendering practices that take place in these advertisements are then not fully representations of femininities or masculinities, but simply very specific ones as they are considerably normative.9_{Stereotypical representations of gender in advertisements}

constitute a gender ideology, which is presented as ‘natural’ while legitimizing subordination of women through patriarchy.10_{Organizations, such as the advertising}

industry, engage in gendering practices through their policies and the discourses they put forth.11_{As advertisements construct fictional realities, so do their practices, operations}

and policies that collectively shape the gender ideology we are exposed to. Within these fictional realities, assumptions about women, men and a supposed gender hierarchy get circulated and sustained by individual actors who perceive this as natural.

If gender representations could be regulated in a way that presents a more realistic and inclusive reflection of society through the implementation of policies that contain non-discriminatory regulations, we could see if this would impact Dutch citizens on a individual level. This would reflect the conceptualization of gender as a social structure12_;

as gender is embedded in the individual, interactional and institutional dimensions of society, any change in one of the dimensions can influence the other dimensions in turn. Just as producers of advertising cannot survive without their customers, they are well aware that a collective resistance as retaliation for sexist advertising is not in their best interest. In a recent case of the website ‘Geen Stijl’, which is known for its discriminatory practices regarding sexism and racism, amongst other things, individuals collectively addressed companies to no longer advertise on the website13_{. Out of fear of bad}

publicity, companies listened to this call for a boycott and withdrew their advertisements

8_{Public International Law & Policy Group (2015a). Sexism in Advertising: International Framework under the} Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women.

9_{Motschenbacher, 2009.} 10_{Schrok & Schwalbe, 2009.} 11_{Acker, 1990.}

12_{Risman, 2004.}

(7)

7

from the website. This acknowledges the agency of individual actors for transforming gender norms in advertising, however limited it may be.

In this study, I examine the discursive practices surrounding gender representations in Dutch advertising, with a case study of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign. Here I consider the role of the RCC in regulating representations of gender ideology in Dutch advertising. More specifically, my research questions are:

How is gender represented in Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign? What kind of debates do these representations incite?

How do power relations play out in the debates surrounding the gender representations in Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign? And who gets to make the final decision on the significance of these gender representations?

On the basis of my analysis and findings I will more generally discuss what I personally believe are beneficial changes regarding gender representations in Dutch advertising. First I discuss and elaborate on the theoretical concepts I use in this study, after which I explain which data collection and research methods I have used, and how I have conducted the research. Following this, I discuss the relevant themes and findings of the visual analysis of the images from the Suit Supply campaign, and the critical discourse analysis of a discussion about the campaign held in the closed online community of the ‘Feminist Club Amsterdam’ (FCA), as well as the ruling of the RCC in the complaint against Suit Supply’s advertising campaign. Concluding I answer this study’s research questions, after which I discuss possible changes to the current regulation of discriminatory practices in Dutch advertising.

(8)

8

2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

In this chapter, I will theorize the concepts I will be using throughout, namely Gender, Representations, Discourse, and Advertising. As these topics can be used in different ways, I will describe how I will use them in this study. By formulating on concepts around gender representations and gender ideologies in advertising, I can show how I understand the relevant terms in this research, while framing them in the different theoretical perspectives.

2.1 GENDER

Gender can be theorized from different perspectives and dimensions. If we view gender as an ideological structure that divides people into two classes, women and men, then such a division remains based on a hierarchal relation of domination and subordination. A macro-approach to studying gender focuses on the relationships between the social structures, processes and outcomes of inequalities between, and among women and men. As the practices of gender relate to the structures of gender, the conceptualization of gender as a social institution can make the origins and perpetuations of a gender division explicit.14_{Conceptualizing gender from a macro perspective is framing its}

embeddedness in larger structures in society, such as governmental regulations, and explicating how such embedding influences multiple dimensions of everyday life. It can be argued that gender, as an institutionalized system of social practices, constitutes people as two distinctly different categories - women and men - and organizes social relations of inequality on the basis of that assumed difference. Through these social relations of inequality, women and men are led or coerced into different social roles.15_In

general, a man is free to pursue a profession in, for example, hairdressing, but his choice to do so might not be free from critique relating to his masculinity and/or sexuality. Through a socially constructed stratification system of gender, these gender norms can become internalized and limit an individual’s autonomy of free choice.

If gender is viewed as a social institution, this brings out an element of historicity and control. This means that gender has expanded and varied over a considerable amount of time, which allows for the internalization of gender norms by individual actors who, in turn, enable and constitute gender as an institution.16_{Social structures shape individuals}

14_{Martin, 2004.} 15_{Risman, 2004.} 16_{Martin, 2004.}

(9)

9

but as the relation of shaping is recursive, individuals can shape the social structure as well.17_{Conceptualizing gender as a social structure, allows for a better analysis of the}

ways in which gender becomes embedded in the individual, interactional and institutional dimensions of society18_{, and how powerful change can flow through the structure:}

“Changes in individual identities and moral accountability may change interactional

expectations, but the opposite is possible as well. Change cultural expectations, and individual identities are shaped differently. (...) Once institutional changes occur, they reverberate at the level of cultural expectations and perhaps even on identities. And the cycle of change continues.” (Risman, 2004:p. 435).

