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Media Framing of Corruption in the Swiss-German Press

Master Thesis

Kavin Ampalam S-ID: 13750828

kavin.ampalam@student.uva.nl

Graduate School of Communication, University of Amsterdam MA Political Communication

2021/2022 Semester 2 Block 2

Dr. Gian-Louis Hernandez July 1, 2022

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Abstract

This paper maps the reporting of corruption in a western democracy, namely Switzerland. The consequences of corruption are serious for any country, as it has a negative impact on voter turnout and support for political candidates and leads to a decline in trust in the political system. However, media can help curb corruption by enabling citizens to engage with the issue in a substantive way. In this way, they help citizens to gain information and form opinions, so that they can later become politically active. An investigation of the reporting is recognizable in order to see to what extent the media fulfil this task. A suitable method for examining reporting is that of framing analysis. Framing has already been done in corruption reporting in high-corruption countries, but studies on framing in low-corruption countries are scarce. This thesis attempts to close this gap by inductively capturing frames from a sample of 191 articles in the Swiss press. The result shows that the existing frames do not sufficiently capture the reporting, which is why it is recommended to develop own frames for western democracies in order to investigate the reporting of corruption.

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Media Framing of Corruption in the Swiss-German Press

One of the most important roles of the media in a democracy is the watchdog function, in which they draw attention to mistakes and abuses of power by politicians and decision- makers (Berti, 2018). By publicizing the violation of norms, the media bring certain content to the public's attention and help to ensure that it is discussed (Echeverría et al., 2021). One of these norm violations is corruption. This can range from simple bribery to election rigging, but in any form it has a serious impact on citizens' trust in politics (Berti, 2018; Villeneuve et al., 2020). Corruption and its portrayal in the media can have a negative impact on voter turnout and support for incumbent candidates, leading to a decline in trust in the political system (Aassve et al., 2018; Chong et al., 2015; Foresta, 2020; Masters & Graycar, 2015).

Corruption is also an important indicator of the state of a political system (Anderson &

Tverdova, 2003). However, the extent of corruption is perceived differently in each country (Echeverría et al., 2021). Research on perceptions of corruption shows that regardless of the country's level of development, corruption is perceived to be higher than it actually is, and the portrayal of corruption in the media has been cited as an important reason for this distorted perception (Bean, 2012; McAllister, 2014; Park, 2012). News media also have the opportunity to curb corruption through tangible means or through intangible means. How the media presents corruption in its reporting plays a role. The media present content by selecting and highlighting certain aspects. This selection and emphasis is referred to in research as framing and is one of the methods used to research corruption reporting. Examining these frames allows us to make comparisons about how themes are constructed differently in different texts and to identify unique features that might otherwise go unnoticed (Entman, 1993, Park, 2012).

However, research on corruption, especially in low corruption countries, is still limited.

Previous studies from mostly high corruption countries show consistent patterns in the frames used and their relevance to anti-corruption efforts. Research on this in Western democracies is still scarce (Hajdu et al., 2018; Palau & Palomo, 2021). To address this deficit, a study of

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corruption cases in a Western country would fill this research gap. Switzerland is a suitable country of study for this purpose. Switzerland is considered an ideal example of direct democracy and, due to its more balanced reporting than that of its neighboring countries, is a suitable country for transferring any results to other countries (Udris et al., 2020). In addition, Switzerland, with its development over the last 10 years in terms of media and corruption perceptions, is a suitable example to research a certain time frame. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to answer the research question: How is corruption framed in the Swiss press?

Corruption

Corruption is generally characterized by illegal, hidden activities that are difficult to detect. It is considered an abuse of public power for personal gain or for the benefit of a group to which one feels beholden (Becker, 2014; Stapenhurst, 2000). A vast literature has

presented the negative impact of political and economic corruption on the life of a country (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003; Montinola & Jackman, 2002; Rose-Ackerman, 1999). From an economic perspective, it has been noted with a decline in national GDP, a reduction in

economic growth and investment, and a reduction in public spending on education (Berti, 2018; Gyimah-Brempong, 2002; Mauro, 1997, 1998). Political corruption, on the other hand, is far more openly defined. Political corruption can involve the abuse of public office for private gain, the deviation from legal and public duties for the purpose of private gain, or the acceptance of bribes in return for special treatment (Ceresola, 2019; Lancaster & Montinola, 1997; Rose-Ackerman, 1999; Treisman, 2007). In any sense, corruption is the misuse of a public function for private gain (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003).

Corruption has lasting and important consequences for a country's citizens (Ceresola, 2018).

For example, citizens in countries with higher levels of corruption rate the performance of the political system more negatively and exhibit lower levels of trust in political institutions (Berti, 2018). Corruption fundamentally undermines the principles of democratic accountability and equality and neglects the democratic principles of procedural and

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distributive justice (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003; Bailey & Braybrooke, 2003). It is seen as an important indicator of the performance of the political system (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003). As a result, there is widespread interest in curbing corruption at the global level, as demonstrated by the existence of global anti-corruption organizations such as Transparency International and international anti-corruption treaties such as the OECD Anti- Corruption Convention and the United Nations Convention against Corruption (Berti 2018; Ceresola, 2018). In many high-corruption countries, reporting on corruption cases is a delicate matter full of ambiguity and confusion: more often than not, the indiscretions from which corruption stories originate come from dubious sources, journalists themselves play a blurred and

contradictory role, and it is not uncommon for them to be subject to a number of pressures that are tied into networks of unfair and illegal behaviour. Obviously, some of these conditions can also be observed in established democracies (Mancini, 2017). However, in both cases corruption usually enter the public debate through the news media (Becker, 2014).

