“Their Most Vulnerable Secret”: How did the Facebook
page
In Her Shoes - Women of the Eighth attempt to
deconstruct abortion stigma during the 2018 Irish
abortion referendum?”
MA Thesis in European Studies
Graduate School for Humanities
Universiteit van Amsterdam
Sophie Eleanor Peart
12751278
Main Supervisor: Dr. Marleen Rensen
Second Supervisor: Dr. Rodriguez Perez
In an ideal world I would not have written this thesis; abortion would be free,
safe, legal and local. Until then, we will not let women’s voices be silenced or
forgotten.
Table of Contents
Introduction ……….5
Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework………9
1.1. Motherhood……….9
1.2. Abortion Stigma………11
1.3. Life Writing………...15
1.4. Feminist Digital Activism……….19
Chapter 2: Socio-political History of Abortion in the Republic of Ireland………..21
2.1. Post-Colonial Identity………...21
2.2. Offshoring Abortion………..23
2.3. Migrant Women……….26
2.4. Victory in 2018………..27
Chapter 3: Analysis of In Her Shoes……….30
3.1. Introduction to In Her Shoes……….30
3.2. Methodology……….33
3.3. Audience and Addressee………...35
3.4. Self representation.………37
3.5. Space and Place……….42
3.6. Relationships……….45 3.7. Secrecy………..49 Conclusion………...53 References………...59 Appendix A……….65 Appendix B………..78
Table of Figures
Figure 1. “The Prevalence Paradox”...13 Figure 2. In Her Shoes Facebook cover photo……….31 Figure 3. In Her Shoes Facebook profile picture……….32
Introduction
Following a referendum in 2018, abortion was legalised in Ireland as 66.4% of the electorate voted to repeal the abortion ban and 33.6% voted to keep it (RTE, 2018). Therefore in the context of Europe, the Irish case is unusual and extraordinary as the legislative change is incredibly recent. Furthermore, the campaign, and ultimate success, was a culmination of grassroots feminist activism, fighting for reproductive rights for women across Ireland. Shortly after the 2018 referendum, the official RTE exit poll revealed that 43% of those asked were influenced by people’s personal stories as covered in the media (RTE, 2018, 111). The Facebook page In Her Shoes - Women of the Eighth was, and continues to be, one of those media platforms which collects and disseminates personal experiences from Irish women who have had abortions. The project received national media attention from publications including The Irish Times and Her.ie, the latter hailing it “the powerful new platform for women brutally impacted by the 8th (Amendment)” (De Vere, 2018). In addition, In Her
Shoes was highlighted, and some stories were recited in the Dáil Éireann (lower house and
principle chamber of the Oireachtas (Parliament)) by several Teachta Dála (Members of Parliament). One of which was TD Katherine Zappone who stressed “I relay these stories because the question of whether to repeal the eighth amendment is not some abstract
Constitutional conundrum. It is about real life.” (Zappone, 2018 cited in Dáil Éireann Debate, 2018). The shift of discourse surrounding abortion in Irish society from an “abstract
Constitutional conundrum” to “real life” was in part facilitated by In Her Shoes, which allows this thesis to question “how did In Her Shoes attempt to destigmatise abortion in Ireland?”.
As previously mentioned, this thesis is set to the backdrop of the Republic of Ireland, which has long taken a conservative stance on abortion and up until the 2018 referendum, it was illegal in almost every case, following the ratification fo Article 40.3.3 which declared “The State acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right” (Irish Statute Book, 2019). On 25th May 2018, Irish citizens voted in a referendum to remove Article 40.3.3, the prohibition on abortion, from the Irish Constitution. 66.4% of the electorate voted in favour of repeal, an overwhelming victory for the Together For Yes (pro abortion) campaign (RTE, 2018). In the aftermath of the
referendum, the result was celebrated as revolutionary by journalists and activists “who understood it to be part of a major gender and generational shift in Irish political life”
(Kennedy, 2018, 1). The socio-political context of this “major gender and generational shift” will be explored further in this thesis in order to understand the nuances of the chosen
narratives.
Within the Irish debate about abortion legislation, it has been difficult to find the intimacy in abortion discourse, as Jones and Sage argue, “Individual bodies and bodily potentialities literally become expressions of geopolitical space and authority” (Jones and Sage, 2010, 316).Hence why the analysis will not be based on policy but rather on life stories, collected and curated on the Facebook page In Her Shoes. Founded in January 2018 by Galway based artist Erin Darcy, this page recieves and shares annoymous stories from Irish women, detailing their personal experiences, struggles and trauma with abortion. The narratives are posted together with a photograph of the woman’s shoes. Speaking in a video published on the page, Darcy explained that the aim of her page is “for women to be heard, to be cared for and to mobilise change” (Darcy, 2018). In disseminating these stories, there is the invitation for people to hear the stories, empathise with the women and mobilise change.
Contemporary research shows that challenging stigma is necessary if all people are to access comprehensive reproductive health and rights, including safe, non-judgmental and legal abortion care. It is important to understand that abortion stigma extends beyond the realm of reproductive and sexual health care, as it is a projection of social and cultural norms related to women’s authority, place and status in society. Therefore this thesis will engage with the role of motherhood which acts as a prescription for women in society but also as a measure of deviation, which abortion is one of. Whilst abortion is one of the most common medical procedures, its stigmatisation “contributes to its social, medical and legal
marginlisation” (Kumar et al, 2009, 5). This leads to a silencing of women who seek abortion for fear of being marginalised to the sidelines of society. In doing so, the voices of women are absent from any debate, which is instead dominated by a binary, legal discourse that only allowed for abortion to be “right” or “wrong”. It is therefore the recommendation of the medical legal scholar Ruth Fletcher, amongst many, that will form the core of this thesis: “(we) need to create an environment in which women can share and we can learn from the
richness of their experiences” (Fletcher, 1995, 64). Writing in 1995, Fletcher could not foresee the developments in digital activism however online platforms, such as Facebook, have played a dominant role in contemporary activism. Therefore this thesis will examine the
online environment created by In Her Shoes.
In order to critically engage with the personal narratives collated on In Her Shoes, this thesis will consider different approaches to the genre. Life writing is an area of research which has long been engaged with and its potential to recognise and overcome social injustice is prominent within research. The analysis will be framed by the notion of “ethical responsibility” as conceptualised by literary and cultural scholars Kay Schaffer and Sidonie Smith in their book on narrated lives. Schaffer and Smith’s contemporary research, amongst others, has revealed that life stories are increasingly and successfully used in social and political campaigns because they are particularly powerful means to evoke empathy or sympathy. Through this ethical call of the stories of Irish women telling about their abortion experiences, the reader is encouraged to reflect upon the values that nations uphold against the testaments of the storyteller. The stories collated on In Her Shoes are “told by people who were abandoned by the Irish state in times of crisis” (Fisher, 2020, 999) and thus represent the tension between the values of the state and the experiences of the victims.
