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Conclusion, discussion and limitations

In document Fear, bias, and moral panic (pagina 66-86)

Antelopians’ racial, gender and religious expectations furthermore played a big role in fueling this moral panic. Labelling a group as deviant can create a self-fulfilling prophecy: according to Hampshire and Beckford (1983) a label of deviance inspires a refusal to conform, only furthering the distance between both groups. Stork explained that Bhagwan almost relished this: driving around in his Rolls-Royces made “people take notice [of] him and [made] them see that he was different and almost [created] this self-fulfilling prophecy” (Stork 2021).

The CDA showed that the media played an active role in fueling moral panic. While the reporting may have been a projection of reporters’ own fears and anxiety about the commune, the way that the media reported about the commune, Bhagwan and Sheela, reinforced stereotypes, highlighted the differences between locals and Rajneeshees by employing an ‘us vs. them’ frame, and heightened (moral) panic amongst locals by using war-coded, conflict-oriented and fear-fueling rhetoric. Headlines such as “Atiyeh picks Antelopers over Interlopers”, “Antelope residents circle wagons against Rajneesh invasion” and “Guru followers win battle for Antelope” only fuel the conflict by creating clear sides and using war-like rhetoric.

The promotion and showing of the Ashram in Poona (1978) documentary also fueled moral panic. Jane said about this: “What I didn't realize at all until I watched Wild Wild Country was that [Dobrowolny] brought that film to Portland, and everybody in Antelope went to Portland to see it. You know, when I realized that, it was clear to me that there was no hope from the very beginning. That was it. We might as well have packed up and gone away, because there was no way that that was going to work” (Stork 2021). The images of the encounter group therapy were so violent and shocking that it is only logical that seeing this instilled fear in the Antelopians and did not benefit the relationship with Rajneeshees. The footage painted an atrocious picture of the rituals of the Rajneeshees and only strengthened the deviance of the Rajneeshees in the eyes of the Antelopians. It also evoked associations of other ‘cults’, which only fueled the already ongoing moral panic further.

9.1 Limitations and discussion

In this research encountered several limitations. Firstly, out of the six people approached for interviews, only two were willing (Ma Anand Sheela and Jane Stork). These two women were both followers of Rajneesh and lived in Rajneeshpuram. People that were approached that were not based in the commune itself either did not respond or refused the invitation for an interview. Les Zaitz, for example, the investigative journalist for the Oregonian at the time, declined the invitation because it was “40+ years ago!”. Secondly, there were serious and possible ethical implications of travelling to Switzerland to visit Ma Anand Sheela in her home in Maisprach during a pandemic. At that time, The Netherlands was advising strongly not to travel unless absolutely necessary, and since Sheela lives and works in

a care home that she owns, the possibility of bringing COVID-19 into this space with vulnerable elderly is a risk that, ethically, is undesirable to take. Conducting an interview over Zoom instead of in-person, does have limitations. Non-verbal and visual cues which are usually used to build rapport between interviewer and interviewee and gain the trust of the interviewee, are missing (Halperin and Heath 2017: 297). Since the time in Oregon was an emotional one with big implications for Sheela as well as Stork, it is possible that an online interview yields fewer results than an in-person interview would have. However, ethically, it was the right decision.

Furthermore, the 76 articles from the Oregonian were initially supposed to be supplemented with original news segments that were featured in the documentary Wild Wild Country.

However, these were only available in the Portland Archives, which are only accessible in person. Due to COVID-19 restrictions, these files were therefore inaccessible.

Since this research is based on a case study, the generalizability of this thesis is low.

That does not mean, however, that it cannot add to existing literature surrounding the case itself, as well as the practical field of identity politics and conflict. For example, Fiske’s theory on bias and intergroup conflict (2002) is applicable to the Rajneeshpuram v. Antelope conflict.

She says that people who are comfortable in their in-group tend to ignore out-groups, except for when a perceived threat is posed to the in-group: then a murderous hostility towards the outgroup can be prompted. This holds true for both sides: the first act of aggression was towards the Rajneeshees, who posed a threat to American norms and values. This, in turn, was the threat that set off the murderous hostility at the Rajneeshee side. Kennedy and Pronin’s (2006) research also holds true: a bias-perception coming from the Rajneeshee side influenced the way the Rajneeshees looked at their relationship with Antelopians and guided Sheela’s actions. A bias-perception spiral can be identified in this conflict.