The role of the media in the fight against corruption

As a source of knowledge for the public, media are seen as a mainstay of democracy, often referred to as the "fourth state", as they provide citizens with information on the basis of which they can form opinions and make decisions regarding a range of political issues

(Kramer, 2013). In the so-called liberal model of journalism, reporting on corruption cases becomes a competitive resource while embodying the ideals of the watchdog function (Mancini, 2018a). Most citizens learn about corruption through the news media, and it is primarily through the media that understandings of corruption are socially constructed (Berti, 2018) Even though they have no formal authority to condemn the behavior of public officials, it is widely believed that free mass media have an obligation to promote good governance and facilitate debates about corruption in various ways. Some even see the media as one of the most important institutions that has a far-reaching influence on the

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debate on corruption (World Bank, 2015). This includes raising public awareness of the causes, consequences and possible remedies of corruption (Kramer, 2013; Peruzzotti &

Smulovitz, 2006; Rose-Ackerman, 1999).

Media are identified as a key mechanism of social accountability in democratic systems, providing a continuous check on political misconduct between elections (Grimes, 2008). Thus, when media monitor powerful actors, they at least force governments to consider the public's reaction to their actions (Echeverría et al., 2021; Hampton, 2008). There is

literature emphasizing how the press can curb corruption (Brunetti & Weder, 2003; Mancini, 2018a; Stapenhurst, 2000). Media surveillance can have an impact on the political system, particularly in terms of social accountability (Mancini, 2018b). The power of the media in discrediting politicians and exposing 'unacceptable' behavior gives them an unprecedented position in shaping the public's perception of them. By publicizing the misbehaviors of the powerful, the media can put certain issues on the citizens' agenda. Consequently, media can put pressure on authorities to prosecute corruption cases or convince citizens to use the right to vote to bring about change (Peruzzotti, 2006; Peruzzotti & Smulovitz, 2006). Therefore, how the news media portrays corruption plays a central role in the development of public debate and, by extension, in curbing corruption (Berti, 2018). By examining this media coverage and its possible weaknesses, the fight against corruption can thus be supported.

Media Coverage on Corruption

Most research on corruption and the media has focused on its political, legal, and economic aspects. How corruption is constructed in the media has been little studied in comparison (Hajdu et al. 2018). Becker (2014), Stanig (2015) and Stapenhurst (2000) argue that the news media can curb corruption through tangible means such as investigating, reporting and monitoring specific cases of corruption, or through intangible means such as strengthening a shared sense of the common good. Similarly, the degree of press freedom is an important aspect of the news media's ability to exert a restraining influence, especially

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when other sources of social control are either absent or weak (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003;

Ceresola, 2018). Mancini (2017) and Hajdu et al. (2018) argue that the coverage of corruption, however, depends not only on its prevalence in each country, but also on the structure of the respective media systems. Some theoretical findings highlight three important factors. First, in systems with high political parallelism, there is selective coverage of

corruption, which depends on the ideological or party-political ties of the media (Palau &

Davesa, 2013; Panayırcı et al., 2016). Second, instrumentalization by political or economic groups is an important factor. This leads to corruption being reported because it allows the media to pursue certain objectives, often "favoring private interests over the general interest"

(Mancini et al. 2017, p. 84). In this case cases, the frequency and depth of corruption coverage may be high, but not because of professionalism, but rather because of external forces that would arm journalism against its opponents. The extent of political parallelism can influence the work of journalists who either attack political and economic opponents or defend close ones (Hallin & Mancini, 2004; van Kempen, 2007). Even when there are no strong political and ideological links, corruption can be the subject of instrumental reporting aimed at destroying the reputation of companies and political actors (Koltsova, 2006; Mancini et al., 2017; Sezneva, 2007). Third, the structure of the media market could increase

corruption reporting in terms of its segmentation and tendency towards commercialization.

The specific readership addressed by each newspaper may have an impact on corruption reporting, as different news selection procedures may be effective depending on the readership of each newspaper. Highly segmented markets or markets with low readership encourage fierce competition, which in turn could increase the efforts of individual media to differentiate themselves by reporting as exclusively as possible (Mancini et al., 2017; Pollack et al., 2018).

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Moreover, Street (2004) suggests that the role of journalism in curbing corruption is not limited to the free and full reporting of corruption cases. Journalism is a structured activity shaped by sources, the interests of the publication and the availability of material resources.

While these insights have been gained predominantly from studies in transitional democracies and developing countries, the research and knowledge base on individual Western

democracies is comparatively quite small. Specific statements on Western democracies are difficult to make, as they usually only occur in the context of comparative cross-national studies with transitional democracies. However, when comparing such studies, it becomes apparent that media in Western democracies also need closer examination (Hajdu et al. 2018, Mancini et al. 2017).