As an area of academic inquiry, feminist digital acitivsm studies are expanding. From the feminist utopian vision proposed by Donna Haraway’s 1984 essay “A Cyborg Manifesto” to the recent phenomenon of hashtag activism, the internet simultaneously offers great
potential and tensions to feminists across the world. Scholars cite “the ability for community building and interaction” (Locke et al, 2018, 3) along with the “shaping of new modes of discourse about gender and sexism” (Baer, 2016, 18) as the great opportunities for digital platforms. The dissemination of hundreds of stories on In Her Shoes was facilitated through the social media platform Facebook, allowing a supportive, empathetic online community and environment to form. In Her Shoes is an example of the intersection between “online” and “offline” activism as the stories posted online were seen to have influenced the electorate during the referendum. The RTE exit poll indicated that 43% of those asked were influenced by people’s personal stories as covered in the media (RTE, 2018, 111). Whilst it is beyond the scope of this thesis to consider the empirical evidence, the analysis of 10 chosen stories
from In Her Shoes seeks to ask: how did the stories engage with the reader, and how does this represent a destigmatisation of abortion?
To investigate how In Her Shoes deconstructed abortion stigma within Ireland, a number of research questions will be addressed in this thesis. These are:
● How does abortion stigma manifest itself in Irish society? ○ What role do the notions of motherhood play in this?
● How do the personal stories challenge the dominant discourse about abortion? ● How do the stories address the reader and call for awareness?
● How do the stories foster an online community on Facebook?
The organisation of the text will be outlined as follows: Chapter 1 offers a
comprehensive scholarly overview, which will assess the major literary works in the public health, media and communication and humanities sectors. Despite the media and political attention which the project received, there has yet to be any scholarly engagement with In
Her Shoes. Therefore this thesis looks to intersect the fields of life writing and feminist
digital activism within the themes of abortion stigma and motherhood, to create a
multi-discplinary framework. Through combining a variety of academic insights, to an under researched platform, a unique research project will emerge. will be developed focusing on motherhood, abortion stigma, life writing and feminist digital activism. Next, Chapter 2 will contextualise the research by providing a thorough outline of the abortion debate within Ireland, from the ratification of the Irish Constitution in 1937 until the 2018 referendum. Specific legal case studies punctuate the timeline, which is underscored by grassroots movements. This Chapter aims to highlight the complex and dynamic nature of the abortion debate in Ireland which needs to be understood to recognise the experiences detailed in the individual stories of In Her Shoes. Chapter 3 will engage with and analyse the chosen stories from the Facebook page. This thesis will look closely at the narrative fabric and themes of the personal stories by making use of analytic tools from autobiography studies. Organising the chapter thematically will provide a well structured, in depth discussion that aims to answer the central research question of the thesis.
Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework - The Intersection of Abortion Stigma, Life Writing and Digital Activism
This chapter aims to critically engage with the existing literature in motherhood, abortion stigma, life stories and digital activism to build a framework for the forthcoming analysis chapter. First of all, through this multidisciplinary approach, an overview of how and why abortion stigma previlas will be provided. Furthermore, life stories and feminist digital activism will be explored as particular means for voicing experiences of abortion and thus attempting to deconstruct the stigma. This framework will then provide a justification and template for the analysis of the In Her Shoes Facebook page, the primary source, and key focus of the thesis.
1.1. Motherhood: The Constructed Concept
The influential book of Adrienne Rich Of Women Born: Motherhood as experience and
Institution (1977) is one of the first feminist texts to discuss the notions of motherhood and
mothering. In this text, Rich distinguishes between the two concepts; the former is a patriarchal institution which controls and oppresses women, while the latter is the practice and experience of performing motherwork, which if released from the patriarchy can be empowering. This distinction results in a contradiction which has “alienated women from our bodies by incarcerating us in them” (Rich, 1977, 13). The lack of control a woman has over her body “alienates” herself from it whilst simultaneously, the patriarchal dominance over the female body “incarcerates” women inside. Rich furthers the notion of the female body as she maintains it “is the terrain on which patriarchy is erected” (Rich, 1977, 55). Whilst Rich is an American feminist scholar, who wrote her renowned work in late 20th century, her idea of motherhood as a patriarchal construct is echoed through Irish motherhood scholarship.
Motherhood was constructed, and institutionalised in the 1937 Bunreacht na hÉireann (Irish Constitution). Articles 41.2.1. and 41.2.2 respectively state “1. In particular, the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved. 2. The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their
duties in the home.” (Bunreacht na hÉireann, 1937). These articles find resonance in Rich who expresses there “... has been a basic contraction throughout patriarchy; between the laws and sanctions designed to keep women essentially powerless and the attribution to mothers of almost superhuman power (of control, of influence, of life support” (Rich, 1977, 263-264). Scannell articulates Rich’s thoughts in the Irish context as she writes “The common law relegation of women to domesticity and powerlessness continued” (Scannell, 1988, cited in Crosse, 2015, 16). The emphasis on motherhood within the constitution affirms that “women in the main are not regarded as individuals within the welfare system, but are regarded as wives, mothers, daughters” (Yeates, 1997, 141). These roles which Yeates states, were
relegated and suppressed to the domestic sphere. Articles 41.2.1 and 41.2.2 give way to social policy which Yeates maintains “has pursued strategies of division, differentiation,
categorisation and exclusion with regard to women” (Yeates, 1997, 161). Such “division, differentiation, categorisation and exclusion” is represented in the family and gendered domestic sphere. Byrne and Leonard (1997) argue that the development of Irish identity was tightly aligned to the notion of the family as the fundamental unit in society. The prescription of married women as homemakers whilst being economically dependent on their spouses was essential to the maintenance of this unit, and in turn, Irish society. Yeates affirms that through assuming dependence within the domestic sphere, women face increased inequalities at the price of the State: “marginalisation and exclusion has been the price paid by women as the State has sought to affirm its legitimacy” (Yeates, 1997, 161).
The influence of Catholicism on Irish motherhood cannot be ignored. Commentators such as Bradley (2014) and Crosse (2015) confirmed Quinlan (2011) and Rhattigan’s (2012) position in emphasising how the Irish Constitution further cemented Catholic ideologies. Crosse reports how Eamon de Valera, the first Taoiseach (Prime Minister) of Ireland “had a utopian vision of creating a Cathoilic State for Catholic people” (Crosse, 2015, 9). For Bradley, “the Church took on the role as guardians of Ireland’s moral welfare” (Bradley, 2014, 23), which ensured that conservative values were enforced at a local community level. Inglis positions women not just as the For Inglis, the construction of motherhood in Ireland was provided and performed through religious devotion. She argues “The identity of mothers, what it was to be a good mother, would seem to have been closely linked to identification
with the Catholic Church” (Inglis, 2007, 211). Horgan furthers this identification in his thoughts that “The church.. held up the Virgin Mary as the model for all women” (Horgan 2001, cited in Bradley, 2014, 24). Whilst other scholars maintain through the Irish
Constitution, women were relegated, Horgan offers an alternative insight that “It offered women a new role: that of transmitters of the Catholic teaching that all sexual activity outside marriage, or not aimed at conceiving children, is evil” (Horgan, 2001, cited in Bradley, 2014, 24). Sociologist Patricia Kennedy’s 2004 edited collection Motherhood in Ireland: Creation
and Context emphasises how the good Irish mother simultaneously reinforces and relies upon
the cultural construction of Catholicism. Through her combination of academic texts and poetry, she aims to present “the essence of what motherhood in Ireland means” (Kennedy, 2004, 5). Each chapter is accompanied by a poem, in which the entanglement of Catholicism and Irish identity is brought to life. Speaking of the intersection between gender and
reproductive rights, Paul Durcan writes “Where women are hard put to get away with life But men get away with murder day by day.” (Durcan, 2011, cited in Kennedy, 2004, 22).
