Exploring Food Waste:
The Role of Health Motivation
Marit Drijfhout
University of GroningenAugust 12, 2016
ABSTRACT
One-third of all edible food products for human consumption is wasted or lost in the supply chain (Gustavsson et al. 2011), with negative social, economic and environmental consequences. In industrialized countries, consumers are the single largest contributors to food waste. Despite its broad impact, to date, food waste has not received much attention in the literature, and it remains unknown why consumers waste so much. The present paper aims to build a theoretical framework that provides new insights in this phenomenon. We propose that food waste is driven by inconsistencies between planned decisions on what to eat and decisions on what is actually consumed. Going from planned choice behavior (phase 1) to actual consumption (phase 2) and ending with waste (phase 3), results of this study reveal two pathways that lead to increased disposal behavior. The amount of food influences the acquiring of unplanned food during consumption (phase 2) and eventual disposal (phase 3) while the content of the food (i.e. the share of virtue and vice food) influences all three phases. Consumers’ health motivation influences both pathways. Firstly, with regard to the amount of food, unplanned food is acquired during consumption (in phase 2) when initially only a small amount of food is chosen (in phase 1). Also, highly autonomously health motivated consumers are prone to acquire unplanned food at the moment of consumption. A higher amount of food acquired results in higher amounts of waste (in phase 3). This effect of more waste when more food is acquired is stronger for consumers with a strong autonomous health motivation, but weaker for consumers with a strong controlled health motivation. Secondly, a higher share of virtues is acquired when a smaller temporal distance between the choice and consumption moment (phase 1 and 2) is present, except for controlled health motivated consumers. The combination of having acquired a small amount of food consisting of a higher share of virtues strengthens the acquirement of unplanned food (in phase 2). Consecutively, a higher share of virtues leads to an increase in the amount of food waste (in phase 3). This effect is stronger for consumers high on controlled health motivation. As such, we demonstrate that the decisions made during choosing on what to eat and what to actually consume have differing implications for both food waste and health-related issues, depending on the underlying health motivations.
INTRODUCTION
Food waste becomes a more and more prevailing issue. The carbon footprint of food waste, for instance, ranks as the third top global emitter (FAO 2013), making food waste a highly societal, economical and politically relevant issue. Consumers are responsible for up to 65 per cent of the total amount of food waste (Gustavsson et al. 2011) and are therewith the largest waste contributors. To date, however, consumer food waste has not received much attention in the literature, and it remains unknown why consumers dispose so much food. The mere fact that households waste food that they purchased themselves suggests that there is a mismatch between what consumers predict they will consume and what they actually end up consuming; implying a surplus of foods at home. This surplus may either be driven by consumers’ decisions made at the point of purchase, or by consumers’ consumption and disposal decisions, or a combination of both (Porpino et al. 2015). As a result, not all purchased foods may be consumed, and end up wasted.
A few scholars have investigated the antecedents of household food waste. Poor pre-shop planning, impulse buying and supplemental top-up shopping trips have been identified as factors contributing during the purchase stage. Factors that contribute to food waste at home are letting foods expire by not consuming them in time and preparing more food than necessary (Cox and Downing 2007; Parfitt et al. 2010; WRAP 2012). These findings are mainly descriptive, suggesting that there is a lack of a deeper conceptual understanding of
why consumers waste food. The present research develops a comprehensive framework that
inconsistencies between planned and actual consumption lead to food not being eaten in time and therefore being wasted (phase 3: disposal behavior). Temporal Construal Level Theory proposes that when events are temporally distant, consumers use abstract mental models that lead to higher-level (superordinate) construal goals (Trope and Liberman 2000, 2003). As a result, consumers focus on their long-term health goals and tend to make more virtuous choices for future consumption compared to their choices for present consumption (cf., Milkman et al. 2010; Read et al. 1999; VanEpps et al. 2016). In contrast, temporally close events are represented by concrete abstract models that lead to lower-level (subordinate) construal goals (Trope and Liberman 2003). As such, when the moment of consumption is nearby, consumers behave more impulsively in response to their desires for immediate pleasure (Bazerman et al. 1998; Hoch and Loewenstein 1991). Consumers are then tempted to replace their planned virtuous choices by unplanned vice foods (Read and Van Leeuwen 1989; Read et al. 1999), which are relatively unhealthy, hedonic products that are known for providing a pleasurable consumption experience (Wertenbroch 1998). When consumers revise their planned, healthy food choices at the moment of consumption and acquire additional unplanned vices, the virtues remain unconsumed and eventually end up wasted. The extent to which a consumer is motivated to engage in health-related behaviors might influence food choices and disposal behavior. Building on Self-Determination Theory (Ryan and Deci 2000), highly autonomously motivated consumers, due to a genuine willingness to eat healthy (Levesque et al. 2007; Williams et al. 1996), are expected to have a small gap between planned and actual consumption, resulting in moderate waste. Consumers with a highly controlled health motivation may purchase large amounts of virtues because they intent to eat healthy, but lack the true motivation to do so, and as a result, end_up_with_a higher_amount_of_food_waste.
novel evidence in the theoretical understandings of why consumers apparently acquire more food than they consume and therefore waste it. Findings from our experimental study show two pathways that lead to waste: the amount of food and the share of virtue food acquired. Firstly, consumers that initially acquire more food (in phase 1) choose less unplanned food at the moment of consumption (in phase 2), unless their share of virtues is high. More food subsequently leads to more waste (in phase 3). Secondly, a smaller temporal frame between planned and actual consumption leads to a higher share of virtue foods (in phase 1). Having acquired a high share of virtues while only having chosen a few food items (in phase 1) leads to acquiring more unplanned food during consumption (in phase 2). A higher share of virtue food eventually leads to more food waste (in phase 3). Additionally, health motivation influences all phases. Consumers with a controlled health motivation seem mainly influenced by the content of the food. They acquire more virtues in a distant temporal frame and when their share of acquired virtue foods is higher, more waste results. Consumers with an autonomous health motivation seem mainly influenced by the amount of food. When only having acquired a small amount of food, additional unplanned food is acquired at the moment of consumption. However, a higher amount of food at the same time results in increased waste behavior for those consumers. As such, we demonstrate that the interplay between the choice and consumption moment has consequences for disposal behavior.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Food Waste
Research regarding consumers’ food disposal, which covers the last stage of the goods trajectory in consumer behavior (Cappellini 2009), is scarce. Consumers’ food waste practices_are_not_very_ostensible,_and_as_such,_complicated_to_investigate.