One such study comparing Western democracies and their coverage of corruption is the European Union (EU) funded project ANTICORRP (Anticorruption Policies Revisited).

Here the authors show that there is a big difference between the reporting of corruption cases in the so-called established democracies and in the transitional democracies of Central Eastern Europe (Mancini, 2018). In transitional democracies, corruption is much more widespread and reporting mainly concerns politics and public administration. In the more established democracies of Western Europe, reporting of corruption cases very often concerns businessmen, companies, foreign companies and foreign officials, while corruption cases involving domestic politicians and officials are very rare (Mancini, 2018). The study by Hajdu et al. (2018) reinforces these statements. Again, the authors highlight that the news media in Western democracies countries, compared to developing countries and transitional democracies, either focus their corruption reporting on international scandals or concentrate on corruption in the private sector (United Kingdom and France). This is largely due to the low number of domestic corruption cases, but makes it difficult to draw conclusions about malpractices in Western reporting in particular. After all, less reporting does not mean that media in established democracies do their job more conscientiously (Berti, 2018; Hajdu et al.

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2018). For example, findings from cross-national studies show how corruption in Western democracies can also be instrumentalised by politicized media to undermine the reputation of political opponents (Berti, 2018). However, these findings from cross-national studies need to be treated with caution. In most of these studies, a few or single media titles often represent the media landscape of an entire country. Making cross- national comparisons does not allow us to draw specific local conclusions about corruption reporting in Western democracies.

One of the few local studies in a Western democracy is Park's (2012) analysis of how the media portrays political corruption in Illinois. Park (2012) found that although the number of reports on political corruption scandals is considerable, local newspapers do not engage in the debate on corruption, media coverage is episodic, and public discourse on scandals is trivialized, possibly leading to citizen inaction on anti-corruption initiatives (Park, 2012). This study reiterates the argument that media outlets report contrarily even in Western democracies and, need more research of their coverage of corruption (Park, 2012; Hajdu et al. 2018).

Media are not conceptually separate from what they report. They play a crucial role in what is reported and how it is presented. The media thus create their own political reality by shaping public opinion on the issues they report on (Kramer, 2013).

News are neither reality nor a mirror of society (Tuchman, 1983). "Objective reporting" in journalism will never be free of reporters' cognitive approaches to the issues they cover (Echeverría et al., 2021). In their daily practice, this means that journalists attach more or less importance to certain facts, details and perspectives, and therefore frame events and issues (Entman, 1993) This means that reporting on corruption is determined by a general culture that promotes or condemns this type of action, which in turn may or may not sanction part corruption. (Echeverría et al., 2021). This underlines the importance of deepening the debate in corruption research on the role of the media in the portrayal of corruption. Media is central in the development of public debate in the fight against corruption, and the role of

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news media both as protagonists and as the main arena of public debate (Berti, 2018;

Echeverría et al., 2021; Gamson & Modigliani, 1989).

Framing Theory

The origins of framing theory can be traced back to the mid- 1950s in the context of interpretive sociology, which assumed that people do not respond directly to objective facts when receiving messages, but to their interpretation (Echeverría et al., 2021). However, the concept of framing was first introduced by Erving Goffmans in 1974, whereby it provided modern sociology with a critical means of expanding its exploration of the cultural terrain of meaning-making. According to him, frame analysis is concerned how individuals perceive and respond to certain events and circumstances (Goffman, 1974). Frames can be considered as cognitive shortcuts that help us grasp complex realities that are spatially or temporally and intellectually demanding (Neuman et al., 1992; Tagle, 2021). However, since Goffman introduced the term, the concept of framing has been considerably expanded in sociological research (Young, 2010).

Makombe (2018) describes frames as structure for defining space. He argues that we put a frame around an image to distinguish it from other frames, to accentuate it, and to exclude other things from it. The function of a photo frame, according to the concept, is to select, emphasize, and exclude. A frame encourages individuals to focus on what is inside the frame and ignore what is beyond the frame (Ardèvol-Abreu, 2015; Makombe, 2018). The way an image is framed affects the way it is seen and interpreted - a colourful frame is more likely to draw attention to an image than a colourless frame. Similarly, the way a message is framed or presented affects the way it is understood and interpreted. (Macombe, 2018). In theory, framing means selection and emphasis. According to Entman (1993), framing means selecting some aspects of a perceived reality and highlighting them in a text in such a way as to

promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation for the subject described (Entman, 1993). These frames are embedded in the

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text itself, expressed through the inclusion or omission of certain key words, images and phrases that "reinforce bundles of facts or judgements" (Entman, 1993, p. 52). Therefore, the words, images and phrases that frame can be distinguished from the rest of the text by their ability to elicit support for or opposition to a particular side in an issue (Chen & Zhang, 2016;

Entman, 2004). Gamson and Modigliani (1989) explain that a frame is, at its core, a central organizing idea for making sense of relevant events and suggesting what they are about. It is the process of a person's subjective interpretation of an event or problem in relation to their immediate environment (Wang et al., 2019). Instead of a single unified frame, frames often involve a range of interpretations that allow for a degree of controversy among those who share a common frame (Gamson & Modigliani, 1989; Wang et al., 2019). Frames determine which aspect of an issue comes to the fore and which to the background, leading to

interpretations that benefit one side and hinder the other (Chen & Zhang, 2016; Entman, 2004).