The social dimension is where gender is used to shape social order, by making divisions with associated material inequalities. These constraints are context-dependent throughout time and institutional settings, such as ‘law, organizational practices, and

formal regulations that distinguish by sex category’ (Risman, 2004:p. 436). Institutional

divisions that are upheld by certain structures and programs, could quite possibly be resisted and changed. To identify how this can be done, the seemingly ‘natural’ divisions between genders must be studied for how they might actually be socially constructed. From this perspective, we can situate gender as embedded throughout social life, leading to differentiated opportunities and constraints for individuals based on socially constructed categories. These categories, and the accompanying expectations, often go unnoticed, as they are the assumptions and norms that organizations rely upon in their everyday operations.19_{Gender not only influences individuals, but can go beyond them in}

affecting cultural norms and institutional policies that we come to perceive as natural.20

2.2 REPRESENTATIONS

The representations of gender, and therein of differences between women and men, appear to ground their ‘truth’ in a gender ideology, as naturally so. To ensure recognisability, representations of gender in advertisements often remain limited to stereotypes. Stereotypical portrayals of gender fit into a gender ideology; a set of societal norms about the types of roles, rights, and responsibilities that are considered appropriate for women and men. Here ideology serves as a ‘representation’ of the socially constructed relationship of individuals to their real conditions of existence.

17_{Risman, 2004.} 18_{Risman, 2004.} 19_{Acker, 1990.} 20_{Risman, 2004.}

(10)

10

Subsequently, gender ideology has a material existence; as it exists in institutions with their associated practices, these practices come into material existence. In the case of representations of gender in advertising, the gender ideology upheld by the RCC can have real material consequences in everyday life. The absence of representation, or misrepresentation of women in media can then be understood as a means of maintaining social inequality, otherwise known as symbolic annihilation: “Representation in the

fictional world signifies social existence; absence means symbolic annihilation.”21_{. We}

derive particular meanings from advertisements through cues or codes in our representative systems of language such as physical gestures, clothing, or positioning in advertisements. This representation includes the organization and regulation of social practices, and influences conduct by setting out rules, norms, and conventions of social order.22_{Over time, these ideologies can fix and naturalize certain relationships, thereby}

enabling members of a culture to communicate effectively. Representation thus becomes a stable cultural convention that is taught and learned by all functioning members of a society.23

As representation involves the connection between things in the phenomenal world, concepts, and signs24_{, we use our common access to language to share our thoughts and}

feelings. In this case, language becomes the representation of our thoughts, feelings and enables us to communicate effectively with others. By exchanging ‘meanings’ with others, it is us who give meaning. How we represent concepts, objects or people – the words we use, the images we produce, the associations we make, how we classify and conceptualize – is how we place value on these concepts, objects or people.25_{Coming to}

a collective meaning and understanding of these concepts, is a collective practice. We depend on this meaning-making process for effective communication; it shapes the rules, norms and conventions that are applicable and understood to be effective. Meaning gets produced and circulated through such processes of meaning-making; meanings are therefore constructed, rather than ‘found’ in nature. Meaning is often only ‘true’ within a specific context, for instance, at a particular time. Not too long ago, women as a group were deemed vulnerable, unintelligent, and unfit to vote. This conception of women was put into practice through means of medicalization, and was regarded as ‘true’ in that

21_{Gerbner & Gross, 1976;p. 182.} 22_{Foucault, 1980.}

23_{Kates & Shaw-Garlock, 1999.} 24_{Hall, 1997.}

(11)

11

specific, historical context. Over time, by using different words and through different exchanges of meaning-making, women as a group received a different meaning. This brings out another element of the practices of meaning-making, namely knowledge. Who is allowed to make ‘knowledge’ claims, and which claims are dismissed as ‘untrue’? Claims to knowledge are inseparable from relations of power, as they are implicated in the questions and circumstances under which knowledge is to be applied, or not. As Foucault26_{characterized it, knowledge is linked to power, since it is associated with the}

power of statements to ‘become’ true. There is not necessarily ‘truth’ in knowledge, but there can be a ‘regime of truth’:

“Truth isn’t outside of power (...) Each society has its regimes of truth, its ‘general

politics’ of truth; that is, the types of discourse which it accepts and makes function as true, the mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each is sanctioned (...) the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as true.” (Foucault, 1980;p. 131).

Today’s representational practices, have a historical past which they (can) refer to. The accumulation of different meanings is continuous, in the sense that language (textual or visual) needs to refer to a past that signifies meaning in order to be understood. At the same time language can vary if and insofar as the meaning can be altered. Gender stereotypes can be seen as representational practices that reduce women and men to a limited set of characteristics. Using stereotypes, in turn, essentializes and naturalizes gender differences by means of inclusion and exclusion. Such stereotypes can help sustain social order through - what Foucault27_{referred to as - a game of power and}

knowledge. On this line, what gets established as normal contributes to shaping society to a certain world view, value system, and associated ideology. The more gender differences appear as natural and certain, the more they accomplish this representation, and the more they help establish this hegemony.28_{Through repeated representations of}

gender in media and advertising, gender differences have become situated as an instrument of hegemony.

The hegemonic nature of gender ideology lies in its appearance. When a certain gender ideology seems acceptable, most people in a community do not experience it as dominating. This positioning of a gender ideology takes place through discursive means.