Most existing research has focused on the antecedents of household food waste. As Evans (2011, p438) notes, “food waste arises as a consequence of households negotiating the contingencies_of_everyday_life”. Part of existing food disposal research is centered around the purchasing stage (i.e. phase 1), while other research studies consumption at home (i.e. phase 2).
that it is still edible (Parfitt et al. 2010; WRAP 2012). When preparing meals, consumers often cook higher quantities than they actually consume due to fear of not having enough food available for the family or due to bad estimations of quantity (Evans 2011, 2012ab). Consecutively, not consuming leftovers or not reusing ingredients increase waste as well. Being unsatisfied with the taste of prepared food is another important antecedent of waste (Graham-Rowe_et_al._2014).
Taking these findings into account, it seems of utmost important to view food waste as an activity that entails multiple interrelated decisions performed in consumer behavioral stages that altogether influence how much food is eventually disposed (Jensen et al. 2012; Porpino et al. 2015; Stefan et al. 2013). Figure 1 visualizes the way in which the present paper proposes how these stages are connected. Moving from choice behavior (phase 1) to actual consumption (phase 2) and ending with disposal (phase 3), the model indicates that the three stages are highly intertwined. Temporal distance is proposed to influence the process in between phase 1 and phase 2. Health motivation is additionally proposed to influence all phases.
PHASE_1:_The.Choice.Moment:.Temporal.Construal.Level.Theory
Temporal_Distance_and_Choice_Behavior
Food waste is assumed to occur as a result of consumers’ inconsistent decisions between their planned and actual consumption. To explain the theoretical mechanism behind these inconsistencies, we rely on Temporal Construal Level Theory (Trope and Liberman 2000, 2003). Research on intertemporal choice posits that consumers’ mental representations of events, which are either concrete or abstract, differ depending on the temporal distance. As a result, behavior is not stable, but varies depending on the time in between the evaluation of the outcome and the behavior that is performed (Trope and Liberman 2000, 2003). More specifically, temporally distant events are represented with abstract mental models and higher-level construals (i.e. superordinate goals), while temporally close (more immediate) events_are_represented_with_concrete,_lower-level_construals_(i.e._subordinate_goals).
When deciding on what to eat for multiple days in advance, research found that consumers are more likely to choose healthy virtue products (Milkman et al. 2010; Read et al. 1999; VanEpps et al. 2016). In addition, consumers spent and bought less when ordering groceries for the more distant future (Milkman et al. 2010). VanEpps et al. (2016) found that participants chose a lower amount of calories when ordering a meal in advance. Due to the presence of higher level construals, consumers intend to maximize their long-run utility, and thus make_healthier_consumption decisions when deciding on what to eat in the more distant future.
immediate rewards become salient, such as a pleasurable consumption experience (Bazerman et al 1998; Wertenbroch 1998). Schmeichel and Vohs (2009) demonstrated that participants were more in favour of a virtuous apple than a vicious candybar after an abstract construal level was evoked. In contrast, when a more concrete construal level was evoked, this effect was reversed. This finding suggests that construal levels may indeed influence preferences for food choices. Additionally, research has demonstrated that despite having initially decided to eat healthy in advance, when the actual consumption moment is nearby, consumers tend to revise their virtue choices for vices (Read and van Leeuwen 1989; Read et al. 1999). According to Wertenbroch (1998), due to the immediate gratification that vice foods provides, vices are relatively more likely to be consumed on impulse compared to their virtue counterparts. As such, a reversed preference for vice food over virtue food arises when a small temporal distance is present. Consumers then tend to give a disproportionate weight to the short-term benefits and costs (Kirby and Herrnstein, 1995) and hence, when faced with an immediate consumption choice, consumers are likely to engage in impulsive behavior that leads to the preference for vices over virtues (Khan et al. 2005; Milkman et al. 2008), although this is inconsistent with their_higher-level goal preferences. Affective desires are thus chosen_over_long-term_benefits_when_the_moment_of_consumption_is_close.
influences on the amount of food acquired when a smaller temporal frame is present.
H1a. Consumers acquire a smaller amount of food when the consumption moment is distant versus close.
With regard to the share of virtue food, we propose in line with previous findings that the percentage of virtue food chosen is higher when the consumption moment is temporally distant (cf. Milkman et al. 2010; VanEpps 2016). Saliency of higher-level concerns and the striving for superordinate goals (i.e. being healthy) are expected to lead to a preference for virtues over vices when a larger temporal distance is present. In contrast, when the consumption moment is temporally close, consumers are expected to choose a larger share of vice products, due to lower-level concerns that lead to the striving for subordinate goals, the saliency of immediate desires (Khan et_al._2005; Milkman et al. 2008) and the higher weight given to the short-term benefits (Kirby and Herrnstein, 1995).
H2a. Consumers acquire a larger share of virtue food when the consumption moment is distant versus close.
The Influence of Health Motivation on Temporal Distance and Choice Behavior
Additionally, consumers’ health motivations! are expected to amplify the effect of the temporal distance between the choice and actual consumption moment. Ryan and Deci’s (2000) Self-Determination Theory, which explains the conditions that facilitate a person’s motivation and determination to perform well-being oriented behavior, distinguishes between three types of motivations: amotivation, controlled motivation and autonomous motivation. The former is excluded from this study, as the main known regulation styles for eating behavior are controlled and autonomous motivations.
research found that a controlled motivation is associated with negative health outcomes such as restrained eating (such as bingeing) and depression, and negatively associated with favorable outcomes such as sticking to a healthy diet (Levesque et al. 2007; Pelletier et al. 2004; Pelletier and Dion 2007). As hypothesized, different mental representations of events (i.e. either concrete for events that are close and abstract for events that are temporally distant) lead to different food consumption choices. When a longer temporal distance is present, more abstract construal levels are salient, leading consumers to consider future consequences (Milkman et al. 2010; Trope and Liberman2000,2003) and thus choosing for healthier options. It is expected that consumers with a controlled health motivation have a strong urge to focus on the long-term health benefits when the consumption moment is more distant, and subsequently make healthier decisions when deciding on what to eat in advance. However, when the consumption moment is close and thus more concrete in terms of mental representations, there is a lack of determination and motivation, which makes it difficult to stick to the intentions of following a healthy diet. Additionally, the strong short-term desires are given a higher proportionate weight (Kirby and Herrnstein, 1995), leading to frictional short-term and long-term goals.
As such, for consumers with a high controlled health motivation, we propose that the amount of food that will be acquired for consumption is larger when the temporal distance between the choice and consumption moment is smaller, due to the presence of short-term desires and more impulsive behavior (Milkman et al. 2010). The percentage of virtue foods acquired is expected to be higher with a larger temporal distance, due to the presence of long-term abstract health goals that lead to a preference of virtues over vices (Khan et al. 2005).