Framing of Corruption

Given the social nature of framing processes, the way journalists frame corruption has an impact on how corruption is socially represented (Echeverría et al., 2021; Just & Crigler, 2014). Accordingly, framing is one of the main perspectives from which the research has examined the coverage of corruption. It is generally accepted that media select some aspects of perceived reality and emphasize them more in a communication context in order to promote a definition of the problem at hand (Entman, 1993). There are basically two classifications in the analysis of media frames. First, there is the generic frame approach, where the topic under investigation does not matter, as the frames can be used in any context.

Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) list five frames that can be applied to any reporting

regardless of the topic, namely: attribution of responsibility, conflict, economic consequences, human interest and morality. In a study of corruption reporting in Nigeria, the frames

attribution of responsibility and economic consequences were found to be the most common

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frames (Chikwendu, 2016). Hamid et al. (2019) and Tagle (2021), used generic frames in Sudan and Chile and came to a similar conclusion. In both cases, attribution of responsibility and economic consequences were the most frequently used frames. Even though these generic frames can be used in a non-topic-specific context, they are rarely used in research on

corruption reporting. Generic frames help to get a overview of frames used, but as Hamid et al. (2019) and Tagle (2021) point out, a majority of specific content remains not examined.

Generic frames help to explain how media generally frame issues, while issue-specific frames reveal which aspects of a reality have been selected for each issue (Kozman, 2016).

The second classification, issue-specific frames, is divided into two subcategories, episodic and thematic (de Vreese, 2005; Lecheler & de Vreese, 2012). This distinction by Iyengar (1993) was conceptualized for political content and has also become established in research on corruption reporting, where it is more commonly used than generic frames.

Thematic frames promote a structural explanation of problems, while episodic frames focus on single events. The thematic frame places a problem in a general context and usually takes the form of a detailed, structural report, while the episodic frame describes problems in terms of individual cases or specific events (Park, 2012). Episodic frames are primarily focused on individual stories. Corruption is often presented here as an individual case. The cause is anchored in a person or a group, portraying them as a "rotten apple" without considering institutional or societal connections (De Vreese, 2005; Echeverría et al., 2021; Just and Crigler 2014). Once the perpetrator is convicted, the issue of corruption is no longer of concern to the public. Research shows that episodic frames are used more often than thematic frames in corruption reporting (Palau & Palomo, 2021, Park, 2012). This preference for episodic frames is due to the increasing market orientation of the media and the resulting scandalization of content. Politics and its content are presented as entertainment in this type of reporting, which reduces public debate and the resulting reforms (Kramer, 2013; Palau &

Palomo, 2021; Park, 2012). High levels of corruption are systemic; if the focus is placed on

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only individual cases, crucial education is hindered (Kramer, 2013; Palau & Palomo, 2021).

Thematic frames, on the other hand, present corruption in a much broader context. The circumstances of the events and their links to society and politics are highlighted here. The circumstances of the events are described, but the reference to corruption as a systematic problem is also drawn. This kind of information sharing about corruption leads to policy implications and actions, especially in highly corrupt countries (De Vreese, 2014; Entman, 2004; Palau & Palomo, 2021). Norris (2001) claims that the media can only play a role in democracy if they use thematic frames. Citizens can only be adequately informed to participate in public discourse and the political process by clearly describing the problem, stating the reasons for it, making moral judgements and taking appropriate future action (Entman, 2004; Norris, 2001). Zmolnig (2018) argues that Anti-corruption measures are explored and eventually implemented as a result of the thematic framework.

Frames for Western Democracies

Thematic frames cannot always fulfil their function (Berti, 2018). In his study, Berti (2018) distinguishes between the "systematic corruption" frame and the "corruption as individual crime" frame. Drawing parallels to previous studies, the "systematic corruption"

frame belongs to the thematic frames and the "corruption as individual crime" frame to the episodic frames. However, in this case, the focus on individual cases or systematic cases does not bring the same results as in previous research. The frame, "systematic corruption", in the case of Italy, a country with high level of corruption, is characterized by the use of an individual case to draw generalizations about the high level of corruption in the country. It reduces attention to individual responsibilities, draws general conclusions about the dishonesty of larger groups (the political system or society as a whole) and has a stronger tendency to focus on emergency measures and fatalism rather than prevention and

punishment. Even though corruption is recognized as a systemic problem, the use of this frame does not support the citizen to act against corruption (Berti, 2018). The second view, on

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the other hand, "corruption as an individual crime", which is predominantly present in the New Zealand press, focuses more on the individual responsibility of the corrupt actors and contrasts it with the integrity of parliament and/or society (Berti, 2018). It focuses on prevention and punishment and presents corruption as a threat to the widely held values of integrity and honesty. Although, in comparison to previous studies, the focus here is on the individual problem, the citizen is provided with the information needed to perceive the threat of corruption. The frames from this study show that the classification helps to distinguish, but the evaluation and meaning of the frames need a more qualitative review (Berti,2018).