26_{Foucault, 1980.} 27_{Foucault, 1980.} 28_{Hall, 1997.}

(12)

12

The ideological assumptions are repeated over time, circulated through discourse as natural and acceptable.29_{When something appears natural, the knowledge claims are}

taken for granted and so conceal how power differentials produce inequalities. This cultivates the pervasive nature of tacit androcentrism, the male viewpoint or gaze, in institutional cultures and discourses. As this is the level of knowledge, and therefore power, it is situated at a critical position in the discourse of gender ideology. Attempting to claim any fixed meaning as the ‘truth’ is precisely how power can intervene in discourse. An image has no fixed meaning rather, its meaning lies in the relation between the one who views, and what is viewed. The meaning of an image lies with the viewer’s ability to interpret meaning, and the power of an image to represent meaning. An image can possess a multitude of meanings and, depending on the viewer, can lead to a multitude of interpretations. ‘Viewing’ an image, then, is a cultural practice. The image and its meaning are relative to the interpretation that is brought forth by the viewer.30

2.3 DISCOURSE

Meaning and representation are part of, and result from, social conventions. We learn and internalize the shared maps of meaning as we become functioning members of our culture. Meaning and meaningful practice are therefore constructed within discourse, which produces knowledge. Given this, a discourse can define an object of knowledge by constructing acceptable and intelligible ways of how social practice can relate to such an object. This way, discursive formations define what is, and is not appropriate or acceptable; what knowledge is considered useful, relevant and true in its context; and what sorts of persons or ‘subjects’ embody its characteristics.31_{Discursive formations}

also have their material effects and consequences of representation, namely in the power differentials or politics at play. The knowledge that a discourse can produce connects with power, thereby regulating acceptable conduct, constructing identities and subjectivities. Ultimately, it can define the ways that certain objects of knowledge are represented and discussed. These bodies of knowledge and practice of discourse can equally shape people. They can be highly influential since they are “socially constitutive

as well as socially shaped: it constitutes situations, objects of knowledge, and the social identities of and relationships between people and groups of people”32_.

29_{Gramsci, 1971.} 30_{Evans & Hall, 1999.} 31_{Lazar, 2007.}

(13)

13

If we think of language as a reflection of reality, we presume that facts exist in reality ‘out there’. But if we assume an anti-realistic approach, we perceive reality, human activity and language to be deeply intertwined.33_{One interprets and constructs actions through}

language and uses language and conceptual thinking to describe actions and observations of ‘reality’. These interpretations can be similar to others, but they remain shaped by situationality. That is to say, the language is produced in a certain situation which shapes the context. The role of the situation also highlights how things ‘out there’ can have different realities and potential meanings. Therefore, ‘knowledge claims’ cannot

be innocent or value free, but rather always reflect a partial standpoint towards reality.34

The ‘knowledge’ in discourse, then, is created and mediated in social processes. In this case study, the RCC translates the language used by the parties involved into legal jargon. In most cases, the RCC is not simply translating, but also has to make decisions of interpretation and translation, which often reflect different conceptions of the same phenomenon. This mediation process can have differing material consequences. How we understand a certain phenomenon affects how we deal with that phenomenon. This again brings in dimensions of power. Identifying what discourses are used to silence and by who, which states of affairs are enabled, and what sorts of (oppressive) relationships are created or reproduced can make power visible as a strategy.

Discourses can construct normalcy. We presume that social norms can regulate conduct and that consequently discourses can have an effect on behaviour. Not that individuals would necessarily or even automatically act out certain imperatives from the discourse. Rather, the discourse can shape our subjectivities, such that we are subjected to

normative regulations.35_{We follow rules that are taken for granted because they make}

our social practices intelligible, without necessarily making a conscious decision to follow those rules. We simply do. We are free to deviate from the social norms and rules, but we are not free from critique if we do not follow them. Over time, our actions and decisions may appear as our free choice, while ideology is pushing us in a certain direction.

Ideology has the ability to interpellate individuals as subjects.36 _{If we consider culture as}

constantly producing meanings of and from our social experience, then these meanings consequently also produce the social identities for those involved. Culture-making then, inherently constitutes a social process. The meanings of self, of social relations, of

33_{Niemi- Kiesiläinen, Honkatukia & Ruuskanen, 2007.} 34_{Niemi- Kiesiläinen, Honkatukia & Ruuskanen, 2007.} 35_{Evans & Hall, 1999.}

(14)

14

discourses can only circulate in relation to the social system in place.37_{In case of}

Western societies this concerns white, patriarchal capitalism. This system relies on the cultural system of meanings to hold it in place, making those meanings inherently political. From this perspective, those in power can delay or advance social processes. Language is both a product and productive force in the construction of the social world, including (implicit) classifications of people and their relationship to ideas and values. All of this indicates that narratives and individual acts do not exist in a vacuum, but instead are framed and reciprocally maintained by broader cultural and institutional forces. 2.4 ADVERTISING