H2b. The effect of the temporal distance on the share of virtue food acquired depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the larger the difference between the share of virtue food acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
Consumers who are autonomously motivated, in contrast, have an internally regulated
motivation and determination, meaning that they engage in well-being behaviors because these are internally coherent with their goals and values (Ryan and Deci, 2000; Williams et al. 1996). Those consumers take interest in and enjoy performing health-related actions and behaviors. Previous research found that autonomous health motivation is associated with favourable health outcomes such as following healthy diets, engaging in high levels of physical activity (Pelletier et al. 2004; Williams et al. 1996) and consuming enough fruit and vegetables (McSpadden et al. 2016). Due to their genuine willingness to eat healthy, both their short-term subordinate goals and long-term superordinate goals should be targeted towards healthy food consumption. As such, highly autonomously motivated consumers are expected to be influenced by temporal distance to a lesser extent. These consumers are expected to choose an appropriate amount of food and a high percentage of virtue products no matter the temporal distance between the moment of deciding on what to eat and the actual consumption moment.
H1c. The effect of the temporal distance on the amount of food acquired depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the smaller the difference between the amount of food acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
H2c. The effect of the temporal distance on the share of virtue food acquired depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the smaller the difference between the share of virtue food acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
PHASE_2:_The.Consumption.Moment:.Immediate.Gratification
Changing_consumption_choices_during_the_actual_consumption_moment
mechanisms that influence food consumption choices. However, it remains a domain in which it is very difficult to predict consumer behavior (Rozin and Tuorila 1993; Wansink 2004). Despite the fact that an intention (e.g. to eat healthy) may be strongly held, consumers do not always act accordingly (Hochbaum 1981). This can be due to distractions at the time of consumption (Evans 2011), unsuccessful past attempts, lack of motivation, the belief that healthy eating is difficult (Hochbaum 1981; Johnson and Johnson 1985; Sheeska et al. 1993) or simply because consumers tendtosticktooldhabits(VerplankenandFaes1999).
In addition, immediate pleasures that derive during consumption, such as appearance, smell or a promising taste perception, influence the decisions about what food will be consumed (Van den Bos and De Ridder 2006). These desires may be triggered internally (by personal desires) or externally (by an ad or promotion) (Cox and Downing 2007). As such, behavioral intentions that were held in a temporally distant time frame might change when the moment of consumption becomes near. Research has demonstrated that consumers tend to behave more impulsively when the outcomes of decisions will be realized in the near future rather than the more distant future (Loewenstein 1996; Bazerman et al. 1998). As a result, despite having planned to eat healthy in advance, at the time of consumption, consumers are more prone to change their mind and opt for food with a more immediate appeal that may be bad in the long-run, but is very satisfiying in the short-run, such as vices!(Kirby!and! Herrnstein!1995;!Read et al. 1999). Specifically, at the moment of consumption, due to the desire for immediate pleasures (Bazerman et al., 1998; Hoch and Loewenstein 1991), consumers may be tempted to replace their initially chosen virtuous foods with vice foods (Read and Van Leeuwen 1989; Read et al. 1999), or to add extra food to their meal in order to satisfy these immediate desires.
chocolate bar). However, when presented with the actual consumption moment and allowing participants to choose again, without referring to the decisions made earlier, most of the participants refrained from their initial choice and ended up with the vice snack after all. This suggests that consumers face internal conflicts when the consumption moment becomes close, due_to_the_saliency_of_these_immediate_desires.
During consumption, there is often the possibility to acquire additional food, either as a substitute or as a complement to planned consumption. For instance at work, possibilities to substitute a home-made lunch arise when the canteen offers a variety of other food. Consumers either have the ability to resist temptations and stick to initially planned consumption choices, or they may decide to indeed engage in this unplanned choice behavior and (partly) substitute or complement their planned consumption with unplanned food (Read and Van Leeuwen 1989; Read et al. 1999; Weijzen et al. 2009). We propose that the likelihood and extent of engaging in this unplanned choice behavior, when given the possibility, depends on the initially acquired amount of food and the share of initially acquired virtues. When the amount of the initially acquired foods is large enough, and when consumers already have sufficient vice foods available that satisfy desires, these will most likely be consumed. As such, there is no need for acquiring additional unplanned food at the moment of consumption. If these assumptions are however not met, due to not having enough food or due to a lack of vice foods available, consumers may indeed engage in unplanned choice_behavior_and_acquire_unplanned_food_at_the_moment_of_consumption.
virtues should positively influence the amount of unplanned food acquired, but negatively influence the share of unplanned virtue food acquired.
H3a. The total amount of planned food acquired negatively influences the amount of unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption.
H4a. The share of planned virtue food acquired 1) positively influences the amount of unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption and 2) negatively influences the share of unplanned virtue food acquired at the moment of consumption.
The_Influence_of_Health_Motivation_during_the_consumption_phase
proposed that controlled eating regulations were associated with being concerned with how much one ate. As such, consumers with a controlled health motivation have the ability and are sensitive to consuming large amounts of food, and are expected to face difficulties with acquiring appropriate amounts when there is a wide variety of (tempting) foods available. Even if consumers with a high controlled health motivation already acquired a large amount of food, when their immediate desires are not yet met, or additional temptations for other food arise during the time of consumption, they are expected to acquire additional food.
H3b. The negative effect of a larger amount of planned food on the amount of unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the stronger the effect of the the amount of food initially acquired on unplanned food consumption.
The share of virtues initially acquired is expected to influence the acquirement of unplanned food as well. If consumers with a high controlled health motivation already planned to consume a large percentage of unhealthy vice foods, for instance when the choice moment was already close to the consumption moment (as hypothesized earlier), short-term desires are already met, and there is less need to acquire unplanned food during the actual consumption moment. In contrast, when the initial share of vices was small, there might be a higher tension to acquire unplanned food during the consumption moment for highly controlled motivated consumers. Due to the immediate gratification that vices provide (Kirby and Herrnstein 1995; Read et al. 1999; Wertenbroch 1998), it is expected that unplanned food mainly covers vice foods, and as such, although a stronger effect on the total amount of unplanned food is expected when the percentage of initially acquired virtues is higher, a weaker effect on the share of unplanned virtue food is expected.