Hitherto, the discussion has been centred around the construction of motherhood within Irish society. As O’Reilly states “Patriarchal motherhood policies all women’s mothering and results in the pathologizing of those who do not or cannot perform normative motherhood” (O’Reilly, 2016, 19). Attention will now turn to “those who do not or cannot perform normative motherhood” (O’Reilly, 2016, 19) with a discussion on abortion stigma.
1.2. Abortion Stigma
In his 1963 work Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity, sociologist Erving Goffman conceptualises stigma to be an “attribute that is deeply discrediting”. He describes the character of the individual to be “tainted, discounted” (Goffman, 1963, 3) as it deviates from what is considered to be “normal”. Furthemore, Goffman postulates three different types of stigma: abomination of the body, tribal stigma and a blemish of the individual character. His work deploys an interactionist framework, emphasising how stigma is produced in social interactions; stigma is “specifically concerned with the issue of ‘mixed social contacts’ - the moments when stigmatized and normal are in the same ‘social situation’” (Goffman, 1963, 12). This view is further theorised by sociologists Link and
Phelan (2001). Using a four stage model they explain the cascade of consecutive social processes, as each stage intensifies the stigma. Firstly, “people distinguish and label human differences”, before people are labelled in accordance with undesirable characteristics based on dominant cultural beliefs. Thirdly, these labels are connected to distinct categories which separate “us” from “them”. Finally, “labelled persons experience status loss and
discrimination that lead to unequal outcomes” (Link and Phelan, 2001, 367).
Goffman’s, along with Link and Phelan’s work is based upon general notions of stigma. These have both come to influence public health scholars Kumar et al in their definition of abortion stigma as “a negative attribute ascribed to women who seek to terminate a pregnancy that makes them, internally or externally, as inferior to ideals of womanhood” (Kumar et al, 2009, 4). The latter dimension of “inferior to ideals of
womanhood” which the scholars identity, and should be emphasised, explicitly characterises abortion sitgma as a product of societal and gendered inequliaites. Aside from their
influential definition, the dominant argument of the paper is that abortion stigma is not universal but is “locally produced”. This allows for the previous discussion on Irish
motherhood to be embedded within the concept of abortion stigma. However, whilst arguing that abortion stigma is produced in the context of local ideas about womanhood, they suggest that women who have abortions are conceptualised as transgressing “three archetypal
constructs of the feminine perpetual fecundity and female sexuality for procreation; the inevitability of motherhood; and instinctive nurturing (Kumar et al, 2009, 625). Indeed, this tension between local and universal is not fully explored and further research could be warranted.
Another central theme to Kumar et al’s paper is the notion of silence. Within the text, the “Prevalance Paradox” is explained and discussed, which highlights the “social
(Figure 1, The Prevalence Paradox, Kumar et al, 2009)
Figure 1 illustrates this self perpetuating cycle which they believe shows the role that silence and fear of social exclusion plays in sustaining the stigma within society. Despite this paper being influential and well regarded, the relationship between silence and abortion stigma had previously been commented on. Medical law scholar Ruth Fletcher paid close attention to this in an Irish context in her 1995 paper Silences: Irish Women and Abortion. Central to the text is the “public image of abortion is distorted by the lack of
acknowledgement of the reality of abortion in Irish women’s lives” (Fletcher, 1995, 44). The effect of this, as explained by Fletcher is that “this public silence allowed the Irish people to avoid the reality that those women who have abortions are our mothers, our sisters, our friends” (Fletcher, 1995, 44). In the analysis of the silence of personal experiences of abortion, Fletcher emphasises that this silence does not “convey a monolithic, oppressive force which renders women speechless” (Fletcher, 1995, 45). Instead, she argues, there were four dominant reasons as to why women kept silent: (self) protection, ambivalence, concern, frustration. These wide ranging emotions and themes also help to explain that “feelings are not mutually exclusive, rather that it’s all inclusive and it’s all valid” (Fletcher, 1995, 52). This is particularly relevant when discussing abortion, an extremely personal, difficult and
complex experience which cannot have just one explanation. Fletcher highlights that this confusing, overwhelming emotional experience leaves women “feeling vulnerable about the significance of their ambivalent emotions” (Fletcher, 1995, 53). As a result, this vulnerability leads to a deterioration of physical and mental health, as well as sustaining the silence
surrounding abortion.
However as Fletcher acknowledges, and Kumar et al perhaps neglect, it would be wrong to suggest that there was a complete silence surrounding abortion. She instead describes the debate as “polarising soundbites” (Fletcher, 1995, 56) which objectively state abortion as “right” or “wrong”. This therefore creates a vacuum, in which the complex, confusing, often conflicting range of emotions experienced by women get lost and fall silent in the public debate. Thus, women are left “feeling alienated from a political discussion that devalues, de-personalises and often erroneously renames their experiences” (Fletcher, 1995, 57). Fletcher summarises this self-perpetuating vacuum by explaining that women “felt they would not be free to voice their experiences of abortion until the public perception of
abortion changed, and yet they felt that the public perception of abortion would not change until women’s voices were heard” (Fletcher, 1995, 63). It is therefore in Fletcher’s
recommendation that “(we) need to create an environment in which women can share and we can learn from the richness of their experiences” (Fletcher, 1995, 64).
Contemporary research on abortion stigma influenced by Kumar et al’s theorisation have advanced understanding on the environment that Fletcher recommends. Baird and Millar propose this can be achieved through “the framing of abortion as a commonplace, essential and life-giving decision” (Baird and Millar, 2019, 1111). This reconstruction of abortion seeks to directly challenge the concept of abortion as a deviation from the norm as it places abortion as “commonplace”. Furthermore, embedded within this recommendation are notions of urgency, as abortion is framed as a healthcare issue which should therefore be treated safely, legally and to the best medical standards. Both normality and healthcare featured heavily in the pro-choice campaign in Ireland and therefore will be continued into the analysis. Despite focusing on sexual violence, Gavey and Schmidt call for “a more nuanced account of what rape is and means in order to legitimate a wider range of
abortion, their emphasis on “a more nuanced account” can be transferred to reproductive justice in order to capture the ambivalent emotions which Fletcher detailed. Purcell et al’s 2019 study reveals language choices and themes which signify a destigmatisation of abortion. Prominent themes were maturity and certainty, which were evidenced in a pragmatic
approach to the decision making process and abortion experience. Common linguistic features were negation statements such as “I wasn’t devastated”, which symbolise
ambivalence. This device, which has also been highlighted by Norrick (2018), is semantically weaker than positive statements as they are less specific. Thus, when a narrator states “I wasn’t devastated” they do not specify how they feel, they just rule out the one emotion they did not feel. Cullen and Korolczuk maintain that “activists need to convince the public that abortion is not an exception and “women who abort” are not a separate category” (Cullen and Korolczuk, 2019, 12). Goffman’s and Kumar et al’s concepts of (abortion) stigma are echoed within this recommendation, as Cullen and Korolczuk seek to position abortion as normal. Their work is situated in the context of Ireland, which the success of the campaign, and the subsequent destigmatisation of abortion is anchored with “narratives rooted in familial and maternal discourse emphasising compassion, care and empathy, especially for women portrayed as vulnerable or bereaved parents” (Cullen and Korolczuk, 2019, 15).