Most of the findings on corruption reporting and its evaluation come from studies from countries with high levels of corruption. According to the findings of previous research, the use of episodic frames should be more likely in Western democracies, where corruption is not a systematic problem. This can be seen, for example, in Park's (2012) study where

episodic frames were predominantly used in the local press. While Park (2012) argues that there is no substantive debate, confirming the previous research findings, the example of New Zealand in Berti's (2018) study shows that, according to the definition of originally episodic frames, "individual crime" in a Western democracy leads to a structural debate and thus stands out as a thematic frame. These contradictory positions can be attributed to the fact that research on Western democracies is simply still under-researched. As the research on generic frames in corruption reporting already shows that many aspects cannot be captured by these frames, it can be argued that the previous frames and their distinction between thematic and episodic frames of corruption reporting are not equally suitable for Western democracies. The focus of reporting in Western democracies is different from that in non-Western democracies.

In Western democracies, the focus is rather on international corruption cases or on corruption in the private sector (United Kingdom and France) (Hajdu et al., 2018; Mancini, 2018b).

According to current research, frames on corruption in the private sector fall into the episodic frame "Rotten Apple", whereas in a Western democracy, where this is predominant, a

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separate thematic frame would be more obvious. This argumentation is also followed by Echaveria et al. (2021), who emphasize that all reporting in a country is influenced by its local conditions and therefore must be taken into account in the study. To capture coverage in western democracies with existing frames, as the above examples show, brings the risk of neglecting important aspects of reporting, which is why this hypothesis is put forward in this thesis: When investigating the coverage of corruption cases in Western democracies, the existing issue-specific frames are not sufficient.

Switzerland is a suitable representative of a Western democracy to fill this gap. First, Switzerland was never part of the Anticorrp project, the largest comparison of corruption reporting in Western countries to date, which is why there is little research on corruption reporting in Switzerland (Sberna et al., 2015). Second, Switzerland has certain specificities that provide an opportunity to identify unique features. With its direct democratic means of referendum and initiatives and its distinctive principle of concordance, it is considered the

"ideal form of consensus democracy" (Lijphart, 2012, p. 245). Switzerland's direct democracy makes every citizen a decision-maker, which means that the public arena is characterized by a plurality of speakers and greater openness (Marcinkowski & Donk, 2012). This is why it is often found in the top ranks of democracy rankings and thus serves as an ideal example for the study. Switzerland is considered a typical example of a "centrist" model of media and politics (Udris et al., 2020). Here, the media play an important role in the factual

communication of content. Swiss journalists most often see their role as that of a neutral reporter, reporting on reality as objectively as possible (Bonfadelli et al., 2011). This self- image is also reflected in the media content. Even on controversial issues, reporting is

considered factual and neutral, and by comparison to their neighboring countries the coverage shows a higher degree of rationality and argumentation (Gerth & Siegert, 2012;

Marcinkowski & Donk, 2012). This allows for an easier capture of possible frames with less influence on the micro level, as well as a possible easier transferability to other Western

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countries. In addition, despite its size, Switzerland has a strong international orientation due to its role as an international financial center, but also a unique national media landscape

(Bonfadelli et al., 2011). The media landscape is segmented by language regions, which differ in market size and are influenced by the larger neighboring countries (Udris et al., 2020).

Method

Framing selects and emphasizes certain aspects of an issue, while other aspects tend to be hidden or pushed into the background. By highlighting certain features, frames promote certain perspectives on controversial issues (Entman 1993). They allow us to make

comparisons about how issues are constructed in different articles and to identify unique features that might otherwise go unnoticed (Berti, 2018). Therefore, framing can be a useful analytical lens for examining differences in the way corruption is discussed and treated in the media (Cheng and Zhang, 2016). To test the hypothesis and to fill the gap on frames in

Western corruption reporting, following Tagle's (2021) argumentation, an inductive method is used to research the missing frames of corruption reporting.

Since the Swiss media landscape is divided according to the national language, this work concentrates on the largest language region and its newspapers in order to draw up a uniform comparison. The selection of newspapers is based on the yearbook "Jahrbuch Qualität der Medien", which annually rates the Swiss press. In order to provide the best possible national reflection of the Swiss press landscape, the largest national newspapers are taken into account, but also newspapers from each political spectrum. As the majority of readers here access these titles online, the online versions of these titles are taken into account. Consequently, the sample includes these seven titles: Weltwoche, Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ), Blick (blick.ch), SRF (srf.ch), 20 Minuten (20min.ch), watson and die

Wochenzeitung (WoZ). These newspapers are a representation of tabloid and quality press as well as the entire political spectrum and thus reflect a large part of the German-language press. The NZZ, Weltwoche, WoZ and SRF are considered quality media, whereas Blick, 20

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Minuten and watson are defined as tabloid media (fög, 2019). Politically, certain newspapers can also be clearly distinguished as left-leaning media (WoZ), politically neutral (SRF) and right-leaning media (NZZ and Weltwoche) (Blum, 2004).