Highly autonomously motivated consumers, in contrast, have a genuine willingness to eat healthy and should therefore have less difficulties with sticking to the (virtue) consumption choices made earlier (Pelletier et al. 2004; Williams et al. 1996). These consumers should face less temptations for short-term desires that vice foods provide and rather stick to their diet as they have strong internal motivations to do so (Ryan and Deci 2000). Because both short-term and long-term goals align with each other (i.e. are pointed towards a healthy lifestyle), consumers high on autonomous health motivation are expected to be able to prevent themselves from acquiring unplanned food at the moment of consumption. Previous literature confirms this, for instance in the study of Williams et al. (1996), where refraining from intended behavior with regard to healthy eating was highly dependent of the underlying motivations of participants. Weijzen et al. (2009) found that with one day in between an initial choice and an actual choice, a quarter of their sample broke the initial intention to eat a healthy snack and instead opted for an unhealthy snack. However, participants with a higher initial health intention were more likely to stick to the initally made virtue option. Being autonomously motivated indeed seems to result in a greater persistence to_stick to healthy food_choices_(Pelletier_et_al._2004;_Vansteenkiste_et_al._2006).
the time of consumption, for instance due to a hungriness that could not have been foreseen when choosing what to eat in advance, these consumers are more prone to acquire unplanned food in order to satisfy appetite. Previous research on Self-Determination Theory reported that autonomously motivated individuals tend to have a better adjustment and greater cognitive flexibility (Deci et al. 1981; Grolnick and Ryan 1987), which enables those individuals to adjust behavior to current situations more easily. As such, the ability to listen to satiety signals and consume appropriate amounts should result in well-informed decisions with regard to the acquirement of unplanned food during consumption.
H3c. The negative effect of a larger amount of planned food on the amount of unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the stronger the effect of the the amount of food initially chosen on unplanned food consumption. H4c. The positive effect of the share of planned virtue food on the amount of unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, 1) the weaker the effect of the share of virtue food initially chosen on unplanned food consumption and 2) the stronger the effect of the share of planned virtue food on the share of unplanned virtue food.
PHASE_3: The Post-Consumption Moment: Food Disposal
Consuming versus disposing
Westerhoven 2013; WRAP 2012). For instance, WRAP (2012) reported that fresh vegetables and salads accounted for one-fifth of the total waste among UK households, while dairy and fresh fruit represented ten and seven per cent of the total amount of food disposed. In contrast, vice foods account for only up to 30% of waste. The vice category of cake and deserts, for instance, only represented five per cent of UK households’ waste in 2012 (WRAP). In line with these findings, we propose that a larger amount of food acquired will result in both a larger amount of waste and a larger share of virtue waste.
H5a. The total amount of planned and unplanned food acquired positively influences 1) the total amount of food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
In addition to the total amount of food that is acquired, the share of virtue food possibly
influences disposal behavior as well. It is known that vice foods are consumed relatively more easily compared to their virtue counterparts, due to the pleasurable experience that they comprise (Kivetz and Simonson 2002). This pleasurable experience motivates to continue eating those vices, even though consumers are not hungry anymore (Barnhill et al. 2014). This results in the virtue foods ending up unconsumed, with the eventual result of waste. This preference for vices over virtues is a possible explanation for the evidence on the large amounts of virtue foods that end up wasted worldwide (Van Westerhoven 2013; WRAP 2012). As proposed in the previous phases, when consumers initially acquired a high share of virtues for planned consumption, they are more prone to additionally acquire unplanned vices at the moment of consumption, to satisfy immediate desires (Bazerman et al., 1998; Hoch and Loewenstein 1991). This unplanned behavior leads to having more, possibly too much, food available. Since vice foods are preferred over virtues during consumption (Kirby and Herrnstein 1995; Read et al. 1999), more food waste, and a higher share of virtue waste, is expected as a result.
The_Influence_of_Health_Motivation_in_the_disposal_phase
The discrepancy between what food has been acquired and what food will be disposed might not solely be a consequence of the context, but might be driven by underlying personal health motivations. Previous research found that following a healthy diet was found to motivate consumers to reduce food waste (Cox and Downing 2007; Quested et al. 2013). This decrease resulted due to increased knowledge and awareness with regard to multiple food-related behaviors, such as what to eat and how much to eat. In line with these findings, we argue that less waste will result from consumers with a high autonomous health motivation, and more waste will result from consumers with a high controlled health motivation.
H5b. The positive effect of the amount of planned and unplanned food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food wasted depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the stronger the effect of the amount of food acquired on 1) total food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
Additionally, when consumers high on controlled motivation acquire a large percentage of virtue foods, this should lead to increased disposal behavior as well. When consumers high on controlled health motivation have acquired large amounts of virtues, but at the same time have a low determination and lack of internal motivation to eat healthy (Williams et al. 1996; Pelletier et al 2004), this has negative consequences for food disposal. Internal discrepancies between these consumers’ long-term health goals, that lead to acquiring virtues when deciding on what to eat in advance (Milkman et al. 2010), and short-term desires (Bazerman et al. 1998; Wertenbroch 1998), that lead to strong preferences for vices over virtues at the moment of consumption, are expected to drive this effect. When more virtue food is acquired, the amount of waste (both the total amount and the percentage of virtue waste) should also increase.
H6b. The positive effect of the share of virtue food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food wasted depends on a consumer’s health motivation: the higher the controlled health motivation, the stronger the effect of the share of virtue food acquired on 1) the total amount of food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
in moderate waste. This determined behavior among autonomously motivated consumers that should lead to less waste is in line with earlier findings on the importance of planning meals in advance. Planning meals and actually sticking to the consumption decisions made are highly recommended in order to reduce waste (Evans 2011; Parfitt et al. 2010; Stefan et al. 2013; Williams 2012). Hence, highly autonomously motivated consumers are expected to be better able to acquire appropriate amounts of food and to stick to their decisions, and as such, are expected to waste less food.
H5c. The positive effect of the amount of planned and unplanned food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food wasted depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the weaker the effect of the amount of food acquired on 1) total food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
Additionally, because of these consumers’ genuine willingness to eat healthy (Williams et al. 1996), it is expected that autonomously motivated consumers consistently consume their acquired virtue foods, and as such, the percentage of acquired virtues should not influence the amount of total waste nor the amount of virtue waste either.
H6c. The positive effect of the share of virtue food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food wasted depends on a consumer’s health motivation: the higher the autonomous health motivation, the weaker the effect of the share of virtue food acquired on 1) the total amount of food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
METHODOLOGY Design and procedure
advance. The time of ordering was kept stable (around 10 A.M.) and participants additionally had to indicate their level of hungriness. The randomly assigned participants were presented with a menu that included three vices (i.e. a sausage roll, a cheese roll and a croquette in a bun) and three virtues (i.e. a multigrain roll with chicken filet and cucumber, a muesli roll with cheese and a fruit bowl). The pre-order menu can be found in appendix I. The appearance of the items on the menu was counterbalanced and it was allowed to choose a maximum of three per item (resulting in a possible total of 18 items). Participants were asked to choose quantities they would normally have ordered for lunch.