Indeed, Cullen and Korolczuk’s research is largely based on methodology involving interviews with women for the purpose of these papers. Whilst the discussed theories of how to (re)frame abortion will be useful in this anaylsis, the contextual background of the studies must be taken into account. Therefore the following section of the framework will engage with written life stories in order to provide a thematic toolkit of how to approach the narratives on In Her Shoes.
1.3 Life Writing
Following the previously discussed scholarly emphasis on the importance of life stories in deconstructing the stigma surrounding abortion, it is necessary to examine what function they serve and how they can be analysed. Whilst In Her Shoes is a contemporary source, it should be acknowledged that the practice of life narratives is not exclusive to modern times. As early as the second century, Plutarch wrote Parallel Lives, describing the lives and characters of
notable Greeks and Romans. Similarly, medieval authors wrote saints lives (hagiographies) detailing the experiences of religious leaders. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, the genre of auto-biography emerged as a broad range of people began to document their lives. Some autobiographies were canonised as being the greatest in their genre, as they captured and presented a deep exploration of the self. Examples within this canon range from St Augustine’s Confessions (c. 400 AD) to Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Les Confessions (1782-1789). This output has continued to the present day with online and offline media developments influencing the form of this age old practice, as will be analysed with the platform of Facebook. Despite the longstanding tradition of life writing, scholarly interest has only developed recently. This is evident in the lack of a cohesive definition of the practice and instead the multitude of classifications such as “memoir”, “diary” or “autobiography”. In the Encyclopedia of Life Writing. Autobiographical and Biographical Forms (2001), editor Margaretta Jolly stated that “life writing was chosen as an umbrella term because of its openness and inclusiveness across genres” (Jolly 2001, cited in Huisman and Rensen, 2019, 1051). A need was felt for this term because other voices were deemed of interest and new digital forms of life writing emerged. Similarly, Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson use the term life writing as a “general term for writing of diverse kinds that take a life as its subject”. This emphasis on openness and inclusion allows, and perhaps encourages, an analysis of In Her
Shoes, where the subjects are not the canonical upper class, men which once dominated the
genre.
Aside from the work outlined in the previous chapter dealing with interviews, the scholarly field on abortion and written life stories is sparse. However there is an academic interest in the relationship between life writing and social justice. The literary studies scholar Gillian Whitlock demonstrated this in her renowned 2007 book Autobiography in Transit:
Soft Weapons. Unlike the canonical narrators described previously, “people whose
experiences are frequently unseen and unheard” (Whitlock, 2007, 3) are central to Whitlock’s work. Despite the book focusing on human rights issues such women and Islam in the Middle East, the notion of “silenced voices” is particularly relevant to the (de)stigmatisation of abortion. Through giving voice to marginalised communities, there is “an openness to narrative that decentres us and allows us to think beyond ourselves” (Whitlock, 2007, 13). The emphasis on the reader highlights the importance of the interaction between the narrator
and the audience, which will remain significant in the discussion concerning the digital world. Discussing the potentialities of the genre, Whitlock maintains that “life narrative retains a powerful role in our thinking about the social imaginary” (Whitlock, 2007, 11). When contextualising this in the abortion referendum in Ireland, emphasis could be placed on
changing “our thinking about the social imaginary” as the exit poll revealed that 43% of
voters were influenced by life narratives, in a referendum which resulted in substantial societal change.
The notion of societal change is dominant, and perhaps even more powerful, in Human
Rights and Narrated Lives: The Ethics of Recognition (2004) by renowned literary and
cultural scholars Kay Schaffer and Sidonie Smith, who discuss that life stories are frequently used in human rights campaigns. They go beyond Whitlock’s notion of an open discussion which “allows us to think beyond ourselves” as they maintain that “all stories invite an ethical response from listeners and readers” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 4). Where Whitlock suggests that narratives “decentre us”, Schaffer and Smith suggest that they “test the values that nations profess to live by against the actual experiences and perceptions of the storyteller as witness” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 3). Therefore this “ethical call” comes from the “disjunction between the values espoused by the community and the actual practices that occur” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 3). There is perhaps a sense of ambiguity in Whitlock’s call for “our thinking about the social imaginary” which Schaffer and Smith address. They affirm that social change is the conclusion and its facilitation requires institutions,
communities and individuals “to respond to the story; to recognise the humanity of the teller and the justice of the claim; to take responsibility for that recognition and to find means of redress” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 3). Discussing pivotal human rights movements, Schaffer and Smith affirm “In each instance, personal storytelling motivated the rights movement” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 15). Additionally, they argue that life narratives do not just motivate change but are also amplified by such movements, which “embolden individual members to understand personal experience as a ground of action and social change” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 15). The scholars further the concepts of “motivate” and
“embolden” to a more pressing “need”. This is framed within the concept of trauma as they argue that personal narratives can bear witness to such experiences, which would otherwise go unnoticed. Through this, stories can become impactful and create an urgency for change,
as will be shown in the forthcoming analysis of In Her Shoes. Furthermore, they explore the balance which occurs in each story; “the memories of a traumatic past and the hopes for an enabling future” (Schaffer and Smith, 2004, 8).
Hitherto this section has demonstrated the role and importance of life narratives, it is now necessary to explore how the genre can be analysed. Literary scholars Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson have constructed a comprehensive toolkit for engaging with life writing in their book Reading Autobiography: A Guide for Interpreting Life Narratives (2002). The
framework offers “24 sets of questions for engaging concepts central to life narratives” (Smith and Watson, 2010, 5). This approach is close to literary studies and narratology byt focuses on issues specific to autobiographical writing such as, “Authority and Authenticity” and the “Autobiographical I”. It is precisely in their use of questions which makes this toolkit relevant, engaging and adaptable to this thesis.