More than a mere reflection of a pre-discursive reality, texts and visuals constitute a form of an ongoing collective gendering practice that operates in tandem with individual behavior.38_{Discourse circulates the often unrecognized assumptions about gender that}

organizational actors draw upon in their everyday practical tasks. In advertising, stereotypical representations of gender might be used, because they are easier to communicate than non-stereotypical representations. In a world where social categories of gender, ethnicity, class, and sexuality have become associated with privileges, disadvantages and exclusions, we are simultaneously increasingly saturated by media, information and communication technologies. The field of feminist media studies has been exploring this relationship, but is extraordinarily heterogeneous with a multitude of different approaches and perspectives. As the field has no collective agreement on interpretations of contemporary media culture39_{, it becomes more difficult to pursue}

effective change. A diverse spectrum of gender representations in advertisements can serve as an example, validation, or even inspiration, to individuals. By contrast, limited or complete absence of representation, or the misrepresentation of gender through either stereotypical or discriminatory practices can be understood as harmful. The representations of gender in media however, predominately remain limited to identities which conform to normative, Western ideals of beauty. The normative, Western beauty ideal is predominately white, female, young, heterosexual as well as sexual in itself, and able-bodied.40_{Depicting women in media as less intelligent than men, or their main value}

tied to their appearance, can influence the way women are treated in the real world.41

37_{Fiske, 2011.} 38_{Cottingham, 2014.} 39_{Gill, 2007.}

40_{Swami, Coles, Wilson, Salem, Wyrozumska & Furnham, 2010.} 41_{Gill, 2007.}

(15)

15

Within the heterogeneous field of feminist media studies, there still is no consensus on the depth of these harmful effects. Against this background, I value combining qualitative research with quantitative empirical data, as I will demonstrate here.

The influence of advertising is for the most part subconscious. Still, advertising sells more than mere products. Where children are already receiving the messages, teens have internalized that they should try to live up to an impossible beauty standard.42_{It is not}

surprising, then, that throughout a woman’s life, on average, she will spend more money on beauty products than on her own education. It is surprising though, that studies on the influence of media almost always report the third-person-effect. This means that people believe others are very much influenced by media, but do not think this of themselves.43

This discrepancy in perceived influence could play a part in the ‘naturalizing’ process of advertising, as Berger stated in ‘Ways of Seeing’: “We are now so accustomed to being

addressed by these images that we scarcely notice their total impact. (...) We accept the total system of advertising images as we accept an element of climate.”44_{. According to}

Goldman45_{, advertisers have faced many challenges in needing to respond to increasingly}

vocal feminist critiques. Advertisers are inventing new strategies to catch the consumer’s attention in an overstimulating media landscape, pushing the ethical boundaries. The recognition of the significance of women’s hostility towards sexist advertising, and women’s increasing financial independence, means that advertisers have had to rethink their strategies. One of these responses is ‘commodity feminism’ which consists of using elements of feminism, appearing progressive, while still not being gender equal or neutral.46

“Despite advertisers’ interest in playing with the idea of gender reversals, it is hard to

think of examples of adverts in which the potentially subversive implications of this are followed through without some attempt either to reinstate the social order or to punish those who transgress it. A common device for defusing the threat to normative heterosexual gender relations is humor.” (Gill, 2007;p. 104)

Advertisers’ strategies seem to reveal an awareness of discriminatory practices relating to gender. An advertiser may, for example, consciously hinder possible critiques by claiming it was ‘just a joke’. Such a response immediately shapes those who do try to

42_{Newsom, 2011.} 43_{David & Johnson, 1998.} 44_{Berger, 2008;p. 124.} 45_{Goldman, 1992.} 46_{Goldman, 1992.}

(16)

16

contradict an expression or argue differently as either overreacting or lacking a sense of humor. One of the major shifts has been from the portrayal of women as sex objects, to showing them as active and desiring sexual subjects. What this subconsciously represents, however, is the idea that women can gain control through the commodification of their appearance – that by acquiring a particular product or lifestyle, they can obtain power.47_{This way, sexual objectification is presented as the freely chosen}

wish of an active, female subject. Presentations like these make critique much more difficult, precisely because the objectification is no longer seen as imposed from the outside, but rather as self-chosen.

The continued sexual objectification of women’s bodies teaches women to internalize an outsider’s perspective on themselves, to see themselves as objects to be evaluated by others – a tendency called self-objectification48_{: “She turns herself into an object – and}

most particularly an object of vision”49_{. This (self)objectification is considered harmful as}

higher levels of self-objectification are linked to higher levels of body shame, appearance anxiety, depression, disordered eating and lower levels of political efficacy (believing one’s voice matters).50_{Media contribute to the culture of sexual objectification, and}

indirectly to self-objectification, making women to prioritize concerns about how they look, over how they are feeling, thinking or acting.51_{In relation to this, priming theory allows us}

to state that the more media temporarily activates self-objectification, the more chronically accessible it becomes. Someone who does not self-objectify but is exposed to sexually objectifying images on a recurring basis can develop a trait of self-objectification over time.52

Now that I have framed the theoretical concepts used in this study, I will use the following chapter to explain which research methods I have used in my data analysis.

47_{Gill, 2007.}

48_{Frederickson & Roberts, 1997.} 49_{Berger, 1972; 2008;p. 41.} 50_{Newsom, 2011.}

51_{Aubrey, Henson, Hopper & Smith, 2009.} 52_{Aubrey, Gamble & Hahn, 2017.}

(17)

17

3. METHODOLOGY

“There is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of knowledge,

nor any knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations.”