During the lunch, two of the four groups were allowed to choose extra unplanned virtue and vice foods if desired. In the other two groups, the participants could only eat what they had acquired in advance (i.e. their planned consumption) and could not acquire extra food. After the lunch, participants’ food waste was individually and manually weighted. Immediately after lunch, participants filled in a short survey with regard to their satisfaction. A week after the lunch took place, participants filled in an online survey that covered questions about additional socio-demographic information and personal traits, among which health motivation. Participants were debriefed and thanked in the end.
Measures
Health motivation. Autonomous and controlled health motivation were measured by a
items, three subscales1 were derived. Both autonomous and controlled health motivation
measures exceeded the critical threshold of Cronbach’s Alpha (both >8). The correlation between the two measures was below .40. Details can be found in appendix II.
TABLE 1. Descriptives (N=215)
Scale Scale range
(min-max)
Mean SD
Temporal distance 0-1 .48 .501
Controlled health motivation 1-7 2.99 1.09
Autonomous health motivation 1-7 4.85 1.03
Planned food acquired (in items) 1-7 3.15 1,05
Planned share of virtue food acquired 0-1 53.78 .27
Unplanned food acquired (in items) 0-2 .26 .54
Unplanned share of virtue food acquired 0-1 7.44 .25
Waste in gram 0-186 14.34 31.79
Percentage of waste 0-57 4.32 .20
Percentage of virtue waste 0-79.4 24.92 70.46
Gender (male) 0-1 .47 .50
BMI 15-33 21.98 2.36
Level of hungriness 1-7 3.94 1.15
Satisfaction 1-7 4.89 .98
Covariates. Gender, (BMI (calculated by dividing self-reported weight in kg by height2 in meters – mean BMI in this sample was 22, SD=2.36), the level of hungriness at the choice moment (on a 7-point Likert scale from 1-not at all hungry to 7-very hungry) and the level of satisfaction after the lunch (on a 7-point Likert scale from 1-not at all satisfied to 7-very satisfied), were additionally taken into account as control variables.
RESULTS Results for phase 1: Choice behavior
For the first phase we expected temporal distance and health motivation to affect the total number of items acquired and the share of virtue foods acquired. Table 2 displays the results.
TABLE 2. Parameter estimates for phase 1: Amount of food and share of virtue food acquired as a function of temporal distance between choice and consumption moment
and health motivation (main effect and interactions)
Variable DV: total amount of
food acquired (in items)
DV: share of virtue food acquired
Intercept 1.84 (.90) .25 (.23)
Temporal distance .12 (.14) -.11** (.04)
Controlled health motivation .04 (.09) -.06** (.02)
Autonomous health motivation -.02 (.20) .10** (.02)
Temporal distance X controlled health motivation
-.02 (.15) .10** (.04) Temporal distance X autonomous health
motivation .16 (.15) -.08** (.04) Gender (male) .57** (.14) -.11** (.04) Hungriness .20** (.05) -.02 (.01) Satisfaction -.04 (.07) .02 (.02) BMI .02 (.03) -.00 (.01)
*Significant at the .1 level **Significant at the .05 level
Notes: Robust standard errors are in parentheses.
Effects on the total amount of food acquired
A linear regression concerning the order size (in items) revealed that the participants did not acquire a higher number of items in a close compared to a distant consumption time frame (B=.118, p=.386), contrasting H1a. The interaction between temporal distance and health motivation did not significantly impact order size either (controlled B=-.024, p=.872 and autonomous B=.156, p=.297).
Effects on the share of virtue foods
-.059 p=.013) and autonomous health motivation positively (B=.104, p=<.001) influenced the share of virtue food, in the expected directions.
In line with the predictions, the interaction between temporal distance and controlled health motivation was significant and in the expected direction (B=.102, p=.006). Participants with a high controlled health motivation choose more virtue food in a distant time frame, confirming H2b. We also found a significant interaction between temporal distance and autonomous health motivation (B=-.075, p=.05), although in the reversed direction. Both interactions are depicted in figure 2 (standardized values based on +/- 1 SD from the mean). Figure 2a reveals that the significant effect of temporal distance and controlled health motivation on the share of virtue food is driven by the difference in the percentage of virtues acquired between low and high values of controlled health motivation for a close time frame (i.e., 2 hours between choice and consumption moment). High controlled health motivated participants acquire a smaller percentage of virtues compared to those low on controlled health motivation when the consumption moment is close (Mlowcontrolled=60.6% vs.
Mhighcontrolled= 55.6%), but acquire a significantly higher percentage of virtues in the distant
future (Mlowcontrolled=42.6% vs. Mhighcontrolled= 54.8%).
FIGURE 2b. Share of virtues in either a close or a distant time frame (between the choice and consumption moments) for controlled and autonomous health
motivation
Figure 2b reveals that highly autonomously motivated participants acquire a higher share of virtues in both consumption moments compared to participants that score lower on this motivational_trait (in close consumption moment, Mlowautonomous=49.7% vs.
Mhighautonomous=67.6%, in distant consumption Mlowautonomous=41.7% vs. Mhighautonomous=55.3%).
For both, a higher share of virtues results in a close consumption frame.
Discussion
controlled motivated consumers acquire a higher percentage of virtue products when the time between the choice and consumption moment is more distant. In line with previous research, it indeed seems that those consumers face constraints with regard to short-term desires that are salient when a smaller temporal frame is present (Bazerman et al. 1998; Wertenbroch, 1998). Consumers with an autonomous motivation face less difficulties with these short-term desires, as they acquire high percentages of virtues in both temporal frames, although a slightly higher share when the consumption moment is more close. As a next step, it will be assessed what influence the acquired food of phase 1, also referred to as planned food consumption in the next phases, has, on acquiring unplanned food during actual consumption.
Results for phase 2: Consumption
Of the participants that were allowed to acquire unplanned food (n=100), 46% decided to
actually make use of this opportunity. Of these unplanned foods, roughly two-third were vices and the remaining one-third were virtues. The results of the regression analyses are presented in table 32.