Anthropologist Elinor Ochs and psychologist Lisa Capps have developed a framework for analysing everyday stories in their book Living Narrative: Creating Lives in Everyday
Storytelling (2001). This has significantly contributed to the theme of informal, often spoken
narratives such as gossip or dinner table conversation, along with other scholars such as sociolinguist Alexandra Georgakopoulou and her 2007 work Small Stories, Interaction, and
Identities. Whilst this subgenre of life writing is not fully applicable to In Her Shoes, Ochs
and Capps’ toolkit provides another interpretation of life narratives which will be significant for this thesis. Ochs and Capps argue that “narratives may combine different dimensions” of which they define to be: tellership, tellability, embeddedness and linearity. For the purpose of this thesis, tellability and embeddedness will hold significance as they refer to the context in which the narrative and narrator are situated in. The former, tellability, “is the participants’ orientation to what locally constitutes a tellable story” (Barton and Lee, 2013, 179). With regards to In Her Shoes, this will raise questions of secrecy, shame and the notion of time; how has the atmosphere developed over time to allow and encourage women to share their stories now? Does the urgency of the referendum affect the tellability of the narratives? Furthermore, the concept of embeddedness demonstrates how a story “attaches to the local surrounding, discourse, and social activity” (Barton and Lee, 2013, 179). Contextual features emerge from the In Her Shoes narratives, as the stories are anchored to Ireland in their
geographical, cultural and social contexts. Questions concerning the relationship with the reader can therefore be formed; does the embeddedness enhance the ethical call to the reader?
1.4. Feminist Digital Activism
Thus far attention has been paid to (de)constructions of motherhood, abortion stigma and narratives. Now the discussion will move to the notion of feminist digital activism, as the activity of In Her Shoes took place predominantly on Facebook. I should be clear in stating that this thesis is not an examination into the specific social media platform, instead it will shed light on the potentialities and constraints of feminist digital activism. For psychologists Locke at el the core potential of social media is “the ability for community building and interaction” (Locke et al, 2018, 3). Schuster upholds the view that this “community building and interaction” connects people beyond their offline locality. Therefore it could be
considered that digital platforms have the potential to broaden communities and interaction beyond their offline presence, which is significant in the context of the 2018 referendum as nationwide support was needed to repeal the amendment. Furthermore, the feminist legal scholar Judith Baer affirms that a great potential of social media, among others, is “shaping new modes of discourse about gender and sexism” (Baer, 2016, 18). In light of In Her Shoes, one could interpret “new modes of discourse” to symbolise a deconstruction of abortion stigma. The digital platform of Facebook facilitates this as there is not a word limit for a post, allowing for detailed, nuanced discourse. In addition, the comment function on Facebook allows for an interactional mode of discourse that in the case of In Her Shoes, fosters a supportive, empathetic environment.
After discussing the potential of digital platforms, it is necessary to acknowledge the limitations that scholars have attributed. Cultural studies scholars Ariella Horwitz and Lisa Daily caution that “access does not equal collectivity or inclusivity” (Horwitz and Daily, 2019, 84), with Hatton et al warning of the exclusionary potential on the grounds of gender, ethnicity, social class and other structural inequalities. Feminist scholars raised this issue clearly in the wake of the 2002 #FemFuture: The Online Revolution report as there was a substantial “focus on white online spaces and erasing the contributions of marginalised feminists who work without institutionalised counterparts or an infrastructure of support”
(Clark, 2016, 790). Despite the report being published 18 years ago, Clark’s recent
acknowledgement and engagement with the piece symbolises its contemporary significance. Moreover, Matich, Ashman and Parsons raise awareness of the reproduction of texts and images online as “once they have been released into digital spaces they take on a life of their own, foraging journeys we often cannot map or foresee” (Matich, Ashman and Parsons, 2019, 345). Whilst these scholars were analysing the hashtag “#freethenipple” which has more obvious concerns, it is important to consider the stories of In Her Shoes within its context. Once decontexualised they could indeed “forage journeys” leading to
Chapter 2: Socio-political History of Abortion in the Republic of Ireland
This chapter aims to provide a contextual overview of the abortion debate within the
Republic of Ireland. This is necessary in order to situate In Her Shoes within the timeline of referendums, legal cases and media coverage which preceded the Facebook page and the 2018 referendum. The journey to the 2018 referendum was complex and multifaceted, which this chapter, or thesis, will not seek to analyse in every detail. However I will divide the chapter into four sections; “Post-colonial Irish identity”, “Offshoring Abortion”, “Othering of migrant women” and “Victory in 2018”. With this political-historial framework it will
become clear that abortion was, and continues to be, a fragile yet dynamic issue in Ireland. In
Her Shoes is within the most recent event that this thesis covers, but it is imperative that we
gain an understanding of how the debate about abortion developed to that point in order to recognise the experiences detailed in the individual stories of In Her Shoes.
2.1. Post Colonial Identity
According to Lisa Smyth “A concerted effort was made from the late 1970s to define the (Irish) nation in terms of a principal moral norm” (Smyth, 2017, 2). This came to fruition in the form of a constitutional ban on abortion, following a successful referendum on 7th
September 1983, whereby the amendment was approved by 66.9% to 33.1% of the electorate. Article 40.3.3 was ratified as“The State acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right” (Irish Statute Book, 2019). Prior to this referendum there was not a constitutional ban on abortion, instead Ireland chose to continue implementing the British 1861 Offences Against the Person Act, which stated “Every woman, being with child, who, with intent to procure her own miscarriage... shall be liable to be kept in penal servitude for life” (Offences Against the Person Act, 1861, cited in Legilsation.gov.uk, 2020) . However, mounting pressure from the 1967 Abortion Act in the UK and the milestone Roe v Wade case in the USA produced a strong desire to resist the ever increasing “westernisation” (Fletcher, 2001, 574). Whilst there were influences from the USA, Mullally argues that the “Overwhelming push to define Ireland as “not England” led to a search for distinguishing marks of identity” (Mullaly, 2005, 82). The Roman Catholic
religion became a dominant marker of this reinvention, which permeated the constitution from its conception in 1937 and again in 1983 with the eighth amendment. In doing so, it promoted a particular idea about the role of women; a Articles 41.2.1 and 41.2.2 from the 1937 Constitution state respectively “In particular, the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved.” (Bunreacht na hÉireann, 1937) and “The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the Home” (Bunreacht na hÉireann, 1937)). The prescribed role of women is cemented into law and thus gives way to a discourse of fertility and domestic duties. Furthermore, the Constitution’s emphasis on the Home separates women from men, as women should be restricted to the domestic sphere in order to achieve a “common good”. The “common good” is interpreted by Smyth to refer to “the reproduction of the population and the transmission of national identity through the practice of mothering” (Smyth, 1998, 64). This relationship between motherhood, reproduction and national identity paved the way for the 1983 Eighth Amendment which further solidified the role of women in Irish society, albeit through aggressively constricting reproductive laws. Following independence from Britain, Ruth Fletcher argues that Irish pro-life activists exploited “a perceived post colonial need for culturally authentic values” (Fletcher, 2001, 573) which manifested itself in the Eighth Amendment; a stark contrast to abortion laws in the UK (excluding Northern Ireland). For Smyth “Abortion, and consequently women’s reproductive and sexual autonomy, became the vehicle for an attempt to maintain and reinforce the hegemony of a conservative
patriarchy, not least among which was feminism” (Smyth, 1998, 65). As previously
explained, the “conservative patriarchy” which Smyth is referring to is embodied in Articles 41.2.1 and 41.2.2 of the constitution, showing the continuation of the post-colonial identity project. Building on this project, Smyth notes that “a key element of pro-life discourse was the idea of the people as a united community with a unitary and honourable will, which was clearly pro-life” (Smyth, 1988, 66). This united community is seen to be the morally pure Ireland against the barbarous, evil British, which if Ireland did not act soon, would contaminate Irish society with their inferior morals and values. The irony of this will be observed in the following section whereby thousands of women have travelled, and continue to, to England, Scotland and Wales to access abortion services.