The articles are generated on the media database swissdox.ch with the term

"Korruption" (Corruption) "Schweiz" (Switzerland) and "Politik" (Politics). A 10-year period between 01.01.2011 and 31.12.2021 is defined as the relevant time frame, as this is the period in which the greatest change has taken place in relation to the media landscape and the

corruption index in Switzerland. First, the private press landscape has changed the most in terms of commercialization during this period (Udris et al., 2020). In the last years, the number of regional daily newspapers has shrunk by 40% to 76 titles, while the total

circulation of these titles has only decreased by 13% (fög, 2019, Udris et al., 2020). Second, the value of the Corruption Perception Index for Switzerland has fallen from 86 to 84 during this time and is currently at its lowest level since the introduction of the index (Corruption Perceptions Index, 2021).

From the resulting 2012 articles of the search, a sample of 209 articles was randomly selected, with 191 articles finally being coded. Since this kind of research has never been conducted in Switzerland before, the frames are created inductively from a pre-sample of 20 articles. In a first step of open coding, certain codes were identified, which were expressed as features through their repetition, significance, positioning (Entman, 1993; Gorp, 2010). Codes were selected if their characteristic features were found in the text of the unit of analysis.

These features were grouped into codes that formed the final coding manual (see Appendix 1). Each of the codes developed does not represent a whole frame, but a particular feature of the frame in accordance with an operationalization of frames in frame elements proposed by Entman (1993). This identification of frames into frame elements that function in conjunction with each other as an interpretive scheme leads to higher validity and reliability (Heide &

Villeneuve, 2021). According to this operationalization, frame elements fulfill one of four

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functions: They define a problem, identify its causes, make moral judgements and suggest solutions (Entman, 2012). In addition to the frames generated from the codes, two general corruption frames from existing research, namely corruption as an individual case and corruption as a systemic problem, were added to the coding manual.

Once the coding manual was completed, the entire sample was coded, with each article serving as the unit of analysis. Units of analysis could contain multiple frame elements, meaning that multiple frames could be present in an article. Since frames are frequently implicit or elusive, frame analysis necessitates an in-depth engagement with the textual data, which can make reassessing the researcher's implications difficult (Heide & Villeneuve, 2021). As a result, following the coding phase, a qualitative analysis was carried out to further the study.

Results Descriptive Analysis

Table 1 in the appendix shows the results of the coding phase of the framing analysis.

The table is split between domestic and foreign corruption to show a clear difference in the use of the frames. Of the 191 coded articles, 147 included corruption cases that had a Swiss connection and 44 included purely foreign participants without Swiss involvement. A frame is considered to be given if it contains all four frame elements (Entman, 1993).

Switzerland (21.8%) as a western democracy shows a more dominant use of corruption as an isolated case than the corruption cases abroad (12.5%). A more substantial difference in the use of corruption as a widespread problem can be found in comparison between Switzerland (8.2 %) and foreign countries. When it comes to the cause of corruption, two major

differences can be observed in both groups. Firstly, in the Swiss group, corrupt organizations or companies are considered the dominant cause of corruption (22.4%), while in the foreign group it is the political system (47.9%). Individuals who commit corruption through their

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actions have a similarly high share in the corruption cases in Switzerland (19%) and abroad (18.8%). When it comes to the negative moral evaluation of corruption, this is dominant in both groups. Foreign reporting (87.5%) has a larger share than Swiss reporting (73.5%). In foreign reporting (22.9%) as well as in Swiss reporting (31.3%) on corruption, the most frequent treatment or follow-up measure is the demand for reforms. In both groups, this is followed by the focus on criminal law, whereby this is significantly greater in the Swiss group (24.5%) than in the foreign group (18.8%), as was already the case with the reform. The call for emergency measures, on the other hand, is never present in Switzerland, but is a frequent measure in the foreign grouping (16.7%) The frame "systematic corruption", from the existing research, can be found 14 times in the foreign reporting, whereas this frame is never apparent with all four frame elements present in the Swiss corruption reporting. However, corruption as an individual crime frame is more frequently found in Swiss reporting (25.5%) than in reporting on corruption abroad (17.5%). The remaining codes captured from the inductive coding are conceptually grouped into frame elements in a first step and into frames in a second step. The conceptualized frames are presented in depth.

Table 2: Frames from the Content Analysis

Frame Swiss

(frequency)

Swiss (n of items)

Abroad (frequency)

Abroad (n of items)

Systematic Corruption - - 29.2% 14

Individual Crime 25.5 % 37 16.3 7

Current Law 21.8 % 32 8.3 % 4

New Law 8.8 % 13 - -

Political Measures 12.2 % 18 6.3 % 3

Corrupt Company 17.7% 26 - -

Anti-Corruption 8.8 % 13 - -

Financial Center 17.7% 26 8.3% 4

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Law Frame

This frame is the most common frame discovered from inductive coding. Articles here focus on the legal situation in the fight against corruption. This means that current laws, future laws or votes on new draft laws are presented as problem definitions.

The frame can be distinguished according to two essential subgroups, which differ in causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment. First, current laws are perceived as the cause for corruption. For example: "Up to now, private bribery has been regulated by the Unfair Competition Act - the authorities only become active if there is a distortion of competition. If there is no competitive situation, corruption is not punishable. Moreover, there is only a prosecution if a person concerned files a criminal complaint. " (SRF, June 3,2015).