TABLE 3. Parameter estimates for phase 2: Amount of unplanned food and share of unplanned virtue food acquired as a function of planned food (total amount and share of
virtue food) and health motivation (main effect and interactions)
Variable DV: total amount of
unplanned food acquired (in items)
DV: share of unplanned virtue food acquired
Intercept -.46 (.29) -.39 (.20)
Amount of food planned -.05** (.03) ,04** (.02)
Share of planned virtue food -.05 (.1) -.01 (.07)
Controlled health motivation -.02 (.02) .00 (.02)
Autonomous health motivation .04 (.03) -.01 (.02)
Amount of food planned X share of planned virtue food
.33** (.03) -.01 (.02) Amount of food planned X controlled health
motivation
-.00 (.03) .00 (.02) Amount of food planned X autonomous health
motivation
-.09** (.03) -.02 (.02)
2 Due to presence of multicollinearity, variables had been adjusted by creating the interaction terms and
Share of planned virtue food X controlled health motivation
-.00 (.03) -.01 (.02) Share of planned virtue food X autonomous
health motivation
-.02 (.03) .01 (.02)
Gender (male) .05 (.05) -.06 (.04)
Unplanned food allowed (dummy) .35** (.06) .15** (.03)
Hungriness .02 (.02) .00 (.01)
Satisfaction .03 (.03) .04** (.02)
BMI .02* (.01) .01 (.01)
*Significant at the .1 level **Significant at the .05 level
Notes: Robust standard errors are in parentheses.
Effects_on_amount_of_unplanned_food_acquired
A linear regression revealed a significant and negative main effect for the amount of planned food acquired on the amount of unplanned food acquired (B=-.053, p=.038) consistent with the expectations and thus confirming H3a. Interestingly, although not hypothesized, we found a significant interaction between the amount of planned food acquired and the percentage of planned virtue food on the amount of unplanned food (B=.334,
p=<.001). This interaction was included because of the interest in the effects of both the amount of food and the share of virtues acquired and possible interplays between those variables. Figure 4 visualizes the effect.
FIGURE 4. The effect of the amount of planned food acquired and the share of planned virtues on the number of unplanned items acquired
health motivation, the interaction between the amount of planned food acquired and controlled health motivation was insignificant (B=-.002, p=.935). A significant and negative intereraction between the amount of planned food acquired and autonomous health motivation on the amount of unplanned food acquired (B=-.085, p=.001) was found (figure 5). The figure (low and high values of autonomous health motivation are based on a median split) reveals that the interaction seems predominantly driven by participants that initially acquired relatively few planned food items. Autonomous health motivated consumers with a small amount of planned food acquired (i.e. up to three items) acquired unplanned foods to a larger extent compared to consumers low on autonomous motivation. The items that those consumers additionally aquired consisted mainly of vices (Munplannedvices=.18 vs.
Munplannedvirtues=.06).
FIGURE 5. The effect of the amount of planned food acquired and autonomous health motivation on the number of unplanned items acquired
Effects on the share of unplanned virtue food
With regard to the share of unplanned virtue foods, the amount of planned food acquired (in number of items) positively influenced the percentage of unplanned virtues acquired (B=.035, p=.033). The interactions with both types of health motivation remained insignificant (controlled B=.003, p=.866 and autonomous B=-.018, p=.341).
The effect of the share of planned virtue food acquired on unplanned virtue food acquired was insignificant (B=-.010, p=.876). The interactions with both types of health motivation did not influence the share of unplanned virtues (controlled B=-.012, p=.500 and autonomous B=.011, p=.522).
Discussion
The results demonstrate that when consumers initially acquire a small amount of food, unplanned food will be acquired at the moment of consumption. More interestingly, consumers that initially acquire a small amount of food consisting of a relatively high share of virtues, are prone to acquire unplanned food at the moment of consumption. Since unplanned food mainly covers vices, it indeed seems that when initially having chosen mainly healthy food, and not enough food is acquired, unplanned, unhealthy food is additionally acquired. As such, besides that unplanned food is acquired in order to satisfy appetite, it seems that participants are also tempted by the desires for vices that have not been satisfied by initial food consumption choices, consistent with earlier research (Bazerman et al. 1998; Wertenbroch 1998). These unplanned choices could possibly lead to a higher amount of food waste_in_the_disposal_phase.
been tempted by unplanned food during consumption, a possible explanation is that those consumers only acquired unplanned food when their planned consumption did not satisfy their satiety. However, despite the genuine willingness to eat healthy, most unplanned foods were vices. Hence, it seems that even consumers with strong health motivations face difficulties with resisting short-term desires. Whether these acquired foods are consumed or end up as waste will be examined as a next step.
Results for phase 3: Disposal
Continuing with the last stage of consumer behavior, disposal, we measured the amounts
of food that ended up as waste. Participants disposed, on average, 4.3% of their acquired food. The majority of waste (70%) consisted of virtue food. For testing the hypotheses, the total amount of food acquired and the percentage of virtue food acquired were taken into account as independent variables, together with the interactions of health motivation. As dependent measures, both total amount of waste (measured in gram and as percentage of what was acquired) and the percentage of virtue waste (of this total percentage of waste) were taken into account. Table 4 gives an_overview_of_the_results3.
TABLE 4. Parameter estimates for phase 3: Food waste in gram, percentage and percentage virtue waste as a function of acquired food (total amount and share of virtue
food) and health motivation (main effect and interactions)
Variable DV: total waste
(in gram) DV: percentage of waste DV: percentage of virtue waste Intercept 36.23 (25.52) .18 (.08) 89.47 (58,22)
Amount of food acquired 4.97** (2.11) .0 (.01) 4.64 (4.81) Share of virtue food acquired 17.15** (8.27) 0.43* (.03) 42.08** (18.87) Controlled health motivation .71 (2.12) .00 (.01) 3.93 (4.84) Autonomous health motivation -2.07 (2.35) -.01 (.01) -5.34 (5.35) Amount of food acquired X Share of
virtue food acquired
1.38 (2.236) -.00 (.01) -6.15 (5.1)
3 Due to presence of multicollinearity, variables have been adjusted by creating the interaction terms and
Amount of food acquired X controlled health motivation
-2.85 (2.27) -.01* (.01) -.16 (5.19) Amount of food acquired X
autonomous health motivation
6.44** (2.37) .02** (.01) 10.52* (6.0) Share of virtue food acquired X
controlled health motivation
4.67** (2.23) .02** (.01) 3.47 (5.08) Share of virtue food acquired X
autonomous health motivation
-1.45 (2.26) -.01 (.01) -3.31 (5.16)
Gender (male) -5.91 (4.84) -.03* 9(.02) -15.71 (11.04)
Unplanned food allowed (dummy) .80 (4.47) .00 (.01) -8.78 (10.19)
Hungriness .28 (1.53) .00 (.01) 2.12 (3.49)
Satisfaction -3.99 (2.19) -.01** (.01) -4.63 (5.0)
BMI -.87 (.95) -.00 (.00) -2.85 (2.16)
*Significant at the .1 level **Significant at the .05 level
Notes: Robust standard errors are in parentheses.