2.2. Offshoring Abortion
Abortion was legalised in Great Britain under the 1967 Abortion Act, permitting abortions up until 24 weeks of pregnancy. This, according to Luibheid, marked the beginning of the abortion migration between Ireland and Great Britain (Luibheid, 2006, 65). The combination of the liberalisation in Britain and the restriction in Ireland created a situation of “offshoring” abortion, whereby women from Ireland travelled to Britain in order to access abortion
services. It is difficult to reach an accurate figure of how many women traveled, however in 2018 alone, 2879 women gave addresses from within Ireland at abortion clinics in Britain (Pollak, 2019). This unwritten agreement has resulted in Ireland relying on Britain to do what Smyth termed their “moral laundry” (Smyth, 1992, 21). Not only is this contradictory when the “othering” of Britain as the foundation of the pro-life argument is considered, but it also allows the Irish state to be excused “from any responsibility to provide sage, legal and affordable services” (Gilmartin and White, 2011, 277). Therefore, as The Guardian argues, “the amendment exports rather than halts abortions” (The Guardian, 2018), rendering them “out of sight”. Despite interpretations of the situation suggesting that women could travel abroad in order to access abortion services, such as Alyssa Best’s statement that “Irish women cross the border to exercise their reproductive choice and control over their own bodies” (Best, 2005, 423), there are two cases which dominated the domestic and international media which highlight anything but “reproductive choice and control”.
The 1992 “X Case” brings to light the extent to which the Irish Supreme Court was prepared to enforce the Eighth Amendment and subsequently “other” Irish women from society (Fletcher, 2001, 580). For many, X was a victim; a 14 year old girl brutally raped by a family friend and became pregnant as a result. However in the eyes of the law, X and her parents, were criminals in their attempt to access abortion services in England. Following her parents’ enquiry to the Gardai (police) concerning the acceptance of DNA evidence taken from foetal tissue in the rape trial, the authorities were alerted to the fact that an Irish family was seeking an abortion and an injunction was issued to prevent the pregnant girl and her parents from travelling to Britain for the planned abortion. Subsequent hearings in the Supreme Court took place which “prompted national and international outrage, and the
legitimacy of the Republic’s claim to be a modern liberal democracy was seriously
undermined” (Smyth, 1998, 62). One such example of outrage is demonstrated in an editorial published in The Irish Times which argued “With what are we now to compare ourselves? Ceausescu’s Romania? The Ayatollah’s Iran? Algeria? There are similarities” (Fletcher, 2001, 580). The discourse reflects national shame and a rhetorical questioning of the integrity of the nation. It is questioning the nation on two situations, firstly the prohibition to travel and secondly, that the state could behave this way to a 14 year old girl and the victim of rape. Smyth argues that the latter renders X “the ideal worthy victim” (Smyth, 1998, 68). For her it is the “positioning of X as a daughter in the private sphere of the family facilitated her
erasure from popular discourse as a pregnant woman attempting to overcome the violation of rape and pregnancy through a decision to have an abortion” (Smyth, 1998, 67). This
(re)positioning of the woman within the abortion debate “revitalised the debate over Irish abortion law” (Oaks, 2002, 317 however Smyth argues that it “changed the landscape of Ireland following the 8th Amendment” (Smyth, 1998, 66). The differences, albeit subtle, in wording symbolise the multiplicity of views yet assessing the subsequent events, it would be a more accurate assessment to suggest that there was a “change of landscape” following the X Case.
In November 1992, three amendments were held which sought to clarify the Eighth Amendment. The 12th Amendment proposed the exclusion of the risk to death by suicide as grounds for abortion which was rejected with 65.33% to 34.65% (Field, 2018, 611). The 13th Amendment sought to confirm a woman’s right to travel for abortion services which was approved 62.39% to 37.61% (Field, 2018, 611). Finally the 14th Amendment submitted the distribution of information about abortion services abroad which was also approved 59.88% to 40.12% (Field, 2018, 611). These amendments, although not legalising abortion, did maintain the conversation about reproductive rights and kept it within the public sphere.
Another case which was brought to the attention of the public was the 1997 C Case. 13 year old “C” was raped and became pregnant as a result. This case was very similar to that of the X Case and therefore should not have been newsworthy however as Kathy Sheridan identifies “were she middle class, with access to money and a British abortion clinic, she would by now be just another statistic” (Fletcher, 2005, 389). C was not “another statistic”
because of her traveller background and the discrimination which followed. Ruth Fletcher highlights that “C’s ethnicity made her more vulnerable to legal intervention” (Fletcher, 2005, 388). The legal intervention came in the form of the Irish state assuming financial and emotional support of C and the abortion procedure. The difference in the state’s position seeks to call “attention to the ethnic, cultural and class differences within Ireland” (Oaks, 2002, 318) which in turn exposes the reliance on the control of the intimate and every day as bodies become the expressions of geopolitical space and authority (Calkin, 2019, 343). Indeed from the C Case it emerges that “some reproductive resources are more valuable than others” (Fletcher, 2005, 403) as C was not deemed suitable for bearing an Irish child. Whilst these two cases must be viewed as individual girls, struggling to claim agency in the face of public shaming, they were influential in the demands for “the clarification and modification of Ireland’s abortion policy” (Oaks, 2002, 320). Such discourse reflects the “dramatic social, political and economic changes in Ireland” (Oaks, 2002, 321) which began in the 1990s. One such change was the weakening status of the once dominant Catholic church. Maguire
attributes this to rejection of such strict values when she affirms “the notion that a society can legislate conformity to narrowly and rigidly defined codes of moral and sexual behaviour no longer carried sway in late 1990s Ireland” (Maguire, 2001, 354). The change in legislation away from the “narrowly and rigidly defined codes of moral and sexual behaviour” can be observed in the 1979 Health (Family Planning) Bill and subsequent amendments, in addition to the 1995 referendum legalising divorce. The liberalising conversation continued to the realm of abortion and was epitomised in a speech given by the then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern in October 2001 in which he urged that “Ireland must by every reasonable means at our disposal, strive to reduce the incidence of crisis pregnancy. Law is only one part of the picture; education, advice, care and compassion are, in many ways, much more important” (Oaks, 2002, 328). His statement is significant in that it broadens the abortion discourse from the limited scope of the law to other factors, which up until then had been overlooked by the government. However these developments cannot be understood as entirely liberalising, as will be refined in the next section which deals with migrant women and their experiences with abortion.