― Michel Foucault 3.1 RESEARCH TECHNIQUE

The way gendering practices operate as guidelines for performing gender at the interactional level has received significant scholarly attention. What has received less attention is how organizations themselves engage in gendering practices through policy and discourse.53_{To assess these gendering practices in the case of the RCC, I theorize}

gender as a social institution at a macro-level. Speech and text analyzed as discourse are then significant sites for tracing the construction of social objects54_{, and with it, the power}

relations of social actors. Through an empirical examination of the discursive practices in advertising, I will extend the understanding of gender ideology in Dutch advertising and of the actors operating in these systems of power. Such an extension is critical for moving the study of gender representations as a social issue towards tackling it in practice. As advertisements construct multiple realities, so do the legal documents and policies around them, which collectively shape gender ideology in Dutch advertising. Within these texts and images, assumptions about men, women, and an assumed gender hierarchy get circulated.

This study aims to take an in-depth analytical and critical approach to the discursive practices that take place in the operations and rulings of the RCC. Its focus is to understand how the RCC communicates with actors involved, (dis)allowing participation for some but not others, thereby becoming a power elite in shaping the discourse of gender ideology in Dutch advertising. A most suitable method and object for achieving this is a critical discourse analysis of the language used in the RCC’s rulings, the advertisements themselves that are subject of those rulings, and to contrast this with the language used by those belonging to a group perhaps most affected by the advertisements, members of ‘The Feminist Club Amsterdam’ (FCA). Feminist critical

53_{Acker, 1990; Cottingham, 2014.}

(18)

18

discourse analysis can be used to expose ideologies, systems of power and normalization55_{, which is a first step in dismantling existing power structures. This}

research technique is especially appropriate for the current study, since it allows me to take a political standpoint and motivation in my research; to find semiotic patterns in the data and uncover (contrasting) ideologies used by the parties involved. This approach considers not only what has been said, but also how meaning is attributed to objects of knowledge, who is allowed to partake in the discourse, and which knowledge claims either get dismissed or substantiated.

In this study, discourses are seen as offering important clues to social practices other than pure language use. I will analyse the discourse of gender ideology by addressing how the parties involved use the more or less standardized ways of constituting a certain type of phenomenon. I will discuss the dominating (visual) language use regarding gender ideology of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign, the ruling by the RCC on the complaint regarding the campaign, and focus on social texts made in the closed online community of the FCA.

3.2 RESEARCH SAMPLE

To analyze the gender ideology of the RCC, I reviewed the ruling of the ‘Toy Boys’ campaign by Suit Supply from the beginning of 2016. There are three handlings of the same case: the initial verdict, Suit Supply contesting this verdict, and finally the plaintiffs restating their case and complaint. The ruling is available in the RCC online database.56_I

used both critical discourse analysis57_{and visual analysis}58_{to assess how the concept of}

‘acceptable’ representations of gender gets framed by the different parties involved. My interest lies with where the RCC seems to have failed to notice, or acted ineffectively with respect to possible discriminatory practices. I also analyzed a discussion in the closed online community of the FCA about the same advertisement campaign (see Appendix). Anonymity is guaranteed for the participants in the discussion, and all have received aliases. Before finalizing the sample I retrieved the advertising material from

<www.carlihermes.nl> for use in the computer program Atlas.ti. The final sample includes

two texts (one ruling by the RCC, and one discussion in the FCA), and nine campaign images that were discussed in the ruling.

55_{Lazar, 2007.}

56_{https://www.reclamecode.nl/zoekscherm.asp?hID=72} 57_{Van Dijk, 1993; Jørgensen & Philips, 2002.}

(19)

19

My analysis process included detailed examination of the images from the Suit Supply campaign and extensive readings of the texts about the campaign, in search of meaningful themes related to gender. Each data set received at least four rounds of analysis, while the RCC’s ruling received five rounds of analysis. The first round was the same for each data set: making preliminary observations and notes. For the images, the second round involved initial coding in Atlas.ti, using the coding schema (as operationalised in the following section); the third round involved making observational comments, and the fourth round was establishing code families and finalizing the coding. For the texts, the second round involved initial coding in Atlas.ti. The third round here involved printing out the texts, highlighting significant language use, and making observational comments. The fourth round for both texts was finalizing coding in Atlas.ti. The ruling by the RCC received a fifth round of analysis by hand, by cutting the text up into valuable quotes to use and sorting them for code patterns. This decision was based on personal preference, for working by hand over working digitally.

Based on my analysis and findings I conclude this research by discussing my findings in light of the Sexism in Advertising: International Framework under the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (2015a) and the Legal Frameworks Regarding Sexism in Advertising: Comparison of National Systems (2015b) by the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILP), to suggest potential changes that could improve the representations of gender in Dutch advertising as a whole. Concerning my personal limitations as a researcher, this research follows the criteria for qualitative research of Tracy59_{, and is characterized by the goals of rich rigor, self-reflexivity and}

transparency on researcher bias and goals, and how these could affect the methods of the research. This enables the necessary reflection on my subject position as a researcher. Coming from the field of Communication Science, specializing in Persuasive Communication, and pursuing my Master’s within Sociology, specializing in Gender, Sexuality and Society, I am especially well situated to conduct this research on representations of gender in advertising. My interest in the persuasive, communicative practices of advertising has influenced my orientation toward the current research topic, and allows for some anticipation of findings in the data. However, I intend not to let this restrict my process of analysis and will make sure to meet the criteria for credibility, by

(20)

20

giving thick description with in-depth illustration and concrete details. This will enable me to show the complexity of the data, rather than tell my conclusions.