Effects of total amount of food acquired
The main effect of the total amount of food acquired on the total amount of food wasted (in gram) deemed positive and significant (B=.4.97 p=.019), partly confirming H5a. The effects of total order on percentage wasted (B=.0, p=.960) and share of virtue waste (B=4.64, p=.336) remained insignificant. With regard to the interactions with health motivation, although only marginally significant and only present for one waste measure, the interaction between amount of food acquired the and controlled health motivation on the percentage of waste was significant and negative (B=-.012, p=.079). When those consumers acquired more food, they ended up wasting less, opposed to what was hypothesized. The interaction remained insignificant for the total amount of waste (B=-.2.85, p=.212) and share of virtue waste (B=-.16, p=.976) and as such, no strong support is given for this finding.
FIGURE 6. Amount of food acquired and autonomous health motivation on waste
The figures reveal that the difference in waste between participants low and high on autonomous health motivation (based on +/- 1 SD from the mean) is affected by participants with a larger number of food items acquired (i.e. > four items) (F=.325, p=.570
Mlowautonomous=13.9 gram vs. Mhighautonomous=19.13 gram). Consumers low on autonomous
motivation dispose a lower amount of food compared to those low on autonomous health motivation (F=1.207, p=.274 Mlowautonomous=16.3 gram vs. Mhighautonomous=11 gram).
Effects of share of virtue food acquired
A linear regression including the share of virtue food acquired as the independent variable and interactions of health motivation was performed. Results confirm that when participants acquire a higher percentage of virtue items, this significantly leads to more waste in total
(B=17.2, p=.039), a higher percentage of waste relative of the acquired food order (B=.043,
p=.1) and a higher percentage of virtue waste (B=42.1, p=.027). This is in support of H6a. Concerning consumers high on controlled health motivation, those with a higher percentage of acquired virtues indeed wasted more food in total (B=4.67, p=.037) and more food as a percentage of what was acquired (B=.016, p=.018) (figure 7), but this did not influence the amount of virtue waste (B=3.47, p=.496). As such, H6b can be partly confirmed.
FIGURE 7. Share of virtue food acquired and controlled health motivation on the percentage of food waste
Consumers with a strong autonomous health motivation did not waste more when their share of virtues was higher (total waste in gram B=-1.45 p=.524, percentage of waste B=-.006 p=.411 and percentage virtue waste B=-3.31 p=.521) in line with what was proposed, and thus confirming H6c.
Discussion
It was found that the amount of food acquired positively influences disposal behavior. The more food is acquired, the more food waste results. However, relatively seen, the percentage of waste does not increase with a larger order, nor does the percentage of virtue waste. This suggests that consumers might be prone to overestimate their consumption to some extent, either during planning on what to eat (in phase 1), or during the consumption moment (in phase 2). Whether foods eventually are consumed or disposed, partly depends on consumers’ health motivation.
Firstly, with regard to the effect of the total amount of food acquired on waste, the effect was stronger for participants with a high autonomous health motivation, and this effect was driven by consumers that acquired a large amount of food (i.e. > four items). A possible explanation is that autonomously motivation consumers, who are better able to adjust and have greater cognitive flexibility (Deci et al. 1981; Grolnick and Ryan 1987), are able to exert portion size control and stop eating when they are saturated. Up to three food items seems plenty for most consumers, with the result of more waste when more food is acquired.
eating behavior, such as overeating and bulimic symptomatology, among these consumers (Pelletier et al. 2004, Pelletier and Dion 2007, Williams et al. 1996). Rewarding foods, such as vices, tend to be reinforcing, and the pleasure that is derived from this food motivates to continue eating (Barnhill et al. 2014). As such, especially for restrained eaters such as controlled motivated consumers, the continuation of eating vice foods could explain why it led to a smaller amount of waste in total, while with a higher percentage of virtues acquired, which are seemingly less attractive, waste increased to a higher extent.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
The results of our experimental study demonstrate that food waste happens as a result of multiple decisions made during planning on what to eat and on what is actually consumed. We report two pathways from choice to consumption that lead to increased disposal behavior. A larger amount of food waste results when more food is acquired, and similarly, a higher share of virtue food acquired leads to increased waste behavior. Temporal distance and health motivation influence the share of virtue food acquired during the choice moment, while the latter also influences the amount of unplanned food acquired, both leading to differing behaviors with regard to eventual disposal.
consumption moment are important means to decrease waste.
With regard to the second pathway, the content of the food (i.e. the share of virtue food) influences all three phases. A higher share of virtues (in phase 1) is chosen when the temporal distance between the choice and consumption moment is close. This higher virtue share also leads to acquiring more unplanned food during the moment of consumption when not enough food was initially chosen (in phase 2). A higher share of virtues eventually leads to increased waste (in phase 3). As such, it seems that consumers opt for relatively more virtues in a short time frame between the choice and consumption moment, but if this high share is chosen, and only a few items are acquired for consumption in advance, consumers are tempted by unhealthy vice foods at the moment consumption. Having too much healthy virtue foods available indeed results in more waste, and as such, a danger in overestimating virtue food consumption during the choice moment does not only lead to unplanned unhealthy food acquirement during the consumption moment, it also has negative consequences for disposal behavior.
We additionally demonstrate that a larger amount of food acquired leads to increased waste behavior, especially among autonomous health motivated consumers, while a higher share of virtue food leads to increased waste behavior, especially among controlled health motivated consumers. Interestingly, this demonstrates that autonomous health motivated consumers’ disposal behavior is mainly influenced by how much is consumed, while controlled health motivated consumers’ disposal behavior is mainly influenced by what isisconsumed. An overview of all hypotheses and results is provided in table 4.
TABLE 4. Overview of hypotheses and results
Hypothesis Confirmed
PHASE 1: CHOICE BEHAVIOR
H1a. Consumers acquire a smaller amount of food when the consumption moment is
distant versus close.
X
H1b. The effect of the temporal distance on the amount of food acquired depends on a
consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the larger the difference between the amount of food acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
H1c The effect of the temporal distance on the amount of food acquired depends on a
consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the smaller the difference between the amount of food acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
X
H2a. Consumers acquire a larger share of virtue food when the consumption moment is
distant versus close.
X (reversed)
H2b. The effect of the temporal distance on the share of virtue food acquired depends on a
consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the larger the difference between the share of virtue products acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
H2c. The effect of the temporal distance on the share of virtue food acquired depends on a
consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the smaller the difference between the share of virtue foods acquired in distant versus close consumption moments.