2.3. Migrant Women
It is important to prefix the discussion concerning migrant women and abortion in Ireland with the outcome of the 2004 citizenship referendum which passed, leading to Irish
citizenship law moving from jus soli to jus sanguinis. That is to say, a child born in Ireland is entitled to Irish citizenship providing their parent(s) is also an Irish citizen. Therefore, under the Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act 2004, a child born (in Ireland) of foreign national parents is not automatically entitled to Irish citizenship (Citizens Information, 2020). Ronit Lentin interprets this change to prevent “migrant women child bearing against the state” (Lentin, 2013, 131). Not only does it legally prevent the children of migrant women to claim Irish citizenship, but it signifies a deeper “othering” of the female migrant body as the
referendum “made gendered (Black) bodies central to the re-articulation of Irishness as White supremacy (Lentin, 2006, 98). This nationalist citizenship law combined with the restrictive Article 40.3.3 created a hostile environment for migrant women which will be explored further in the cases of “Baby O” and Savita Halappanavar.
The 2002 “Baby O” case deals with the unborn child of a pregnant Nigerian woman facing deportation after a failed request for asylum. The defendant argued that the infant mortality rate was 90/1000 in Nigeria compared to 7/1000 in Ireland, thus deportation from the state would potentially put the unborn child at a greater risk and therefore jeopardise the right to life of the unborn (Fletcher, 2005, 391). However Chief Justice Keane responded that “Article 40.3.3 was irrelevant in this context” which he furthered with “in the context of these proceedings the rights of the unborn are not distinguishable [from those of the pregnant woman]” (Fletcher, 2005, 391). This ruling reveals the differential weight that Ireland attached to “certain unborns”, thus “othering” those who do not fit into the state’s ethnic vision for Ireland.
Savita Halappanavar, an indian national residing in Ireland, died tragically in 2012 after her amniotic fluids broke at 17 weeks of the pregnancy, resulting in Savita contracting
septicemia. Her and her husband’s repeated calls for an abortion on medical grounds were rejected and on one occasion were met with hostility when a nurse replied “this (Ireland) is a Catholic country” (McDonnell and Murphy, 2019, 3). Lentine came to the conclusion that
Halappanavar died not just because she was a woman whose reproductive practices are controlled, but rather because she was a migrant woman (Lentin, 2013, 133). What followed was a mass media and public outcry, which McDonnell and Murphy go as far to suggest “the cultural politics of abortion in Ireland seemed to change overnight following the tragic death of Savita Halappanavar” (McDonnell and Murphy, 2019, 17). Not only was this a turning point, or even a catalyst for momentum (Specia, 2018) but Savita’s portrait and story became iconic and powerful in the 2018 referendum campaign. As one message taped to Savita’s mural read “Sorry we were too late, but we are here now. We didn’t forget you” (Specia, 2018). The unified “we” was integral to the repeal campaign which will be explored in the next section.
Whilst the two cases differ in the circumstances, wishes and outcomes, they both illustrate the devastatingly cruel reality for both migrant and asylum seeking women in Ireland. In 2010 the Human Rights Watch published a damning report of the Irish abortion policy in which they provided recommendation for the access of abortion services. Central to this report was the need to “Develop a uniform policy, including a streamlined process for obtaining emergency documents for asylum seekers” (Human Rights Watch, 2010, 5).
Applying for such documents is bureaucratically difficult, in a language that is usually not the woman’s mother tongue, and which the state uses as a tool for surveillance and scrutiny. The 2015 Amnesty International report emphasised that as a result of such overwhelming barriers, many asylum seeking women do not attempt this out of fear of disrupting their asylum
application (Amnesty, 2015, 89). Whilst information about services is online and procedures can take place in other countries, legal, linguistic and financial restraints make obtaining an abortion abroad impossible, leaving unsafe, illegal abortion in Ireland as the only option to some migrant women.
2.4. Victory in 2018
As previously described, the tragic Savita Halappanavar case brought the conversation surrounding abortion into the public sphere with a renewed sense of momentum. Whilst there were developments within Parliament, the pressure and demand originated from grassroots activism. At the core of contemporary abortion activism in Ireland is the Abortion Rights
Campaign (ARC). Founded in 2012, it aimed to achieve free, safe legal abortion across Ireland, and ultimately, repeal the Eighth Amendment. To break down abortion stigma, ARC, amongst many things, organise the annual March for Choice, adopting “an unapologetically pro-choice position in pubilc spheres” (Carnegie and Roth, 2019, 112). The first march in 2012 saw 2,500 participants, which grew to 40,000 in 2017 (Carnegie and Roth, 2019, 112). Such visibility was crucial to persuading politicians to enact constitutional change. Abortion formed part of the discussion in the 2016 general election (Field, 2018, 613) which led to the creation of the Citizens’ Assembly. This public facing panel consisted of 99 randomly selected citizens whose recommendations included (but not limited to) the removal or
replacement of the Eighth Amendment (Field, 2018, 615). Subsequently the Joint Oireachtas (Parliamentary) Committee on the Eighth amendment of the constitution was founded in 2017. Upon their guidance, on 29th January 2018, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar announced the government would propose a referendum on Ireland’s constitutional abortion ban. The suggested 36th amendment to the Constitution would repeal the 8th, 13th and 14th
amendments with the following wording: “Provision may be made by law for the regulation of terminations of pregnancies” (Field, 2018, 618). It was later announced that the vote would take place on 25th May 2018, following months of campaigning from the repeal side whose primary collective was “Together for Yes” and the remain side whose campaigns were divided into “Love Both” and “Save the 8th”. The result was 66.4% voted for Yes and 33.6% for No, an overwhelming majority to repeal the eighth amendment (RTE, 2018). Activist and journalist Una Mullally passionately declared “The past is left back there, and a new legacy is being created. A legacy of compassion, empathy and maturity - a country taking
responsibility for the care and health of women and girls” (Mullally, 2018). It is this
“compassion, empathy and maturity” which will be examined in the forthcoming analysis of
In Her Shoes in order to understand how this legacy will continue, free of shame and stigma.
Through this chapter the discussions, both politically and socially, surrounding the Irish abortion law have been mapped out, from nation building tactics of the 1980s to the landslide victory in 2018. As a result, the complexities, if not contradictions, of the reproductive policies have been examined and exposed. From this a singular narrative does not emerge but rather an intricately woven web of experiences, which includes women and girls from a
diverse range of backgrounds. Therefore it seems fitting to continue this discussion of a complex narrative through to the analysis of the Facebook page In her Shoes.
Chapter 3: Analysis of In Her Shoes
This chapter seeks to use the theoretical framework created in the first chapter in order to analyse the primary source, In Her Shoes. In addition, the contextual information provided in chapter two will provide awareness and relevance to the discussion. The chapter will begin with a brief overview of the methodology of the analysis, followed by an introduction to the Facebook page, before moving onto the analysis. This final section will be divided into five themes: self representation, space and place, relationships, secrecy and body and embodiment to ensure a multi-dimensional approach is taken. Underscoring each section are the complex emotions and experiences which affect and influence every woman differently. Through analysing these stories it will become clear that whilst the experiences are diverse, their aim is consistent; to normalise abortion.