3.3 OPERATIONALISATION

In this study, I remain open to the possibility that advertisements are not merely reflections of the world but possess the quality to create, influence and shape society and social relationships: “In modern industrialized societies the mass media are significant

agents of socialization (...) As a socializing agent the visual imagery provided by the media can have a powerful impact on our attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviours. They exert (...) informational and normative social influence.”60_{Advertising is a social practice}

since, in order to be legible, it must be constructed within the shared meanings of a certain culture, and the according social practices.61_{One of the most well-known}

contributions to research on representations of gender in advertisements is Goffman (1979), which I used as a starting point for coding my data. As the work of Goffman is almost forty years old, I have expanded this with the work of Kang (1997) and England, Descartes and Collier-Meek (2011). Throughout the analysis, new codes appeared that combined old as well as modern expressions of feminism and sexism, which made it more difficult to perceive it as harmful. Through my coding and analysis, I have come to the following operationalisation and codes for representations of gender in advertising, as used and applicable in this study.

Relative size – Advertisements can signify social status to their characters by relative size, either width or height. This is based on the assumption that a difference in size correlates with a difference in social status.

 Size difference – Assumes a correlated difference in social status.

Feminine touch – Women, more often than men, are depicted using their hands and/or fingers to cradle or caress an object, another character or themselves. This ‘feminine’ touch is in contrast with the ‘masculine’ touch that grasps and holds objects or other characters firmly.

 Cradling/caressing touch – Women depicted gently cradling objects or others.  Touching self – Women depicted gently touching themselves.

60_{Bellknap & Leonard, 1991;p. 104.} 61_{Hall, 1997.}

(21)

21

Function-ranking – When women and men are depicted together, the man usually takes on the executing, and thereby superior, role. Women are usually depicted either in service of the superior male, or sometimes physically in a position subordinate to the male.

 Woman lower/behind/under man – Women physically positioned as ‘subordinate’ (lower/behind/under) to men.

 Woman serving other – Women depicted serving someone else’s needs/desires.  Male in superior role – Men depicted in the executing, active role.

Ritualization of subordination – Women, more often than men, are depicted lying or sitting down in contrast to the men who often hold the body erect with their head high, which can signify unashamedness, superiority, and disdain.62_{A higher physical position}

can symbolize a higher social position. Besides the positioning of the characters, women often take on a canting posture – bending parts of the body or face – which can be read as submission and appeasement. One more way to signify a hierarchy is that when men and women are depicted together, the man extends a part of himself (arm, leg) over the woman; this can be seen as an act of ‘marking his social property’.63

 Bashful bend – Women depicted in a canting posture; vulnerable appeasement.  Lying/sitting down – Women depicted as physically lower than men to signify a

lower social position.

Licensed withdrawal – Women, more often than men, are depicted as psychologically removed from the situation. This leaves them reliant on the goodwill and/or protection of those who are (or might come to be) present64_{, as well as feeding into the stereotypes of}

women as less intelligent (an ‘airhead’). Averting one’s gaze, lowering or covering one’s face can be seen as symbolizing submission. One step further is to depict women without their face visible, therein denying them humanity.

 Head/eye gaze aversion – Psychologically removed from situation, submissive and unintelligent.

 Covering mouth/face – Women depicted with their mouth/face covered to signify shame.

 Dehumanizing – Women depicted without their face visible, which denies them humanity.

62_{Goffman, 1979.} 63_{Goffman, 1979.} 64_{Goffman, 1979;p. 57.}

(22)

22

Sexualization – Women, more often than men, are depicted with differing levels of nudity, displaying their bodies. This furthers the view of women as objects of beauty, or sexuality. Subtle depictions of gender-based violence can be seen as a normalizing or glorifying practice of rape culture.

 Body display – Women’s bodies are displayed with differing levels of nudity.

 Objectification – Women are depicted as objects of beauty, sexuality, or tools to use for personal gain.

 Pornographic reference – Inter-textuality; signs that relate to pornography.

 Rape culture – Trivializing, normalizing or glorifying gender-based sexual violence.  Inessential for product – Sexualization of women’s bodies is not needed for

product advertised. Stereotypical Feminine

 Follower – Someone who supports or admires another’s ideas.

 Nurturing/helpful – Someone who supports or takes care of another either physically or mentally.

 Physically attractive – Someone who is described or handled by another as beautiful/attractive.

 Submissive – Someone who serves another’s wishes without questioning their authority.

Stereotypical Masculine

 Assertive – Someone who is confidently aggressive or self-assured and takes action.

 High status – Someone who is described or handled by another as having a higher status or as being more intelligent.

 Independent - Someone who is self-sufficient, not in need of help from others.  Unemotional – Someone who does not show empathy for others.

 Physically strong – Someone who is depicted doing something that requires strength, such as (re)moving objects.

 Proud – Someone who is depicted as satisfied with something which has been achieved.

 Hero, brave, inspires fear – Someone who is admired for doing something brave, or feared for doing something dangerous.