X (reversed)
PHASE 2: ACTUAL CONSUMPTION
H3a. The total amount of planned food acquired negatively influences the amount of
unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption
H3b. The negative effect of a larger acquired planned order on the amount of unplanned
food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the stronger the effect of the the amount of food initially acquired on unplanned consumption.
X
H3c. The negative effect of a larger acquired planned order on the amount of unplanned
food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the stronger the effect of the the amount of planned food acquired on unplanned consumption.
H4a. The share of planned virtue food acquired 1) positively influences the amount of
unplanned food acquired at the moment of consumption and 2) negatively influences the share of unplanned virtue food acquired at the moment of consumption.
1. X 2. X
H4b. The positive effect of the share of planned virtue food on the amount of unplanned
food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, 1) the stronger the effect of the share of planned virtue food on unplanned food and 2) the weaker the effect of the share of virtue food initially acquired on the share of unplanned virtue food.
1. X 2.
H4c. The positive effect of the share of planned virtue food on the amount of unplanned
food acquired at the moment of consumption depends on a consumer’s health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, 1) the weaker the effect of the share of planned virtue food on unplanned food and 2) the stronger the effect of the share of planned virtue food on the share of unplanned virtue food.
1. 2. X
PHASE 3: DISPOSAL
H5a. The total amount of planned and unplanned food acquired positively influences 1) the
total amount of food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste
1. 2. X
H5b. The positive effect of the amount of planned and unplanned food acquired on the
amount of food waste depends on an individuals’ health motivation: The higher the controlled health motivation, the stronger the effect of the amount of food acquired on 1) total food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
1. X (reversed)
2. X (reversed)
H5c. The positive effect of the amount of planned and unplanned food acquired on the
amount of food waste depends on an individuals’ health motivation: The higher the autonomous health motivation, the weaker the effect of the amount of food acquired on 1) total food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste.
1. X (reversed)
2. X (reversed)
H6a. The share of virtue food acquired positively influences 1) the amount of total food
waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste
H6b. The positive effect of the share of virtue food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food
wasted depends on an individuals’ health motivation: the higher the autonomous health motivation, the weaker the effect of the share of virtue food acquired on 1) the amount of total food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste
1. 2.
H6b. The positive effect of the share of virtue food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food
waste depends on an individuals’ health motivation: the higher the controlled health motivation, the stronger the effect of the share of virtue food acquired on 1) the amount of total food waste and 2) the share of virtue foods waste.
1. 2. X
H6c. The positive effect of the share of virtue food acquired on the amount of (virtue) food
wasted depends on an individuals’ health motivation: the higher the autonomous health motivation, the weaker the effect of the share of virtue food acquired on 1) the amount of total food waste and 2) the share of virtue food waste
1. 2.
Contributions_to_marketing_theory
The present paper contributes to a growing body of research on consumer food waste behavior. By diving into the conceptual understandings of why consumers waste so much, this research fills a knowledge gap. Our findings provide initial evidence that could inform multiple literature streams on sustainable consumption, food waste, Temporal construal level theory_and_Self-Determination_theory.
Temporal construal theory was proposed to affect choice behavior (in phase 1), but no general support was found for the preference for virtues over vices on the long-term (Milkman et al. 2010; VanEpps 2016). We even found a reversed effect. Possible explanations for this finding are the delay of gratification (Kivetz and Simonson 2002) and the sample that was used for our study (see limitations section). However, the effect was present for controlled health motivated consumers. To discover what drove the results, additional_research_should_be_conducted.
expected to lead to an increase in food disposal, due to internal discrepancies between short-term and long-short-term desires that were proposed to lead to inconsistent consumption decisions in phases 1 and 2. However, the opposite effect was found, as those consumers showed decreased disposal behavior when having acquired more food. A proposed explanation is that those consumers’ issues with emotional and restrained eating (Pelletier et al. 2004; Pelletier and Dion 2007; Williams et al. 1996), made them prone to continue eating until they finished all the foods available to them. However, those consumers do waste higher amounts of food when their acquired share of virtue foods is larger. It indeed seems that while these consumers intent to eat large amounts of virtue foods, in the end, they do not behave accordingly because the lack of genuine willingness to do so, in line with previous findings (Pelletier et al. 2004; Williams et al. 1996). As previous literature proposed, vice foods are relatively more easily consumed compared to virtue foods (Kivetz and Simonson 2002). In this study, this seemed especially relevant among controlled motivated consumers, leading the virtue foods to be left over.
Wertenbroch 1998). Those consumers ended up disposing more food, and as such, although facing difficulties to resist temptations during consumption, eventually, autonomously motivated consumers seem to be able to exert control over what is consumed. Those consumers might focus to a higher extent about not wanting to overeat compared to not wanting to waste food. In the present study, this had the negative consequence of more waste, but an advantage is that it is better for one’s health (i.e. weight control) in the long-term. The ability to exert self-control over food intake at the moment of consumption, which thus might be present for autonomously motivated consumers, but to a lesser extent for controlled motivated consumers, might be a factor underlying the findings that influence the path from choice to consumption to disposal. Although we did not included self-control in our research, in multiple studies, self-control is proposed as the mechanism that accompanies decisions about the future and with regard to food intake (cf. Adriaanse et al. 2014; Laran, 2009; Salmon and Fennis 2014; Schwarzer 2008; VanEpps 2016). Future research could further investigate the role of self-control with regard to the decisions on food consumption choces, actual consumption and subsequent disposal_behavior.
Contributions to marketing practice
food categories (i.e., vegetables, fruits, bread, dairy). Keeping control and having knowledge over consumption sizes and content, which already starts with paying attention during the choice moment, for instance at the point-of-purchase, should be carefully considered. In addition, understanding the role of health motivation has important implications, not only with regard to disposal behavior, but also possibly for one’s health. It seems that while autonomously motivated consumers are able to stop eating when they are saturated (with the result of waste), controlled motivated consumers tend to end up consuming all available foods, with possible negative health consequences in the long-run (e.g. weight gain). They waste more when their share of virtues is higher. By means of public interventions, consumers could be informed about the connection between choices made at the grocery store or canteen or canteen at work, the darkside of temptations, both during the choice and consumption moment, and eventual disposal behavior. Consumers who are involved with healthy eating should be aware about the motivations behind their behavior and the differential effects this poses on food waste. It seems that constrained eaters (i.e., those with a controlled health motivation) face issues with the content of food, as a higher share of virtues leads to increased waste behavior. Autonomously motivated consumers face issues with the amount of food that is acquired, as more food acquired led to more waste for those consumers.
Limitations_and_future_research