The application of the theory of Moral Panic furthermore adds a new layer of understanding to this conflict. Plenty has been written about the commune’s time in Oregon, the downfall, the cultural differences and the crimes committed. This thesis is the first, however, to focus on the events up until the bombing of Hotel Rajneesh and attempt to uncover specifically the reason for escalation. This research is furthermore unique in offering the theory of moral panic as an explanation of the escalation. It therefore adds to the literature surrounding this conflict. This research furthermore attempted to provide insight on the influence of minority identity on conflict escalation. Minority identities often inherently deviate from the hegemonic norm – white, cisgender, heterosexual, middle-class, Christian males (Kiesling 2006). The theory of moral panic provides tools to explain and contextualize this, but also inspires more questions: could a minority's mere existence, which deviates from the ‘norm’, feed a (subconscious) moral panic? The field of conflict resolution and minority politics would benefit from more research into this phenomenon.

Implications for the practice of conflict resolution would be t0 include more attention to the way the brain functions. This research has shown that to understand why a moral panic is created or why implicit attitudes and biases are influential in a conflict, it is crucial to understand neurological functions. Literature such as Kennedy and Pronin (2008) about

“bias-perception conflict spirals is so much more fruitful when neurological functions creating bias are taken into account. This thesis is also an example of how important it is to keep an open mind when trying to understand a conflict. As Forchtner (2011: 1) said: it is crucial to CDA that the analyst makes their own position and standpoint transparent. This research was started on the expectation that the United States is a racist, sexist and religiously biased country, and which must have meant that those forces were responsible for the escalation of this conflict. The CDA did not yield data to support this claim, which forced the author to look further, finally leading to the application of the moral panic theory. Revisiting the data revealed a moral panic with its roots in racial, sexual and religious deviance. It is crucial to the practice of conflict resolution to be aware of one's own biases, otherwise a tunnel vision will always show nothing but the expected path.

The results from this research provided a few direct opportunities. First of all, further research would benefit from including the original news segments that can be found in the Portland Archives, as well as other news sources in Oregon. The Oregonian may be the biggest paper in the state, but there are many others that could be interesting to include in further research. The limited scope of this research also meant that interpretation played a big role in this research. Broadening the scope and including more data will allow for better claim making and stronger conclusions. Secondly, further research is necessary to be able to explaint he discrepancy between the literature and findings when it comes to the influence of gender and sexism on the escalation of this conflict. Thirdly, further research should include the events that happened after the bombing in 1983 to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the role of racism, sexism and religious bias in the entire conflict. While the chosen events were emotional ones which were expected to reveal more implicit bias, the ‘real’ escalation happened when Sheela started importing weapons onto the ranch and poisoning an entire town to sway an election. Research that would replicate this study should include articles from 1981-1985 to be able to gain a deeper understanding of the forces at play in this conflict. While this research focused on the role of racism, sexism, religious bias on solely the escalation of this conflict, the scholarship of identity and conflict would benefit from more comprehensive research with a broader scope.

This thesis is the description of research which attempted to gain a more in depth understanding of the escalation of this conflict. The research question “What was the influence of (racial, gender, religious and political) bias on the escalation of the Rajneeshpuram v.

Antelope conflict?” was expected to yield a satisfying and substantial answer through which the escalation could be (at least largely) explained. This was not the case however, which meant that the search for explanations continued. While the theory of moral panic granted a much more satisfactory explanation, conducting the research and writing this thesis made it increasingly clear that this conflict was much more complex and nuanced than could be covered in this thesis. It is precisely this deep complexity and nuance, however, that make this case so interesting.

“So there are no black and white reasons. No black and white situations. And life is never black and white. And still, we are so in [the] habit of looking for black and white. This

is how life had meant to be, and so [it] is.” – Ma Anand Sheela (2021)

Bibliography

Sources used in Critical Discourse Analysis

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C8.

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A16.

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D16.

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F6.

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D7.

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C3.

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E2.

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