3.1. In Her Shoes
Created on 13th January 2018, prior to the official referendum announcement, In Her Shoes is a Facebook page which collects and shares personal experiences of abortion from women in Ireland. To date there are around 500 stories published on the Facebook page, each one accompanied by a photograph of a pair of shoes, sometimes as the woman is wearing them, in other instances the shoes are unoccupied. Furthermore, 107,868 Facebook users have “liked the page” In order to gain more information concerning the aims, motivations and
functionality of the page, I carried out an informal interview with the founder Erin Darcy; an american activist, artist and mother, living in Ireland. Erin’s motivations for starting the project were centred around her status as an immigrant in Ireland, leaving her without a vote in the referendum. Therefore she wanted to influence, and perhaps change, the way people voted. In order to do so, Erin started In Her Shoes as an online space where women felt comfortable and safe to to share their experiences of abortion in Ireland. Erin recognises and values the potential of life stories as a way of expressing the reality that women faced. This reality has often been silenced and pushed aside in Irish society, however Erin felt that if people knew the truth then they would act with compassion and care, in voting to repeal the Eighth Amendment. Through humanising the Irish abortion debate she created an
The Guardian and The Irish Times. Furthermore, during the course of the referendum, the
project was recognised and discussed by politicians in Dáil Éireann (the lower house and principle chamber of the Irish Parliament). Teachta Dála (Member of Parliament) Ruth Coppinger initially referenced the project, before Teachta Dála (TD) Mick Parry and Minister for Children and Youth Affairs (TD) Katherine Zappone recited sections of In Her Shoes stories in the chamber. Explaining why she spoke of In Her Shoes, TD Zappone stated it was “because the question of whether to repeal the eighth amendment is not some abstract
Constitutional conundrum. It is about real life” (Zappone, 2018 cited in Dáil Éireann Debate, 2018). Her emphasis of the debate being about “real life” affirms the aims and motivations of Darcy, to voice the experiences of women who are silenced and marginalised.
The next section details how the project functioned; through the processing and editing of the stories and the design of the Facebook page. Initially, Erin reached out on the small Facebook groups for mothers, which she was a long standing member of. She asked the community for stories voicing experiences of abortion in Ireland. From here, the project grew and stories were sent to her directly. There is not a template, word limit or a strict editing process for the stories which is a testament to Erin’s desire for the individuals and their experiences to be at the heart of the project. Once the stories were anonymously published on the Facebook page, they were open to comments from Facebook users. Erin ensured that the comments were monitored and any which expressed explicit anti-abortion views were deleted. Erin stated that this was necessary to set and maintain a safe and respectful tone, to reassure women that this was a secure and respectful space where they could share their stories. With regards to organisation, the page was not affiliated with the main repeal campaign, Together for Yes, and it remained in the hands of Erin throughout the entirety of the referendum. In addition, the page did not receive advertisements or sponsorship on Facebook, the reach and attention it secured was purely organic.
The graphics and overall aesthetic appeal of this page are minimal yet effective, as shown in the “cover photo” (Figure 2) and “profile picture” (Figure 3). Both images are conventions of Facebook, facilitating, and even enhancing, self-representation as they “allow the users to express and define themselves by projecting two similar or complementary images” (Tifferet and Vilnai-Yavetz, 2014, 389). It is clear that the “cover photo” and
“profile picture” of In Her Shoes are complementary as they share a simple, black and white aesthetic.
(Figure 2, In Her Shoes Facebook Cover Photo, 2020)
The typography used in the “cover photo” resembles that of a typewriter, a 19th century mechanical machine which amongst historians is considered to have played a crucial role in women’s arrival in the workplace (Davies, 2004). In his 1888 Manual of the
Typewriter, John Harrison wrote “The typewriter is especially adapted to feminine fingers.”
(Harrison, 1888 cited in Kellaway, 2013), highlighting the physical connection between femininity and the typewriter, which then emancipated women in the workplace. Indeed, it is beyond the scope of this article to engage with the socio-political history of the typewriter however it’s typography has been used on In Her Shoes, an empowering space for women. This feature, albeit a subtle one, reinforces the empowering message behind the project. In addition, when using a typewriter, editing is not possible. Similarly, the texts which feature on In Her Shoes are also not edited or adjusted. Therefore parallels can be drawn between the message but also functionality of both the typewriter and In Her Shoes.
Furthermore, the colour combination of black and white used in the photo is simple and does not distract from the overall message and aim of this page. It would be wrong to suggest that black and white symbolises a “black and white” debate, as the discussion
for this discussion to take place. This aesthetic simplicity permeates throughout the page and into the profile picture (Figure 3). Hand drawn by the project founder Erin Darcy, the picture shows a woman’s feet in her shoes with the text In Her Shoes overlapping the image. The visual motif of shoes is central to the project as each story is accompanied by a photograph of shoes. Connections could be made between the hand drawn profile picture and the
typewriter-esque font in the “cover photo”. Instead of being designed and created by
computers, both are processes involving hands, and in this case feminine hands. This personal construction is also reflected in the narratives, which are personal experiences told by the individual narrator. Thus a visual and metaphorical coherence is created throughout the page, including the “cover photo”, “profile picture”, accompanying photographs and the stories themselves.
(Figure 3, In Her Shoes Facebook Profile Picture, 2020)
3.2. Methodology
This chapter aims to carry out a discourse analysis of the stories posted on the Facebook page
referendum campaign. In light of this, I have chosen 10 posts - five from the first week of campaigning (29th March - 5th April 2018) and five from the last week of the campaign 1
(17th to 24th May 2018) . It is important to recognise that 10 stories is only 5% of the overall 2
material posted on the In Her Shoes page, nevertheless I believe this small selection gives a solid indication of the rich diversity of experiences and women who have abortions in Ireland. For clarity I have given each story a letter from A - J and throughout the analysis I will refer to the narrative according to its letter. As the referendum campaign intensified, In
Her Shoes received increasing amounts of media and parliamentary attention, which is
evident through the number of “likes” each post received. Through the temporal divide, this difference is demonstrated as in the first week, the “likes” per story were between 1,600 - 2,800, which increased to 3,400 - 23,000 “likes” in the final week. These 10 posts were chosen as they received the most amount of “likes” in each week. It was a decision influenced by media and communications scholar Petter Bae Brandtzaeg who draws the connection between civic engagement on Facebook and Facebook likes. Brandtzaeg, and his colleagues Folstand and Mainsah, define the former to be “an action in response to societal needs in the form of supportive, deliberative and collaborative practices in social media” (Brandtzaeg, Folstand and Mainsah, 2012, 67). Brandtzaeg places emphasis on supportive practices which are understood as “expressions of civic engagement involving easy to use features similar to the Like button on Facebook” (Brandtzaeg, 2017, 104). The button, introduced to Facebook in 2009, has several different purposes such as sports, entertainment, social interaction and civic engagement, which leads Brandtzaeg to highlight the
opportunities for collection action (Brandtzaeg, 2017, 105). There are concerns that identifying this as civic engagement lessens the desire to participate offline, with some scholars terming it as “slacktivism” (Christensen, 2011) and others raising questions about how far it can be classified as civic engagement or if it is just an expression of (Brandtzaeg and Haugestveit, 2014; Eranti and Lonkila, 2015; De Zúñiga et al., 2014).Whilst it is necessary to be aware of the debates surrounding the functionality of the Facebook ‘like button’ and its relationship with civic engagement, this is not the line of enquiry that this paper seeks to pursue. Instead, the Facebook “like” button will be utilised as a symbol of support.