This frame is not only evident in the reporting on Switzerland, but can also be seen in the reporting on corruption abroad. The current laws are judged negatively by pointing out that these laws lead to the fact that corruption can take place in the first place. Accordingly, it is emphasized that a change in the laws is necessary.

The second group focuses on the new laws. This group occurs in all cases in combination with the demand for reforms, which is why these two frames are also included together in one category. In addition, the moral evaluation differs here. It is positive, since new laws or draft laws are supported. The support or introduction of these laws are suggested here because they can fight corruption. This frame is mainly found only on initiatives such as the Corporate Initiative or the Justice Initiative. In all cases, these initiatives had direct or indirect

consequences for fighting corruption. In the example of the Justice Initiative, where it was a matter of federal judges no longer being recommended by parties but being chosen by lot, one of the recommendations was the following: "The power of chance could radiate much further.

In all areas of everyday life where prejudices - and what is aptly called "copinage" in French - cause injustice, chance could create fairer conditions." (WOZ, November 18 2021). Not only

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the new possible procedure is highlighted here but also future implementations for further possibilities to fight injustice.

Political Measures

Another frame that is common to both foreign and domestic corruption is the frame of political inaction. Although similar to the frame of systematic corruption in previous

literature, this frame differs by not identifying a systematic problem. Rather, it points out that politics must intervene. Politicians are not portrayed as profiteers, but rather, the media emphasizes that a political response is necessary in addition to criminal prosecution. For example, in the case of procurement crime at the federal level, it is important that the Federal Council or the parliament exert pressure so that future corruption cannot take place: „It is not enough to simply release the responsible persons. Above all, organizational measures are necessary" (WOZ, June 28, 22012). Whereby the Federal Council is called upon to intervene.

Not only are the current control mechanisms criticized, but additional support through political mechanisms is also desired so that these problems are brought more into the public eye. Morally, politics is also negatively emphasized, as its inactivity allows corruption to take place like "Widmer-Schlumpf does not have to become a Leninist, but a little more control would be appropriate. "(WOZ, June 28, 2012). No concrete proposals for solutions are demanded here, but it is explicitly emphasized that politics must now do something.

Corrupt organization

This frame sees the systematic existence of corruption in organizations as the cause of corruption. While the literature has already covered corruption in political institutions several times, the private element has hardly been mentioned (Berti, 2018; Echeverría et al., 2021;

Park, 2012; Tagle, 2021). The articles here only deal with international organizations that have their headquarters in Switzerland. In all cases where this topic comes up, the

organizations are involved in cases of criminal prosecution by Swiss authorities. Two directions can be distinguished here. First, it is the political one, which follows a similar

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pattern to the frame political measures. Here, more involvement by politics is demanded. The work of politics to date is also portrayed as inadequate. In the example of the fight against corruption in sports associations, the existing work is evaluated as follows: "Anti-corruption fight so far without consequences" (SRF, May 15, 2013). Even if the causal cause is

recognized in the organizations, and is assessed in a morally negative way, the

recommendation for action lies with the politicians to take these political measures. The second group in this frame, sees the recommendation for action as lying with the chairman's or CEO's of the organizations. It evaluates their inaction or participation as the cause of the prevailing corruption in or by the organization and also evaluates it negatively. For example, the former chairman of the world football association is described as follows: "With his jovial manner, Blatter may embody the past, where something was also swept under the carpet once" (NZZ, December 23, 2020).

Even if he is not directly accused of corruption, it is shown that corruption could occur under his lack of leadership. The demand for resignation is also explained as a recommendation for action. The leadership that tolerated this behavior must disappear so that new personalities can restructure the organizations.

Anti-Corruption

The anti-corruption frame can be identified by the problem definitions.

It is not about a specific case of corruption, but rather about the measures against future corruption and how corruption can be prevented. The differences between the groups, however, appear in the causal interpretation, the moral interpretation, and the

recommendation for action. These distinctions can also be easily identified in terms of the subject matter. First, the focus is on the lack of protection of whistleblowers: "How to deal with whistleblowers? Today, this is hardly regulated. The rules that the Federal Council is now proposing make it difficult for whistleblowers" (SRF, November 11, 2013). In

Switzerland, employees are hardly protected when they draw attention to injustices of their

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employers. On the contrary, the prevailing law practically only allows complaints to the employer. This situation is described as follows: "You may risk the annoyance of some colleagues and even your own job " (NZZ, March 6, 2020).

Second, the focus is on the current situation regarding the transparency of party financing in Switzerland and the associated lobbying. In contrast to many European countries, there are no clear regulations in Switzerland on the financing of parties or election campaigns, which is presented several times as a possible reason for corruption. Here, the moral assessment is negative in the sense that the lack of transparency means that it is not clear what financial motives could influence politicians or parties: "In terms of political financing, Switzerland thus remains an opaque special case. Apart from Sweden, it is still the only Western country that leaves donations to politicians and political organisations completely unregulated. "(SRF June, 11, 2014). As a recommendation for action, reforms are called for both cases. Only through more transparency and protection could it be assumed that corruption could be fought.