(23)

23

 Perpetrator – Someone who does something wrong, mean or hurtful.

 Selfish/self-serving – Someone who is only interested in furthering their own goals.

There are more codes and traits available from the sources I used. However, here I am limiting this framework by focusing only on the ones I found in the data. In the following chapter I discuss my visual analysis of the nine images from Suit Supply’s advertising campaign, where I will use this operationalisation of gender representations. Each image is described and discussed along with a table of all the codes that are present in the image.

(24)

24

4. THE CAMPAIGN

“There are times in life when the question of knowing if one can

think differently than one thinks, and perceive differently than one sees, is absolutely necessary if one is to go on looking and reflecting at all.”

― Michel Foucault In this chapter I will discuss the analysis of my research sample, and share the results found. I start by analyzing the images from Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign, and how these images contain codes related to representations of gender. Hereafter, I analyse the meanings members of the Facebook group of The Feminist Club Amsterdam (FCA) attribute to the campaign. Before analyzing the ruling of the complaint against Suit Supply’s advertising campaign, I briefly describe the structure of the advertising monitoring body Reclame Code Commissie (RCC) as a whole and close by describing how discursive formations and power relations play out in the ruling of the complaint.

4.1. SUIT SUPPLY

To analyse Suit Supply’s advertising campaign ‘Toy Boys’, I have conducted a visual analysis of nine of the images from the campaign. These images are chosen because these are referred to in the RCC’s ruling. With the coding schema used in this research, it is important to note that this is a way of qualifying the number of ‘signs’ related to gender ideology present in the concerning image. It is not, however, a binary scoring system such that whenever a code is not found in an image, the exact opposite is true. For instance, if the code ‘Head/eye gaze aversion’ is not found in the image, it does not necessarily mean that the woman is looking into the camera, it might mean that her head is not depicted at all. These codes relate to gender stereotypes that signify either femininity, masculinity, or a presumed relationship between the two. I discuss each image individually, as they are also discussed individually in the ruling by the RCC. What meaning can be derived from these codes will be discussed in the general results of the campaign as a whole, as they relate to the general theme of the campaign.

(25)

25 Description image A

Image A shows a woman of colour wearing only a corset that exposes her breasts. She has both hands to her waist and her body slightly bent. Her face is to the side, her eyes closed and she has no clear facial expression. Two small, fully dressed white men wearing sunglasses are sitting on her breasts, in a sliding motion with their hands and feet up. Their body language suggests they are enjoying the sliding motion, not scared of falling, as could have been suggested by the men trying to hold on to her.

Image 1. Image A of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign.

The woman’s ‘power pose’ (arms to the side) does not seem to relate to the males positioned on her breasts. On the one hand this makes the image confusing, while on the other hand it seems to glorify the sexual objectification taking place. The woman’s power pose is incongruent with the men using her breasts as a slide.

Table 1. Codes representing gender in image A.

Relative Size Size difference Assumes a correlated difference in social status Feminine

Touch Touching self Women depicted gently touching themselves Function

Ranking

Woman

lower/behind/under man

Women physically positioned as ‘subordinate’ (lower/behind/under) to men

(26)

26

Woman serving other

Women depicted serving someone else’s needs/desires

Man in superior role Men depicted in the executing, active role

Ritualization of

Subordination Bashful bend Women depicted in a canting posture; vulnerable appeasement Licensed

withdrawal Head/eye gaze aversion Psychologically removed from situation, submissive and/or unintelligent Sexualization Body display Women’s bodies are displayed with differing

levels of nudity

Objectification Women are depicted as objects of beauty,

sexuality, or tools to use for personal gain

Rape culture Trivializing, normalizing or glorifying

gender-based sexual violence

Inessential for

product Sexualization of women’s bodies is not needed for product advertised Stereotypical

Feminine Nurturing/helpful Someone who supports or takes care of another either physically or mentally

Physically attractive Someone who is described or handled as

beautiful/attractive by another

Submissive Someone who serves another’s wishes without

questioning their authority Stereotypical

Masculine

Assertive Someone who is confidently aggressive or

self-assured and takes action

High status Someone who is described or handled by

another as having a higher status or as being more intelligent

Independent Someone who is self-sufficient, not in need of

help from others

Unemotional Someone who does not show empathy for

others

Hero, brave,

inspires fear Someone who is admired for doing something brave, or feared for doing something dangerous

Perpetrator Someone who does something wrong, mean or

hurtful

Selfish/self-serving Someone who is only interested in furthering their own goals

(27)

27 Description image B

Image B shows a woman lying on her back, wearing a red bikini top and red lipstick. She has her mouth open and her eyes closed, her curved eyebrow signals emotions possibly related to either fear or sexual pleasure. A small, fully dressed man wearing sunglasses sits on her throat, with his legs on either side of her face. With his hand he is holding on to her chin, while he is leaning back and has his elbow on one of her breasts. His body language suggests intentional positioning.

Image 2. Image B of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign.

The curved eyebrow of the woman can convey signs of fear or helplessness. Paired with the open mouth, presumably held open by the male based on his hand placement, conveys pornographic references of force.

Table 2. Codes representing gender in image B.

Relative Size Size difference Assumes a correlated difference in social status Function

Ranking Woman lower/behind/under man

Ritualization of

Subordination Lying/sitting down Women depicted as physically lower than men to signify a lower social position Licensed

(28)

28

Sexualization Objectification Women are depicted as objects of beauty, sexuality, or tools to use for personal gain

Pornographic

reference Inter-textuality; signs that relate to pornography

Inessential for

Feminine Physically attractive Someone who is described or handled as beautiful/attractive by another

Masculine Assertive Someone who is confidently aggressive or self-assured and takes action

help from others

others

Physically strong Someone who is depicted doing something that

requires strength, such as (re)moving objects

Hero, brave,

hurtful

(29)

29 Description image C

A small, white man is fully dressed in a suit and wearing sunglasses while looking at the buttocks of a woman of colour. He is smiling (smirking), while his left hand touches her buttocks and his other hand is raised above his shoulder, seemingly ready to slap her buttocks. This is also suggested by his crossed legs, which convey a twisting motion. The woman’s buttocks are centered in the image, drawing attention to them. A woman’s hand, presumably her own, also rests on her buttocks. However, as this image denies the woman a human aspect by only portraying the buttocks in a sexualized manner, it remains unclear if this hand is placed there by her own or his choice.

Image 3. Image C of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign.

By centering the woman’s buttocks in the frame, having the man look at them while smirking and initiating an action, this draws the viewer’s attention away from the product advertised and focuses it on the buttocks, therein sexually objectifying the female body. Table 3. Codes representing gender in image C.

Touch

Touching self Women depicted gently touching themselves

(30)

30 Ranking lower/behind/under

man

(lower/behind/under) to men

Woman serving

other Women depicted serving someone else’s needs/desires

Ritualization of

Subordination Lying/sitting down Women depicted as physically lower than men to signify a lower social position Licensed

withdrawal

Dehumanizing Women depicted without their face visible,

which denies them humanity

Sexualization Body display Women’s bodies are displayed with differing levels of nudity

Pornographic

Inessential for

help from others

others

Proud Someone who is depicted as satisfied with

something which has been achieved

Hero, brave,

hurtful

(31)

31 Description image D

A small, man fully dressed in a suit and wearing sunglasses is standing in front of a woman. He has one hand in his pocket, the other one placed on the woman’s body; as his hand is out of view it can either be on her arm or on her buttocks. The man is facing away and is smiling (grinning). The woman is dressed in a red bathing suit which exposes most of her body, and is wearing red lipstick. She has her eyes closed and her mouth slightly open, with one hand loosely resting on her hip. She is lying on her side and has her face turned up and away.

Image 4. Image D of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign.

The image is one of the few that has the product advertised (the suit) centre-stage, while featuring the woman behind him, presumably, as a prop for attention. The woman exudes hyper-femininity, most notably by being sexualized.

Table 4. Codes representing gender in image D.

Touch Touching self Women depicted gently touching themselves Function Woman Women physically positioned as ‘subordinate’

(32)

32 Ranking lower/behind/under

man

(lower/behind/under) to men

Ritualization of

Subordination Bashful bend Women depicted in a canting posture; vulnerable appeasement

Lying/sitting down Women depicted as physically lower than men

to signify a lower social position Licensed

withdrawal

Head/eye gaze aversion

Psychologically removed from situation, submissive and/or unintelligent

Sexualization Body display Women’s bodies are displayed with differing levels of nudity

Inessential for

Masculine Independent Someone who is self-sufficient, not in need of help from others

Proud Someone who is depicted as satisfied with

(33)

33 Description image E

A woman of colour is portrayed in the lower half of the frame, only her face is visible and only from the side. She has her eyes closed and mouth wide open, a pose suggesting a pornographic reference to fellatio. Her facial expression is unclear. A small, white man dressed in swimming trunks is actively diving into her open mouth. He only remains visible from the chest down as the rest of him is inside her mouth. The tilted angle of the male suggests the active motion of diving.

Image 5. Image E of Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ advertising campaign.

The suggestion of fellatio combined with the male’s active diving motion gives the impression of force by the man.

Table 5. Codes representing gender in image E.

Relative Size Size difference Assumes a correlated difference in social status Function

Ranking Woman lower/behind/under man

Woman serving

other Women depicted serving someone else’s needs/desires

(34)

34

Subordination to signify a lower social position Licensed

withdrawal

Head/eye gaze aversion

Psychologically removed from situation, submissive and/or unintelligent

Sexualization Objectification Women are depicted as objects of beauty, sexuality, or tools to use for personal gain

Pornographic

Inessential for

Feminine

Nurturing/helpful Someone who supports or takes care of another

either physically or mentally

Physically attractive Someone who is described or handled as

beautiful/attractive by another

help from others

Hero, brave, inspires fear

Someone who is admired for doing something brave, or feared for doing something dangerous

hurtful

Actions speak louder than words : how the Reclame Code Commissie regulates gender ideology in Dutch advertising : case study: Suit Supply's 'Toy Boys' advertising campaign

Actions Speak

Louder Than Words

How the Reclame Code Commissie Regulates Gender Ideology in Dutch Advertising.

Case Study: Suit Supply’s ‘Toy Boys’ Advertising Campaign.

FOREWORD

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION

2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

3. METHODOLOGY

4. THE CAMPAIGN