Financial Center

Another frame that appears in both groups is Switzerland as a financial center.

Involvement of Swiss banks in international corruption or money laundering or financial services with questionable backgrounds that take place in Switzerland are discussed. In the foreign context, it is mainly about money from politicians from emerging countries. In the domestic context, it is mainly about companies that do business in Switzerland or have their headquarters here but are involved in dubious dealings abroad. In both cases, the problem is defined as Switzerland's financial center and, accordingly, the cause is also that corruption occurs through or in the Swiss financial center. Despite this description, in both groups the moral evaluation does not fall on the financial center; rather, in the case of foreign countries, individuals or the political system are evaluated negatively, and in the case of domestic cases, it is individuals or companies. There is no evaluation of the financial center itself and no

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recommendation for action, except to point out the criminal consequences of a scandal. In an example about corruption in the Vatican and accounts of the Pope in Switzerland, only the bank as account operator is mentioned: "Pope Francis had an account with UBS from 2015 to 2020, managed by a former Credit Suisse banker. " (20min, 28 July 2021). While the bank is not morally judged, the Vatican is described with the title: "Vatican in corruption swamp"

(20min, 28 July, 2021). This example shows how corruption is portrayed as problem of foreign countries and Switzerland as a financial center is only seen as a service provider without evaluating its involvement.

Discussion & Conclusion

This study aimed to capture the frames used in corruption reporting. With the

assumption that additional frames are needed for Western democracies, an inductive empirical investigation was conducted. To draw conclusions from existing research, two standard frames from corruption reporting research were included.

The results of these frames reflect existing research. Western democracies more often use corruption as an individual case, which was also confirmed here. Although in the existing literature this is an episodic frame, i.e. a focus on a specific event with no bigger context, the frames from this sample provide a deeper analysis, which is particularly evident in the new frames. Here, implications are drawn about the lack of anti-corruption measures, weak laws or missing political measures. The frames recorded inductively can thus be regarded as thematic frames. The presence of these frames confirms the hypothesis of this thesis that for Western democracies new frames have to be included. If these frames are used, the reporting examined enables citizens to deal with the problem of corruption in terms of content.

However, it is also apparent that not all of the inductively recorded frames meet these

requirements. When it comes to the frame of the financial center, a systematic analysis hardly takes place, and the cases are more simply summarized and concluded. Nevertheless, it can be emphasized here that an inductive method is recommended for Western democracies. Media

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systems depend on their political circumstances, which is why it must also be considered individually which frames could be considered for each country. For Switzerland, this

approach has shown that citizens were able to engage with the content of the issue despite the focus on individual cases.

For future studies, it would be advisable to use these new frames in other similar countries, but also to record new ones inductively. This way tendencies towards Western democracies can be drawn, like they exist in countries with high levels of corruption. Due to the scope of this thesis, only a small sample could be examined. It would be advisable to carry out this analysis again on a broader scale in the Swiss press in order to possibly capture

further frames.

Finally, it can be said that this thesis is nevertheless one of the first attempts to inductively identify frames in a Western country with a low level of corruption. The new frames captured from the analysis would now have to be examined in other Western democracies to verify whether these are Swiss frames or more generalizable frames for Western democracies.

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Appendix Table 1: Inductive Codes from the Content Analysis

Frame

function Code Description Swiss

(frequency) Swiss (n of items)

Abroad

(frequency) Abroad (n of items) Problem

Definition

Isolated Case

Corruption as an isolated

case

21.8 % 32 12.5% 6

Widespread Problem

Corruption is systematically

present

8.2 % 12 54.2% 26

Cause Rotten Apple

Lack of integrity of a

person led corruption

19 % 28 18.8% 9

Corrupt Company

corrupt dealings of a

company

22.4 % 33 2.1 % 1

Political System

existing political system enables corruption

2% 3 47.9% 23

Current Law current laws

are flawed 31.3 % 46 12.5 % 6

New Law new laws are

presented 12.2 % 18 - -

Anti- Corruption

current measures

against corruption are

not enough

16.3 % 24 16.7 % 8

Corruption Index

Scoring of the corruption

index

3,4 % 5 10,4 % 5

Swiss finance

center

the swiss financial center is involved

27. 9 % 41 100 % 48

(36)

System works

current legal situation prevents corruption

2.7 % 4 - -

None No causal

interpretation 6.1 % 9 4.2% 2

Moral Negative 73.5 % 108 87.5 % 42

Ambivalent 19 % 4 16.7 % 1

Positive 29.9% 44 6.3 % 3

None 11.6 % 17 10.4 % 5

Treatment Law enforcement

Criminal measures and consequences are presented

24.5 % 36 18.8% 9

Reform Current laws must be modified

31.3 % 46 22.9 % 11

Support Support for the presented

measure

13.6 % 20 4.2 % 2

Action from Politics

Politics must

intervene 24.5 % 36 14.6 % 7

Emergency Emergency situation must

be declared

- - 16.7 % 8

Resign Responsible persons must

resign

1.4 % 2 2.1 % 1

None 10.2 % 15 12.5 % 6

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